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Seventy-seven years of editorial freedom
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under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications

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sWALTER SHAPIRO

420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.

News Phone: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Doily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

FRI DAY, JUNE 28, 1968

NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN GRAY


In reply:
Hope for America

IRONICALLY, the tragedy and frus-
tration of the last three months
have only served to reaffirm my faith
in the American electoral system.
Those who advocate revolution or an-
archy do so out of rightful indignation
over the prospects for next November's
Presidential election.
However, they do so without regard
for the consequences for such a course
of action. And without the understand-
ing that the reason we now face such
limited alternatives is the belated ac-
tivities of American liberals who too
late saw the possibilities present with-
in the electoral system. Those who are
concerned about the direction of this
nation are understandably impatient
with a system which may take four
years to change.
But to choose the course of revolu-
tion would set events into motion
which would permanently prevent an
end to American imperialism and a
change in the racist attitudes of the
average white American. To elect to
leave the system is to shirk one's social
responsibility.
I am painfully aware that the efforts
of the Kennedy and McCarthy presi-
dential campaigns now appear futile,
even though the voters of the primary
states have registered widespread dis-
satisfaction with the policies of the
Johnson administration. Humphrey
will almost certainly be nominated in
Chicago. And American and Vietnam-
ese lives are still being lost at an un-
precedented rate in Southeast Asia.
BUT CAN THE assassination of one
man make the electoral system
unworkable where only three weeks
ago there was a real possibility that
Humphrey could be toppled. Of course,
it is questionable whether RFK would
have been nominated, but there were
enough indefinite factors to say that
the feat could have been accomplished.
The American liberal must take re-
sponsibility for the current failure of
the American electoral system. (And
I might add Humphrey is no longer an
American liberal.) It is the fault of
those who are working for McCarthy
and had worked for Kennedy who en-
tered American politics too late to con-
trol the party machinery. American
politics demands a permanent com-
mitment, not just a frantic effort to
remedy problems of which many have
only recently become aware.
The heralded- new politics which
brought many of us hope after New
Hampshire has not had time to effect
the changes necessary in the person-
nel and policies of American politics.
The nation's politicians do not remain
in power because of their insidious ma-
chinations. They remain in power for
a very simple reason-they control the
votes at their state conventions.
And they control the votes at state
conventions, such as in Michigan, be-
cause two years ago, when precinct
delegates were being elected, the con-
cerned American liberal was too com-
placent to run for delegate and enter
the supposed dirty world of American
politics. If the grass roots support
which is currently present for a can-
didate who opposes the war and seeks
broad solutions to the problems of the
American cities were present and or-
ganized two years ago, Humphrey
would not now be in his commanding
position.
OF COURSE, delegates elected two
years ago should not be able to
nominate a Presidential candidate
whose views are not held by a majority

of the electorate. But this is a situation
which can be remedied if we are willing
to reform the American political pro-
cess. In 1972, Michigan could have a
binding Presidential primary if enough
signatures for a referendum can be
secured and the electorate can be per-
suaded to vote foi' the concept.
I realize that in these unhappy times
a call for reform and patience is not
consoling. But to leave the system now

is to allow those who currently hold
power to strengthen their grip on the
American political system. To flee out
of frustration to the barricades is to
invite the fascist reaction which Amer-
ica is so very capable of delivering.
T DON'T CONSIDER myseif either
naive or particularly loyal to the
Democratic party as it stands now. But
there is hope for change. As a Kennedy
staff member, I worked in Indiana for
three weeks fighting one of the most
corrupt Democratic machines in the
country. It is quite an experience to
walk into a polling place before dawn
the day of the election and find two
hundred votes registered for Branigan
before the polls have even opened. But
Kennedy and McCarthy together polled
69 per cent of the vote regardless.
The results of the Indiana primary
convinced me that the Democratic par-
ty can be salvaged as an instrument
for social change.
(I don't wish to defend the inglorious
history of the Democratic party, but
it would seem absurd to consider the
Republican party, with its overwhelm-
ingly conservative constituency, as po-
tentially progressive.)
CONCERNED HUMAN beings must or-
ganize politically now even though
the fruits of such an undertaking may
be years off. The President of course
determines the direction of American
foreign policy and in this area liberals
will be hard pressed. But a President
can not realistically remain completely
insensitive to an articulate political
majority. I would remind those who
have opposed the war for the past four
years and watched the insensitivity of
the Johnson administration, that our
opposition has only recently represent-
ed the majority opinion of the Amer-
ican electorate.
In the area of urban problems, there
is great potential for action. The fed-
eral government is even now not the
only source of initiative and money in
this area. Within the next two years,
both Ann Arbor and Detroit will have
balloted for the mayors of their cities.
As Mayor Lindsay has demonstrated,
there is great potential for good on
the badly neglected local levels of
government. Within two years, Michi-
gan could have a new imaginative gov-
ernor and new state legislature which
would be responsible to the people in-
stead of to the state's special interests.
THE IMPORTANT, relevant question
is not whether to join the bar-
ricades or to leave the system, but how
to educate the electorate so they will
vote for those candidates who wish
to change the direction of America.
This is a major undertaking which will
require major personal commitments.
The call for action should go out for
personal commitments to change the
electoral system, not for nihilism and
revolution.
For to invite revolution or to con-
done anarchy is to invite the police
state. To shirk one's social responsi-
bility is to commit black Americans to
another century of exploitation and
servitude under the watchful eye of
the nation's police forces and national
guard units. To opt out of the system
is to insure the continuation of Amer-
ican imperialism around the world, for
the system will continue. To encourage
violence in our society, where non-
violent means may achieve the same
goals is immoral.

MY SYMPATHIES are with radical
politics for I am ashamed of my
country. I too am disillusioned, alien-
ated and frightened. But I cannot give
up my belief that change is possible
and engage in the futility and destruc-
tiveness of anarchy and revolution. I
intend to continue to work for change
as a responsible liberal. There are
enough of us to change the world.
-MARK LEVIN
Editor

W ASHINGTON (CPS)-Con-
fucius, born 2,519 years
ago, said, "The young are to be
respected. How do we know that
the next generation will not meas-
ure up to the present one? But
if a man has reached 40 or 50
and nothing has been heard of
him, then I grant that he is not
worthy of respect."
He also said, "Learning without
thinking is labor lost; thinking
without learning is perilous."
These two quotations from an
ancient Chinese philosopher per-
haps can add perspective to the
student rebellions - avant-garde
of the revolution of the young-
which are now dominating the
political and social scenes of
countries from East to West, from
the Communist to the Capitalistic
systems, from the highly develop-
ed to the underdeveloped nations
of the world..
BY VIRTUE of the rapid prog-
ress and development of science
and technology on which the
world builds its power and val-
ues, it is all too clear that the
next generation not only will
measure up to the present one,
but will surpass it.
At the same time, the multi-
tude of men over 40 and 50 from
which nothing humanly signifi-
cant has been heard is losing its
moral ground and is "not worthy
of respect." Worse, when they are
heard, the men of 40 and 50 in
positions of power and decision
echo the thunders of guns in far-
away places such as the jungles
of Vietnam and Bolivia, and the
distinct lament of the hungry,
Good ol
America
The following was inserted
in the Congressional Record by
Rep. John M. Ashbrook of
Ohio, and is a statement by
Neil McCaffrey, president of the
Conservative Book Club.-Ed.
YOU'RE old enough to rem-
ember the real America if
you can't remember when you
never dreamed our country sould
ever lose. When you left the front
door open. When you went to
church and found spiritual con-
solation. When. people knew what
the Fourth of July stood for.
When you took it for granted
that women and the elderly and
the clergy were towbe respected.
When a girl was consiered
daring if she smoked in public.
When a girl was a girl. When a
boy was a boy. When they liked
each other.
When you didn't feel embarras-
sed to say that this is the best
damn country in the world. When
socialist was a dirty word. When
liberal wasn't.
WHEN A nickel was worth five
cents and could buy you a maga-
zine, or a goo cigar, or a 12-
ounce Pepsi, or a big ice cream
cone with chocolate sprinkles, or
a beer When two nickels got
you into the movies on Saturday
afternoon, and you saw three pic-
tures.
When taxes were only a nui-
sance. When the poor were too
proud to take charity. When you
weren't afraid to go out at night.
When Protestants and Catholics
thought enough of their beliefs
to argue about them. When ghet-
tos were neighborhoods.
WHEN YOU knew that the law
meant justice, and you felt a
little shiver of awe at the sight
of a policeman. When young fel-
lows tried to join the army or
navy. When songs had a tune.
When you wrote love notes.
When criminals went to jail.
When you could get away from it

all once in a while. When you
bragged about your home state
and yourrhome town. When poli-
ticians proclaimed their patrio-
tism.
WHEN CLERKS and repair-
men tried to please you, or else.
When a Sunday drive was an ad-
venture, not an ordeal. When you
had to be brave to fly. When you
could always find someone will-
ing and able, whenever you want-
ed something done. When riots
were unthinkable.
When the clergy talked about
religion. When you took it for
granted the law would be enforc-
ed, and your safety protected.
When Christmas was merry, and
Christ was kept in. When the flag
was a sacred smybol. When our
government stood up for Ameri-
cans, anywhere in the world.
When a man who went wrong
was blamed, not his mother's
nursing habits or his father's in-
come.
WHEN EVERYONE knew the
difference between right and
wrong, even Harvard professors.
When things weren't perfect, but
you never expected them to be.
When you weren't made to feel
guilty for enjoying dialect com-
edy.
When people still had the capa-
city for indignation. When you

the oppressed, the victims of
brutality and social injustices goes
unheard.
Slogans to justify national poli-
cies become irrelevant and ob-
scene. A town has to be destroyed
to be saved; a country has to be
pacified and napalmed to be
democratic; a man is condemned
because he follows the teachings
of his Church; and law and ord-
er are invoked to impose unjust
laws and unacceptable order.
POLITICS, WHICH IS the art
of governing with the consent of
the governed, and power, which
derives from the mandate con-
ferred upon by the masses, are
ruthlessly and immorally used to
satisfy the ambition and the ego
of a very few. Political parties
are facades for non-participation
and freedom is nothing but a
clever device for suppression of
dissent. All these Kafka-like phe-
nomena makes the young ques-
tion the morality of the old and
the validity of the old institu-
tions.
At school, a young man is sub-
merged with knowledge that is
mostly irrelevant to the problems
he sees in his society, in his
neighborhood, in the world, and
within himself. A suffocating
bureaucracy and a cascade of so-
cial events take away his time,
his power of thinking, and his
leisure for romantic aspirations.
Thinking becomes the monoply
of corporations, and of the
"think-tanks," the Rands and the
Hudsons where scientists andaso-
called experts in their glass lab-
oratories manipulate men and so-
cieties to fit into their intellec-
tual games. A mouse is no dif-
ferent from a human being, and
much less different from a nation.
They are all subjects for experi-
mentation. They are to be dissec-
ted and tested by people who
think, but have not learned eith-
er from within or from the world
around.
A social scientist devises formu-
las to "win the hearts and minds"
of peasants whose only wish is to
remain pure in their heart and
claen in their mind. A harmless
looking scientist invents machines
to kill with the greatest of ease
and little noise.
CONFRONTED WITH THIS
environment, a young man has
no other choice except to say,"no"
to his elders and their establish-
ments. He loses faith in any org-
anized body, in any dogma, or

say no,
any-ism because he knows that
sooner or later these doctrines
and these institutions will lead
him into an invisible prison and
into the forests of Vietnam. No
wonder why in many student
meetings and demonstrations, the
Black Flag of anarchism is raised.
But in the tumult of their com-
mitment, in the fracas of their
rebellions, students realize that
they are struggling for a saner
and a more humane, more com-
passionate community of men in
which sharing is important and
thinking and learning must be
related. This realization explains
the presence of the Red Flag with-
out the hammer and the sickle
and the stars, the plain Red Flag
of the brave, the committed, of
those who believe in participatory
democracy and communal life.
Communism with a small "c" is
in order.
The measure of success of the
student rebellions can be judged
by the worries and fears among
the established governments in
both the Communist (with a big
"C") and the Capitalistic sides.
Some people, supposedly con-
cerned, supposedly liberal, ask,
"What do the students want, what
is their program for the future?"
THIS QUESTION DOES not
need to be raised. Program and
action are one, and no meaning-
ful program can be born without
personal daily experiences. The
young people reject and despise
the "think tanks" and the pro-
gramming scientists. They want
to learn while fighting and fight
while learning.
In the past, power has grown
"out of the barrels of guns," out
of the clever manipulations and
investments of capital. The power
of the future will grow out of the
accumulated and personal experi-
ences of millions of students unit-
ed in their compassionate view of
man's fate. From experiences,
from sharing, from communal
sufferings, they will offer to the
next generation a program and
a direction.
To judge the young by the old
cliches and the old people is like
what a Taoist said: "An owl can
catch fleas at night and see the
tip of a hair, but if it comes out
in the daytime, it may stare with
its eyes and not see a mountain-
the natures of different creatures
are different."
There are still too many owls
in the daytime, glaring world of
revolutions in the 1960s.

*Transcending.
the barricades,
(Last of Two Parts)
THE EMOTIONAL dependence of many of the politically disen
chanted on the specious McCarthy crusade perhaps comes from
an almost universal failure of tactical imagination.
Many cleave to an unworkable political structure because they see
armed revolution as the only possible substitute for the Democratic
Party. It is ironic that so many untried, but potentially profitable,
alternatives are ignored out of a dread fear of armed revolution.
TODAY THERE is nothing more destructively irrelevant than
the armed revolution or massive insurrection traditionally associated
with the revolutionary catch-phrase, "To the barricades."
The harnessing of the scientific community to the defense
apparatus has inevitably placed the balance of effective force so
clearly in the hands of the central government that any major up-
rising would be totally at the mercy of Washington's awesome powers
of counterattack.
Were such an armed uprising feasible, I sincerely hope I am not
alone in believing that the fruits of such a revolution would never
be worth its cost in human lives. History holds the litter of too many
shattered dreams for one to ignore the moral that the results of
revolution are rarely - if ever - anything like the visions of their
instigators.
WE HERE in America should find little encouragement in the
relatively non-violent and limited uprising in France. In many ways
this mammoth outburst of disaffection was an anachronistic as well
as anarchistic throwback to 1848. For all their noble visions and
camaraderie the students of France, up to now, seem to have achieved
relatively little.
Most of the major concessions granted by the French govern-
ment were in response to the almost paralyzing effect of the workers'
general strike in support of the students. Imagine George Meany sit-
ting-in at Columbia.
And the decision to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies and call
for new elections seems to have been primarily a crafty move by the
politically sagacious General to let the French people choose once
again, "De Gaulle or chaos?"
DUE TO THE COMPLEXITY of the change, it is almost impos-
sible to gauge the long range impact of what is probably our only
major untried political option - the formation of a left-wing political
party.
In the generation following the depression, the Democratic Party
was, to an admittedly inadequate degree, a mechanism for reform.
But today the failures of the Democratic Party derive largely from
the strong committment of two-thirds of its traditional troika of
reform - labor, the ethnic groups, and middle class intellectuals
and academics - to the oppressive status quo.
The rise of minor parties in this country has been checked by
the fear of throwing the election into the House of Representatives.
FEW RECOGNIZE the similarities between this system and parlia-
mentary government as practiced in England and Canada. The only
major difference is that in this country - due to an archaic consti-
tutional provision - the voting for President in the House would
be by states rather than by individuals.
Coalition governments would often emerge under such a multi-
party system. In many cases a left-wing third party - based on the
affluent and academic middle class could play an important balance
of power role and thereby be able to veto such disastrous adventures
as the war in Vietnam.
MANY COUNTRIES, such as Canada, have at least ofne such
left-wing minority party. These parties serve as institutionalized
critics of whatever party Is in power and often play an importan
role by giving novel doctrines an aura of political respectability.
Unfortunately it is also easy to foresee such an enterprise pro-
viding little but emotional release for the disenchanted. And such a
third or fourth party movement might also permanently guarantee
its supporters a minority and marginal voice in public policy.
TO A LARGE DEGREE, our shortage of meaningful alternatives
results from the nature of the ultimatum: McCarthy or the barri-
cades. Both McCarthy and the barricades - even if meant in the
metaphorical sense - are political answers.
The institutionalized and highly visible nature of politics soon
conditions us to regard the ballot box as the sole medium of social
change. We easily forget that many of the major transformations of
our society have been brought about by extra-political factors ranging
from advances in technology to reevaluations of values.
AS WE DISCOVER once again that political activity generates
little more than excitement and massive expenditures of energy,
maybe it is time for an investigation of the little explored potentiali-
ties of non-political avenues toward significant social change.
For those who seek a waystation between irrelevant political be-
havior and anarchistic attempts to alter modes of living, a fruitful
approach may lie in the mobilization of potentially sympathetic in-
stitutions, like universities.
While dissassociating myself from those who regard the seizure

of the university as a tactical step along the road to political revo-
lution, I advocate the university become a social critic, and a moral
force, rather than the handmaiden of the worst elements of our
corrupt society.
THE ORGANIZATIONAL LEVERAGE of the university as an
institution is far greater than the collective political power of the
individuals who comprise it. By cementing an alliance with socially
conscious religious groups, it is possible for the modern university as
an institution to serve within the foci of a movement for major change.
This possibility unfortunately runs afoul of the critical problem
of how a, university can maintain any independence as it becomes
increasingly financially dependent on the government.
MOVING A LITTLE further out, I would like to somewhat timidly
advance the notion that perhaps the time is also ripe for a return to
utopianism. For surprisingly enough, the mass media may just be
able to provide the remedy for the history of failure by almost all
utopian movements.
Our major magazines and newspapers are all captivated by any
large scale change in modes of living or social customs. When given
a phenomena like the oriignal "hippies," the mass media responded
with large scale - and at first moderately sympathetic - coverage,
As a result of this initial exposure, a disjointed and relatively
aimless social event like the "hippies" was able to permeate and
significantly affect large segments of our highly complex society.
IT IS CONCEIVABLE that American society could. be transformed
under the impact of intelligently thought out semi-utopian movements
blessed with at least a minimal sense of public relations.
Perhaps it is time to react to a misguided society by withdrawing.
Not by withdrawing into quietism and inactivity, but withdrawing into
new modes of living, premised on values other than materialism and
conspicuous consumption.
Without trying to sound too mystical, I just wonder whether a new
utopianism isn't needed to try to design better models of living on
a smal lsale and leave the rest to the mass media and man's penchant

$

Removing esty
in order to save him

401

By STUART GANNES
GENEAL William Westmore-
lnjust ordered home by
President Johnson to become head
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has
borne a good share of the criti-
cism of our Vietnam policy. It
seems he literally bends over back-
wards to accommodate jabs from
liberals and radicals.
Barbara Garson, author of
Macbird contends that Westmore-
land's appointment in 1962 was
just a big misunderstanding any-
way. According to Miss Garson,
the newly inaugurated President
called his aides to a conference
to discuss foreign policy. As the
meeting was breaking up some-
one asked the President what his
long range plans were and the
President cryptically answered
"Go West, Get More Land." The
men in the room were taken back
until someone suggested that what
the President was really saying
was "Go Get Westmoreland" but
his cultured accent slurred the
words.
AT ANY RATE, in 1963, West-
moreland went to Vietnam and
begun to make his cheery predic-
tions on the outcome of the war.
It seemed that Westmoreland
was telling us we could win the
war, if he received the leeway and
the money to pursue his personal
policies. Just to make sure we got
the message, Westy (as his subor-
dinates like to call him) would
make periodic trips back home to
assure the government and the
people that things were going
quite well and the war could be
won in a few months if more men
would come to Vietnam to help
him.
The government, under the spell
of Westy's oratory skill, usually
cooperated with his request, but
Westy was not without his ene-
mies. Two dragons arose from
newsprintland: Credibility Gap
and Escalation. They haunted the
home office back in Washington
and bothered the President so
much that Westy had to come
back to straighten everything out.
NONE OF HIS critics seem to
realize that Westy is a lonely man,
who is little understood. Being
naturally compassionate he could-
n't bear to tell his friends face-
to-face we weren't doing so well,

were rumors that Westy might be
nominated to run for President. By
then it was too late. Although
Westy wanted to stop deceiving
people, no one would lend. a
friendly ear to listen to his prob-
lems.
Vainly he raised his requests
and predictions to the height of
his imagination, but no matter
what he did, the result was al-
ways the same: "Sure, Westy. You
just should have asked before."
BY THIS SPRING the situation
was clearly out of hand. The
troops had been increased 3,400
per cent when Westy finally made
up his mind that he would just
have to go home and tell everyone
his problem.
When the President heard, he
was aghast. He told Westy to
go back to Vietnam and leave
everything up to him. Westy had
no choice but to follow orders so
he got his uniform back from the
cleaners, tucked in his shirt and'
went back to Vietnam to resume
his predictions about the war.
Meanwhile, there was a crisis
at home. The President felt the
only thing to do was to let Westy
continue his strategy without ex-
posing the government's mistake
to the people. In order to straigh-
ten things out the President had
to resign, but to promote confi-
dence in his policies and in the
goverment, Westy was given a
promotion. Westy told the Presi-
dent that there was a good side to
what was happening. As long as
no one found out, the game could
continue.
SO, WITH THE progress of
negotiations in Paris, the radicals
and liberals should not despair
of the outcome. Westy had al-
ready said in the past two months
that we were winning the war,
that the morale of our troops was
high and that the Thieu govern-
ment is secure.
This should be interpreted: "Be-
cause we are losing the war and
our men won't fight-aside from
the fact that the Thieu govern-
ment is on the verge of collapse,
we will agree to the withdrawal
of American troops and the for-
mation of a coalition government
with the North Vietnamese in
Paris."
I just hope the new President

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