Seventy-First'Year
EDIrED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Brazil and the United States

By WALTER LIPPMANN

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when Opinions Are Pr" UNDER AUTHORITY OP BOARD TN CONTROL op STUDENT PUEC
Truth WI PrevOai"N FCATI
STUDENT PUBLICATIONs BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. "Phone NO 2-3:
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staf writers
or the editors. This must he noted in all reprints.

Y, DECEMBER 3, 1960

NIGHT EDITOR: FAITH WEINSTE


ONs
241
IN

Goldwater On Fraternities:
Premiise True, Logic Faulty

CARRY GOLDWATER is a United States
Senator. He is an Arizonan and a Republi-
,n. By the record book, he is a Sigma Chi. By
s action, he is a political conservative. By his
'n admission, he has a conscience.
No one has yet documented that he is a
inker.
The Senator, whose views always seems to
g a unique dissonance in this fair land, re-
ntly told a large group of fraternity men that
mmunism (and hence the Communist Men-
e battled by Rep. Francis Walter (D-Penn),
Edwar Hoover and Ann Byerlein) grows
ere fraternities are absent. Goldwater's care-
examfination of the American college cam-
s proved to him that Communism was
ongest where fraternities were not allowed
operate. He cited Harvard University, (pos-
sor of one of the nation's finest arboreta)
a hotbed of Socialists and Commies who
re invited in when the fraternities were
ned. The flavor of an American Legion rally
ne forth in his cry that "fraternities are the
t bastion of freedom in college."
NE MIGHT LOOK with humor at the Sena-
tor's remarks. His speech does imply that
scow oriented and subversively inclined
mg men to run rampant at West Point, An-
olis, and the United States Air Force Acade-
Vistfulness might be another reaction to the
ldwater remarks. The chairman of the Uni-
sity's Literary College Steering Committee
yet untrodden upon by HUAC) remarked
t "if the only thing which separates Michi-
1 from Harvard is our fraternities, let's get
of them."
! more serious examination of remarks made
Goldwater, who is certainly one of the
idred,most influential people in the ,country

today, shows that the Senator has not only be-
gun with a false assumption, but that he con-
tinued with contradictory statements of argu-
ment.
Goldwater founds his contention that "where
fraternities are not allowed, Communism flour-
ishes," on his belief that four concepts which
underlie fraternalism are inimical to The Red
Menace. These are religion, brotherhood, indi-
vidualism, and freedom.

t
l


WHILE RELIGION makes its impact felt in
the secret initiation rites and discrimina-
tory pledging rules, piety, holiness and humil-
ity seem to be totally lacking in the multivariate
pledge ranks, stag movie presentations, and
bicycle jams which stretch across Ann Arbor
streets during early morning repercussions of
beer parties. {
As far as Communism is concerned, broth-
erhood seems to be a central desire for Marx
and the Soviet philosophers that followed him.
Individualism has suffered a great deal un-
der Soviet rule, but who will say just how
strongly a man can go by his own likes and
dislikes when he has pledged himself to the
strong bonds of a fraternity house?
Freedom.can be discussed in much the same
way. No one on the campus has restrictions
which the fraternity man doesn't.


Self -Centrism

UIBBLING between Michigan State Uni-
versity's Oakland branch and the Univer-
r's Dearborn branch continued out in the
n with a 14-inch Detroit News story head-
"Who, Was 1st With Trimester? U-M Cen-
MSU-O Disagree."
ice-President and Director of 'the Dearborn
zter William E. Stirton had presented doc-
entation attesting Regents approval of a
nester plan on Dec. 18, 1959.
IANCEILOR Durward B. Varner of MSU-O
said his branch's trimester program could
be compared with Dearborn's since Dear-
n has a work-study program, whereas
U-O has a straight academic program.
tirton pointed out that 50 liberal arts
lents at Dearborn take a straight academic
gram.
is about time for the Dearborn Center to
up, and realize it didn't receive its fair
re of publicity because in a long-run sense
operation just doesn't merit as much notice
:oes MSU-O. Meanwhile, continued quib-
g can only make Dearborn look worse.

BY ANY STRETCH of the imagination, the
only relations fraternities bear to campus
Communism is a peripheral one. Many campus
conservatives find their way into fraternities;
thus, the fraternities tend to be organizations
concerned with preserving the status quo or
making changes over a long period of time.
They do not support most liberal movements
on the college scene with which Communists
,would attach themselves. The campus radical
is often an iconoclast seeking to destroy cur-
rent institutions. Here is where we find the
Communist whose primary goal is the removal
of the present form of government in the
United States.
Fraternities, on - the other hand, are slow
to change any rules, regulations, written or oral
argreements, or any other written or unwritten
practices.
PE FRATERNITY man may not be attract.
ed by the promises of communism or he
could even be opposed to its principles. But
there is no indication on this campus, and
little on any other one, that fraternity mem-
bers are doing anything active to deter Commu-
nists. No one has reported that fraternities are
picketing movies written by ex-Communists,
fighting to instate stricter speaker restrictions,
or pressuring admission officers to investigate
the political backgrounds of applicants.
Goldwater's contention that there are few
Communists in fraternities is true, but perhaps
his explanation of why is not a true one. It
could be that America's Young Communists
avoid fraternties because they feel that these
social organizations are static and ineffective
groups. Maybe the shackles of barnacled tra-
ditions are too strong for anyone to tear
loose.


IN OUR short visit to Brazil I
often found myself having to
explain why I had never been to
South America before and why it
was that I had come now. I had
not come before, I said, because
during the two World Wars the
critical issues had their center in
our relations with Europe and
Russia, and a man cannot hope to
know everything and to go every-
where I had come now to South
America because I was curious,
and because we had realized in
the United States that with West-
ern Europe recovered, one of the
great historic dramas of the fu-
ture was being prepared in this
hemisphere. The theme of the
drama was how the Latin Ameri-
can nations would rise out of
their colonial past into the mod-
ern age.
There is no better place to ob-
serve this drama than in Brazil,
and having only a limited time to
travel we spent it all in four Bra-
zilian cities-in the new capital of
Brasilia, and in the ancient Por-
tuguese colonial capital of Bahia,
in Rio de Janeiro, and in the
great industrial center of Sao
Paulo. What happens in Brazil,
infinitely more than what happens
in Cuba or Guatemala, is likely to
be decisive for Latin America. For
the territory of Brazil is as big as
all the rest of Latin America, and
there probably are at least as
many, perhaps more, people who
speak Portuguese as speak Span-
ish.
* * *
THE MAIN REASON why what
happens in Brazil is likely to be
decisive is that although Brazil is
an "under developed country," it
is far from being a primitive and
backward country. Though it has
great social problems of poverty,
disease, illiteracy, it has also an
impressive capacity to govern .°t-
self, a core of cultivated and con-
fident leaders and a capacity to
learn the modern technologies. I
hadno feeling in Brazil as I have
had in certain countries in other
parts of the world, that the prob-
lem was insoluble within the ex-
isting order of things. There could
be failure and catastrophe in Bra-
zil. But there is, no reason why
there should be. The essential hu-
man and natural resources, the
social tradition and the social or-
der are favorable to success.
The revolution of which Castro
is a symptom exists under the sur-
face in Brazil as it does every-
where in this hemisphere. But it
is far under the surface. it is
kept far under the surface because
under both President Kubitchek
and his successor, Janio Quadros,
there exists a very strong sense of
national and social purpose. Al-
though Brazil is a very free coun-
try with free elections and a high
level of human tolerance, the
Brazilians are strongly led. They
have brought their economic de-
velopment to the point where, as
a leading Brazilian economist put
it to me, "we have started down
the runway but we have not yet
gotten up enough speed to achieve
the takeoff."
ON THE QUESTION of our re-
lations with Brazil I talked with
many people, members of Con-
gress, high administration offi-
cials, reporters, editors and pub-
lishers, businessmen, bankers and
diplomats. At first I was much
troubled. For it seemed to me that
in their rejoicing, which was gen-
eral, over Kennedy's election they
were building up false hopes and
expecting too much. The fear
haunted me that they had not
understood theaconsequences of
the changed international posi-
tion of the United States, and
that they were hoping we could do
in South America what we had
done in Europe in the days of the
Marshall Plan and the dollar gap.

But I came to see that this was
a superficial first impression. Al-
though I did not have a chance to
talk with the President-elect, who
was in London, I did see men close
to him who had worked with him
and knew him well. The truth. I
venture to think, is that the Bra-
zilian government is quite well
aware of the situation of the dol-
lar, and of the political conse-

quences in the relative power and
position of Europe and North
America. I believe that they are
adjusting themselves to this new
international situation, and that
the problem of Brazilian-Ameri-
can relations is wrapped up with-
in this adaptation. That is to say,
what they will expect of us is help
Sinachieving the take-off but the
help they will expect will not in-
volve deeply the international
monetary exchanges.
To plan and organize this kind
of help will require ingenuity and
resourcefulness, qualities that have
been notably lacking in recent
years, and they may require minor
changes in our laws. In one way or
another we shall have to give aid
by sending wheat and oil and coal,
of which we have a surplus and
they have a deficit, and we shall
have to assist them in funding
their external debts.
* * *
GRADUALLY, I began to see
what has gone wrong in our rela-
tions with Brazil. Inattention and
mediocrity and lack of understand-
ing are the causes of the trouble.
The rulers and leaders of Brazil
feel that since the death of Frank-
lin Roosevelt there has been no-
body for them to talk to who had
power and who cared about them.
Since his death they have had no
access to the key people in this
country and they have not had
contact with the best minds de-
voted to political and financial
international affairs. The deteri-
oration began under President
Truman, and the story is gener-
ally believed that Secretary Ache-
son told a leading Latin American
diplomat that he was not inter-
ested in South America, and that
the Latin Americans could talk to
one of his subordinates.
Whether the story is true or
false, what it signifies is the nub
of the matter. It is generally be-
lieved in Brazil that when Presi-
dent Kubitchek visited Washing-
ton, President Eisenhower went
through the ceremonies for him
but told him to talk about busi-
ness to subordinate officials.
When t.he Brazilians have come
in contact with the second and
third level, they have found, so
they say, that whether under or-
der from above or by their own
preconception these officials did
not understand or sympathize
with the problems of an under-de-
veloped country.
* * *
WhAT KIND OF understanding
have toe Brazilians not found In
Washington during the past ten
years? The point is crucial but it
is complex, and I am compelled
to simplify, perhaps to over-sim-
plify. In Washington, the Brazil-
ians say, they have been confront-
ed with men in the Treasury, the
State Department, and the World
Bank who have looked upon the
Brazilian inflation through the
eyes of the classical economists of
a highly developed country like
the United States or Great Brit-
ain. That is to say, they have
thought that inflation meant that
production was at a maximum and
that the government and the peo-
ple were trying to buy more goods
than existed. The remedy for in-
flation in the classical economics
Big Names
" ..It seems that the public
relations people of Collier's (En-
cyclopedia) have boasted that Sen.
Kennedy is "one of the nation's
top authorities" on Lucius Lamar,
a U.S. Senator from Mississippi
from 1876 to 1885 and, in his
later years, Secretary of the In-
terior and a member of the
Supreme Court.
A press release tells us all about
Kennedy, nothing about Lucius
Quintus Cincinnatus Lamar, nor;

his uncle, Mirabeau Bunaparte
Lamar, the second president of the
Republic of Texas. Both of these
fellows led more interesting livesI
than Senator Kennedy has-so I
far--and that's why they are in
encyclopedias. Let's hope editors
will not spend too much time get-
ting big names to write their
stories, nor emphasizing it when
they do.
-The Saturday Review I

of advanced countries is to spend
less and to save more.
This may be true for the United
States, say the Brazilians, but it is
not true for Brazil. There is.noin-
flation in Brazil although there is
much unemployment and there is
no full use of the productive re-
sources. Inflation occurs because
the economy is strangled by its
own backwardness, by the lack of
electric power and of fuel, of roads
and transportation, of education,
of public health-of those under-
lying facilities which are essential
to the expansion of a free indus-
trial economy. A country in Bra-
zil's stage of development cannot
cure inflation by retrenchment
alone, however desirable and ne-
cessary it is to do away with the
marginal waste and corruption. In
order to make 'its economy work,
it must build what the Brazilians
like to call the infrastructure -
that is to say the public facilities
without which a free economy
cannot exist and expand.
The Brazilians believe that Sen.
Kennedy and his economic advi-
sors understand what the conser-
vative Eisenhower economists do
not understand-the role of the
public sector in a free economy.
They expect underethe new ad-
ministration to meet much more
sophisticated men when they come
to Washington.
I do not think that they think
that a Kennedy administration
can or will or should pay their in-
ternational deficits. On the con-
trary, there is a deep moral re-
vulsion against financial depend-
ence on the United States, and the
reasons for this arise not from
their being anti-American but
from their own growing sense of
self-respect. They are within sight
of economic independence, and
more and more they feel and act
like an independent nation.
* * , *e
WHAT ABOUT THEIR foreign
policy? I must warn the reader
that what I have to say here is
based not on information but on
inference. For what it may be
worth, I believe that the Brazilian
leaders know that the post-war
period has ended, that the kind
of action represented by the Mar-
shall Plan is no longer possible.
But they need capital from abroad,
and to get it they will have to
go to the unsentimental capital
markets of the, world, and they
will have to. become eligible for
loans by playing according to the
more orthodox rules of the game.
To do this they will have to take
measures at home to eliminate the
more obvious forms of unproduc-
'tive spending-principally the sub-
sidies to keep down the cost of
living. These measures will, of
course, be unpopular. Unless all
the signs fail, the new Quadros
administration will be determined
to make it perfectly clear that its
financial orthodoxy is not directed
by the United States. For that
reason, and also for other reasons,
we should not be surprised to see
the government strike out rather
boldly and spectacularly away
from the established line of United
States foreign policy. Almost cer-
tainly the Quadros administration
will recognize the Soviet Union
and probably also Red China. It
may well align Itself frequently in
the United Nations and elsewhere
with countries like India, Egypt,
and Yugoslavia.
If this happens, it will be no
reason for going into hysterics.
Brazil will remain our friend,
bound to us by long tradition, by
economic and strategic ties. The
new Quadros administration de-
rives from the state of Sao Paulo
which is the greatest industrial
complex and the largest monument
to free enterprise in South Amer-
ica. Quadros has been elected
President because he has done
such great things in Sao Paulo
and, whether or not he recognizes
Peiping or works with the neutral-
ists, he has had and will have

the support, not only of large
masses of the people but, of the
financial and industrial communi-
ties of Brazil.
Under him Brazil with its own
energy and purpose, and with our
understanding and aid, can and
should acquire the momentum to
achieve the take-off towards
economic independence.
(C) 1960 New-York Herald Tribune, Inc.

Stanley Quartet Reflects
Rise In Chamber Music
(EDITOR'S NOTE: The Stanley Quartet is on inactive .status for the
academic year 1960-61 because of the absence on sabbati leave from the
University of Robert Courte, violist, for the first semester, and Gilbert Ross,
first violinist for the second semester. The remaining membersof the Stan-
ley Quartet are Gustave Rosseels se.ond Violinist and Oliver Rdel, cellist.)
DAVID SUTHERLAND
Daily Reviewer
TIs YEAR THE Pulitzer Prize in Music was awarded to Elliot Carter
for his second String Quartet. Last year the New York Music Critics
Circle Award went to Leon Kirchnet for his 1957 String Quartet.
Both works were commissioned by the University's Stanley Quartet.
These are only two of an illustrious series of University chamber musi
commissions-quartets and quintets-dedicated to the Stanley Quartet.
Eleven works in all by as many major composers, American and
European.
The commissions are only part--perhaps the most permanent work
-of the role played by the Stanley Quartet in a general reawakening
among composers, performers and the listening public of interest In
chamber music.
There has always been a certain group of amateurs intimitely
acquainted with the peculiar joys of playing chamber music. And
there has always been a somewhat rarefied society of listeners in whom
chamber music touched the most secret and charmed response, for
whom the symphony was a little bit too much of a. circus.
But since the ascendance of Beethoven, the mainstream of music
has run in the concert hall or the opera house. Chamber music, by
very nature a private art (a quartet recital in Carnegie Hall strikes
one as faintly incongruous) has been also a minority art,
* * *
AND UNTIL FAIRLY recently, chamber music was, by the nature
of things, a conservative art. The greatest masters of quartet com-
position, were Hayden and Beethoven, and to a lesser extent Mozart
and Schubert. After these composers the main streari passed into
other channels. Chamber music itself dedicated itself to a fait accompli.
The works of these masters are still the .backbone of quartet repertoire.
The apparent dearth of chamber music during the second half
of the nineteenth century may be partly an illusion resulting from
foreshortened perspective. The major composers in France and those
of the Brahms-Hanslick camp in Germany made certain contributions
to the repertoire.
It is well-known and needs no retelling how twentieth century
composers began to make chamber music a major concern. This was
partly because reduction in size of the ensembles was*a most telling
blow in the revolt against Romanticism.
But commissions and performances are what ultimately render
composers' interests practical. And it is here that a program of com-
missions such as that of the Stanley Quartet is of crucial importance.
We would speak, not of a renaissance of chamber music, not of a
disinterment of relics, but of a general reawakening of interest. Such
commissions help to make chamber music a genuinely contemporary
art.
COMMISSION AND performances; the one without the other is,
I suppose, as dead as faith without works. In the eleyen years of its
existence, the Stanley Quartet has performed more than three hundred
concerts. These have included ten concerts sponsored by the Coolidge
Foundation at the Library of Congress, and eighteen concerns in various
Central and South American countries.
In the period from July 1, 1959 to June 30, 1960 the Quartet made
nine appearances in Ann Arbor; played eleven concerts in seven other
Michigan communities (five of these concerts were in. Detroit); and
gave ten out-of-state recitals: a total of thirty performances. Of the
out-of-state recitals four were given at Southern colleges-Miles College
and Alabama State College in Alabama, Beethoven College and Blue
Mountain College in Mississippi. At Miles, Beethoven and Alabama
State the Quartet held workshops and clinics.
Prestigious appearances such as those at the Library of Congress
are balanced by performances such as these in the South, which testify
to an evangelical interest in spreading the pleasures of chamber music.
So, too, here in Michigan, the Stanley quartet last year performed for
University High School and for the Whitmore Lake High School. They
visited Grand Rapids, Kalamazoo, Big Rapids and Berrien Springs.
THESE STATISTICS are the more astonishing when one considers
that the members of the Quartet all carry nearly full teaching loads
of private lessons or seminars or both, and that they are all active
in faculty committee work. There have been times when the Quartet
sounded rather harrassed.
But the effect of a busy college life cuts both ways. For in the
members-of the Quartet, technical mastery is joined with the breadth
of vision which comes from living and teaching in a great University.,
Few groups share 'the Stanley Quartet's depth and power of musical
thought.
"Musical thought"--this comes close to the heart of the matter.
Haydn's greatest works may very well be his quartets. The same
goes for the quintets of Mozart. As for Beethoven, his greatest works
are the last six or seven quartets. (Gentle reader, T beg indulgence;
but what elso do you propose? The only other works that might be
considered here are the late piano sonatas). It seems that most com-
posers have approached the writing of string quartets in an exalted
state of mind, dedicating only their best efforts to the work. Partly
it is a natural reaction to standing in such an awe-inspiring tradition
as tat o th chaber usi of aydn Bethovn, Mzar, ad'

Schubert. Partly it is due to the challenge of composing for merely four
melodic instruments.
* * *
MUCH IS SAID about this challenge. One hears first of all about
the lack of coloristic affects to fall back on. (But is this true? Think
what a wealth of sounds the stringed instruments are capable of, and
how the possibilities have been exploited by, say, Bartok-or Haydn
or any of the masters.) Then there is the ,necessity to compose more.,
or less continuously in four-part counterpoint.
But these same restrictions free a composer from the imperious
demands of public grandeur and spectacle, the alien zIecessities of
drama. In the universe of music the string quartet exercises eminent
domain over the world of music as a system of thought.
The Stanley Quartet is exponent of the best musical thought from
the time of Haydn onward, and patron of the best today.



rVERSI
nswer
ition-
traini
iple an
one.
he Pres
dy bear
and is

-N.M.I-MICHAEL OLINCK
Resea rch and Responsibility
TY PRESIDENT Harlan Hatcher's and in many aspects of scientific and medical
to the problem of higher higher work.)
advanced doctoral and post-doc- (Apparently, the federal government will
ng and research-is on the face bear a great deal of the costs of these proj-
d obvious one. It is also a pretty ects.)
There are perhaps two problems connected
ident says that the University is with this broad plan: the use of federal aid
ing a heavy load of this type of and the relative place of higher higher educa-
prepared in the future to assume tion in the general University context.


dditional burden. This could mean ex-
on of present facilities and aims or ex-
in into new areas. At present, the Uni-
y is at the top in social science research


S hazaM!

kNK GOODNESS the United States has
s finally decided Cuba is officially a
nunist country. We've really been worried
whose side Castro was on and now our
State Department has cleared away all
s with a simple declaration.
't it wonderful what a declaration will
t's better than a magic wand. And now,
Department, it seems a few more dec-
ons are in order:
y don't we declare Berlin officially unit-
'hy don't we declare Communist China
ally non-existent? (it would be much
to ignore that way) Why don't we de-
HUAC an hallucination? And before we
'ael try Eichmann, the United States had
check its records and make SURE he is
ed officially a Nazi.
-. OPPENHEIM
rv 4V~ri ~tnt~t Mt-'i

IT WOULD BE perhaps unwise to verbally
emphasize the aspect of federal aid-at least
not very strongly. The University should not
become oriented to a dependence on this type
of assistance, and because it is beyond the
scope of the University to become an adjunct
of the federal agencies concerned with the
type of advanced work the University appar-
ently can do.
Federal funds certainly have a big place
in future University plans, but the University
should ensure that its own hopes and ambi-
tions are in no way inhibited by federal de-
sires. This means that the University must
continue to emphasize other sources of sup-
port, as it undoubtedly will.
Doing federal work is fine, and usually in-
tellectually profitable as long as it is but a part
of the University's total activity.
E UNIVERSITY must also take heed that
it does not become a sort of corporation
for advanced research, rather than an educa-
tional institution. Many students presently
complain that professors teach only to get
research funds, with a corresponding lack of
fervor; and if the University enlarges its
emphasis on advanced research, without com-
pensating in its other areas of activity, it will
lose stature.

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