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November 05, 1960 - Image 4

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Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1960-11-05

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Seventy-First Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BYS TUDENTS OF THE UNIYERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORI'YT OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUnICATIONS
STUDENT PuBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MIcH. * Phone NO 2-3241

'trut Wll Prevail"
hen Opinions Are Free

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted tn all reprints.

"Don't Let Him Run You Down By Telling You
You're Not In Perfect Shape"
h 4
MI~tSTA '-

GLEE CLUB CONCERT:
Traditional and Serious
Selections Score
LAST NIGHT'S concert, featuring both the Illinois and the Michigan
Men's Glee Clubs, was a fine blend of both traditional "collegiate"
songs and more serious choral selections.
The three numbers with which the Illinois singers began the con-
cert made one doubt whether they were capable of dynamic variations;
they produced a full, rich sound when singing under full power, but
there were few places in the Bach, the Hassler "Gratias Agimus Tibi,

t !

AY, NOVEfMBER 5, 1960

NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SHERMAN I

Kennedy Offers Creative

Approach To

Challenges

(EDITOR'S NOTE: Tomorrow another Daily staff
writer will present his reasons for supporting
Nixon.)
NEITHER SEN. John Kennedy nor Vice-
President Richard Nixon has inspired tre-
mendous public adoration as a candidate in
he manner that both President Eisenhower
md Adla Stevenson did.
This makes the campaign less exciting, but
his does not necessarily mean that neither
:andidate has the potential to be a great
president. Great presidents are the product of
hree factors: the times must present a great
:hallenge, the man must come forward with
wise plans of action, and the man must be an
astute enough leader to assure the activation
of his plans of action.
P E TIMES CLEARLY offer a challenge.
In fact the times offer two problems which
re only partially related. One is the challenge
>f the Communist empire. The other is the
conomic, social and political problems arising
'rom the almost total industrialization of the
iation and its relations to an increasingly
ndustrialized world. Part of the problem is
residue of unsolved old problems of in-
dustrialization which we haven't yet entirely
solved - problems such as unemployment, the
ixtreme business cycle, competition between
nations for resources and markets. Problems
muh a labor-management disputes and
iucational standards have become more than
ocal problems. They are national problems
sd we must learn how to deal with them
mn a national level without becoming an
mithoritarian state - or allowing the other
xtreme, total disorganization, to occur.
Whether one "likes" Jack or Dick - and
apparently not too many people like either
nan - both men offer ample evidence of
their ability as effective political leaders. Both
id magnificent jobs of engineering their
-espective party nominations. It is reasonable
o suppose that both men would be reasonably
atccessful in implementing their programs.
QUESTION of which man has more
potential for greatness, then, resolves itself
nto a question of which man would offer the
letter program,
On specific issues both men, over the years,
have tended to be in basic agreement. Last
ipring political analysts were hard put to
define meaningful differences between the
adidates,
However, as the campaign has developed, a
*road area of difference seems to have emerged.
[l'is difference represents rather opposed
perspectives of the two parties as much or
"ore than it represents differences between
Gae two men.
The difference between the two men does
lot show up particularly in the area of agri-
wlltural policy. Nixon offered a warmed-over
mersion of the Benson Farm policy-which
armers strongly oppose, and Kennedy offered
*s own proposal-which was not well received,
ither. As a consequence, both candidates vir-
ually stopped talking about the farm problem
arly in the campaign.
PIE FARM PROBLEM is a serious one:
farm costs and the cost of living rise faster
ban the farm income. Agricultural economists
ave been unable to devise a solution to this
itoblem Since both parties are committed to
ise the resources of the federal government
o aid the farmer, presumably both parties
wOuld be equally willing to endorse a solution
O the problem if any one were to come up with
.ne
In the area of foreign affairs, also, there is
Ittle real difference between the candidates
n specific questions. The brunt of Kennedy's
riticism of the present administration's hand-
ing of foreign policy is focused on the ad-
lnistration's lack-luster, uninspired, un-
reatve attitude rather than detailed criticism
n specific issues.
Although the. two candidates have stated
Vlferences on Quemoy-Matsu, Cuba and dis-
rzament, one cannot escape the conviction
hat these differences are the result of attempts
f both candidates to say something different,
ut do not represent any major areas of con-
lict. This view Is strenghtened when one
famines their positions and sees that one
rgues the "tough" line in one place and in
he other, the other candidate argues the

ough line.
However, one of the major reasons the New
fork Times endorsed Kennedy was their belief
bat he would bring a fresh and more creative
ttitude to foreign policy. Perhaps this is
iving Kennedy too much personal credit, but
)emocratic administrations do seem to offer
ore creative programs than Republican ad-
ainistrations. In eight years in power, the
epublicans have come up with no policy
thich can match the Marshall Plan or the
oint Four programs of the Truman Adminis-
.ation
THERE ARE, however, two fundamental dif-
ferences between the parties -- and both

candidates give every indication that they
would go along - at least broadly - with
their respective party's position.
The first is economic policy. The Eisen-
hower administration is against inflation -
every sensible government is. Inflation is per-
haps the fastest and easiest road to economic
collapse.
However, the Eisenhower administration -
with its big business orientation - has let
its concern with the stability of the dollar turn
into a monomania. They have enforced a tight
money policy which has never allowed the
country to completely recover from the 1957-
58 recession. Our rate of growth is lagging
along at approximately 2.5% per annum, which
is the lowest rate of growth of any major
industrial nation. Our steel capacity is nearly
fifty per cent unused.
IME REPUBLICAN "hold the line" policies
have meant a serious reduction of our
armed services and a slow rate of economic
development; it has necessitated a "go slow"
policy on foreign aid: and it has resulted in
administration opposition to needed domestic
spending - particularly aid to the aged, aid
to depressed areas and aid to education.
The administration has been forced into
this position, not because it believes that these
things are bad, but because they have a par-
ticular view of the economy which is the pro-
duct of their all-embracing fear of inflation.
They believe that unless the government uses
its full powers to restrain prosperity and
growth we will have inflation. Thus they can-
not finance the nations needs out of increasing
federal tax revenue, because the wealth of
the nation is increasingly only minutely. To
finance needed projects they would either have
to raise taxes which is politically unfeasible
or drastically increase the national debt which
might well be inflationary. They take the
simpler course of ignoring our needs.
But the particular tragedy of the situation
is that the Republican program has not even
accomplished its basic goal - the cost of living
continues to rise.
The Democrats argue that the only possible
solution to the Republican dilemma is for the
federal government to stimulate a higher rate
of economic growth. This contention is sup-
ported by several analyses of the economy,
Including the Rockefeller Brothers Fund
Report and that of Walter Lippman.
T1HE EXPANDED growth-rate argument,
simply stated, runs like this:
Much of the productive power of the
nation is lying idle. Our steel-making
capacity, for example is nearly 50 per cent
unused. If this steel capacity were utilized
-and taxes were levied on the profits at
the usual rate-the additional tax revenue
could be used to aid depressed areas. The
people in these areas would then be able
to find jobs, earn decent livings, and be
able to by steel products. This in turn
would stimulate further steel production
and the cycle would continue.
This would not only allow the government
to finance vitally-needed national security
projects, but it would also have two other
beneficial consequences. It would add to the
wealth .and to the stability of the private
economy. And it would allow the government
to spend additional funds on needed domestic
projects such as aid to schools and aid to the
aged without raising taxes - these projects
would be financed out of increased revenue
from the present tax structure.
THERE IS ONE other vital issue: the role
of the federal government in providing
national leadership. Both parties argue to the
general dictum that the government should
do for people only that which the people
canrot do for themselves. However, they dis-
agree rather sharply about what the people
can do for themselves.
The Republicans tend to take the attitude
that anything their grandfathers back on
the homestead could do for themselves, people
should still be abel to do for themselves. Thus
they prefer to allow millions of children to
be poorly educated, rather than to allow tht
federal government to mess into" local con-
cerns. They prefer to let West Virgina coal-
mining families or New England textile and
shoe-making families who have suffered as a

result of declines in those industries live in
abject poverty, because helping them may
"destroy their initiative."
The Democrats take a somewhat different
view of the modern world. They maintain
that there are substantial differences between
a rural farm nation and a highly industrialized,
largely urbanized nation. The Democrats main-
tain that the national government must take
an active dynamic role in assisting local areas
to do what tpese local areas cannot do for
themselves and that government must take
responsibility for aiding victims of economic
reajustments, the sick and the aged,
IN HIS CAMPAIGN, Kennedy has hit at what

or the Elizabethan ballads where
they had to shift down.
However, as background for the
two American folk songs, "He's
Gone Away" and "Black is the
Color," they displayed a deft touch
with the very quiet passages in the
two selections. Also, the soloist for
the folk songs was Susan Ent, an
innovation at a Michigan Glee
Club concert. Unfortunately for
Miss Ent, the particular spot on
stage from which she chose to
sing her sound as though she had
a dubbed-in voice chiming in a
fraction of a second later (due to
the uncommonly- fine acoustics in
Hill Auditorium).
Perhaps the best number(s)
which the Illinois Glee Club per-
formed were the medley of Big
Ten songs, and the "Drinking
Song" from "Sir John in Love"
by Ralph Vaughn Williams. In
both numbers their hearty voices
were used to full extent; in one of
the spirituals, "Soon-ah will be
done," they were given opportun-
ity to display their full dynamic
range-which they did quite well.
THE MICHIGAN Men's Glee
Club also did very well on another
Vaugh Williams number, "The
Vagabond." This, along with the
"Chorus of the Returning 'Pil-
grims," (from Wagner's "Tann-
hauser") were perhaps the two
best of the more serious numbers,
with Prof. Philip Duey leading his
chorus through the intricate mod-
ulations of the Wagner without
the slightest misstep.
However, the Michigan Glee
Club failed totmeet its usual high
standards in the medley of, popu-
lar numbers-they seemed to fal-
ter and stumble towards the end,
as though they had been poorly
rehearsed. But this was practi-
cally the only flaw in an otherwise
excellent performance.
The Michigan men have added
a "new" number, a commentary
on Rachmanoff's C-major prelude,
and they have retained the Friars,
the Baberle Brothers, and of
course, the Michigan songs.
-Selma Sawaya

AT THE MICHIGAN:
'Lace'
Opaque
U1NIVERSAL International's ul-
- tra-slick production of "Mid-
night Lace" (half concealing, half
revealing) made its debut, here
yesterday.. The, management at
the Michigan is inclined to suggest
you not see the film from the
middle. We are inclined to suggest
you not see the film at all.
For although "Midnight Lace" is
as technically admirable a film as
the best of the Hitchcock entries,
"Midnight Lace" lacks Hitchcock's
prime element of subtlety and high
imaginative skill. Suspicion is built
primarily through stereotype -
delicous inventiveness is just not
at play here.
Doris Day, Holloywood's current i
"sunshine girl," is billed as the
star- of this technicolot vehicle,
and Irene is credited with the
costume design. Irene makes the
more aesthetic contribution to
the film.
FOR SCREAMING, Irene has
designed for Miss Day winter
white, sedate black, alluring,toast,
winter white, vintage wine and
of course midnight lace. Undoubt-
edly there will be considerable
speculation and argument as to
which makes for the most effec-
tive scream. Our own choice would
have to be the midnight lace it-
self, although the winter white
certainly runs it a close second.
We have been requested not to
tell you the surprising ending, and
of course doe shall comply. Besides
the ending is still somewhat of
a mystery to us anyway.
"Midnight Lace" is an admirable
successor to "Portrait In Black,"
proving once again top budget
does not necessarily make for
top production. Oh, but the color
is grand!An
-:Marc Alan Zagoren

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Reviewer's Digs Upset Reader

To the Editor:
N THE Michigan Daily's drama
review of John Van Druten's
"Bell, Book and Candle," as pre-
sented by the Ann Arbor Civic
Theatre on November third, I saw
criticism that was neither con-
structive nor in very good taste.
Is it necessary, to begin with,
that a critic use a drama review
as a foil for his general opinions
on which is the better or worser
type of comedy? This is theatre
critique, appreciated in its proper
place.
BUT, LOOMING more unbrigh-
tly, is the fact that the review
discussed here was devoid of any
fraction of constructive criticism.
No one likes to be "panned" by
a reviewer, but if the "panning"
offers something that can be built
upon in the future, be it directed
towards the actors, the production
staff, or the director, then this
in itself is worthwhile. I -do not
think that anyone learned any-
thing from Mr. Kraus' review.
Finally, I should mention that
smart and superior attitudes to-
wards any subject are not neces-
sarily the best assets of a journal-
ist.
I hope, as far as the young man
who wrote the review is concerned,
that the above will serve as con-
structive criticism for him,
-Marilyn Tannenbaum, Grad.

Press Irresponsible . .
To the Editor:
IN THEIR zealous desire to get
Richard V. Nixon elected Presi-
dent of the United States, a large
segment of our newspaper and
magazine editorial staffs have
managed to manfully master their
nagging consciences and to join
forces with Unmitigated Gall in
the effort to topple Calm Reason
from its throne.
How, editorially asks The Sat-
urday Evening Post, would Sen.
Kennedy deal with a national
emergency strike of, for example,
the nature of a major railroad
strike? Why did they not direct
this question at Mr. Nixon also?
And why was Mr. Nixon not ques-
tioned on his contention that even
though the Eisenhower adminis-
tration's record on labor strike
prevention was the best in history
we must do better in the future?
. * .
A GOODLY number of newspa-
pers in the United States (sympa-
thetic to the Republican cause, I
feari want to know by what meth-
ods or policies Sen. Kennedy pro-
poses to raise our rate of growth
from 2.3 per cent to 4.5 per cent.
I will join in acknowledging the
right of these estimable gentle-
men to have this question an-
swered, but I would like to know
why these same gentlemen do not
ask Mr. Nixon what in the name

CORNELL DAILY SUN:
Cautious Writer Asks,
How Sane Is Sane?'

of Houdini he means when he ini-
tially deplores the practice of
"growthmanship;" then capitu-
lates, in substance, to Rockefel-
ler's proposal for a 5 per cent rate
of economic growth; then repeat-
edly announces his complete sup-
port of President Eisenhower's
economic policies; then declares
he is never satisfied with our rate
of economic growth-even without
the Communist threat; then
pledges himself to work for a fast-
er rate of economic growth than
has been achieved under the Ei-
senhower Administration!
Although the somewhat one-
sided editorial questioning of Sen.
Kennedy is being conducted on
many campaign issues, perhaps
the most valid example of this
phenomenon is in the area of for-
eign affairs. The Nixon-support-
ing publications place a tremen-
dous emphasis on Nixon's foreign
affairs ability and experience. One
of these publications, The Chica-
go Tribune, cited Nixon's proven
competence in, and vast under-
standing of, issues involving for-
eign policy; The Tribune wrote
off Jack Kennedy as a dangerous-
ly irresponsible young man whose
displayed by his initial statement
lack of mature judgment was
displayed by his initial statement
on Quemoy and Matsu. The Trib-
une conveniently forgot, or disre-
membered, that Mr. Nixon force-
fully vowed to defend Quemoy and
Matsu at all costs, on principle;
yet the self-same Nixon is calling
Kennedy a jingoist on Cuba.
VICE-PRESIDENT NIXON is
widely heralded as a foreign poli-
cy expert, yet I have not been
able to find even one instance in
which Mr. Nixon has undertaken
an analysis in depth of a foreign
trouble spot. Recently, Mr. Nixon
made what was described as a
major foreign policy address in
which he proposed: 1) the estab-
lishment of a committee of 100
citizens to determine what were
the nation's needs; 2) the calling
of a conference of high-ranking
people in the military field, eco-
nomic field, and so forth; and 3)
the use of Mr. Eisenhower as a
world-wide ambassador of peace.
The proposals for committee
and conference type frameworks
for foreign policy formulation
have not received sufficient crit-
ical evaluation on the part of the
newspapers: committees and con-
ferences may provide preliminary
data for subsequent foreign pol-
icy decisions; however, the deci-
sion-making power resides with
the President. Candidate Nixon
did not specify, ineven rough out-
line form, how he would execute
foreign policy-he merely indi-
cated two methods of data collec-
tion.
* * *
IT IS ON THE third major point
of the Nixon foreign policy dec-
laration, however, that I feel the
newspaper industry, in general,
has been most remiss in its re-
sponsibility to the public. With
relatively few dissenting voices
the press has hailed as a stroke of
high statesmanship the promise
to use Mr. Eisenhower as a good-
will ambassador; I would suspect

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE:
Plans for ElectionDay

By R. S. RIVKIN
Cornell Daily Sun
H: a CORNELL Committee for
a Sane Nuclear Policy met a
week ago and made it plain that
a college group can afford to "take
a more radical stand" than the
National Committee on the issue
of cessation of nuclear bomb test-
ing. One cannot pin down the
National Committee's p r e c i s e
stand on nuclear bomb testing,
since different factions within the
organization are currently fight-
ing it out to decide how far to
the left they will go. But in
general, the Committee's purpose
is to put pressure on our govern-
ment to sign an agreement with
the Soviet Union so that all nu-
clear bomb testing might be stop-
ped, this pressure to be exerted
in the form of petitions and letter
writing.
The usefulness of these groups
at Cornell and on the national
level, is open to serious question.
For what our government negotia-
tors need more than anything, is
not outside pressure designed to
"get us any treaty, only get it
quick ", but rather, public support
of its demands 1: that maximum
controls be insisted upon, and 2:
that the treaty be flexible enough
to be revised should new loop-
holes be disclosed in the future.
There are those of us, moreover,
who have very little faith in the

has a weapon so powerful as to
guarantee her a tangible victory
and make attack seem worth-
while. Even now there is talk of a
bomb which can level a city and
leave no radioactive fallout, en-
abling the enemy to occupy a
city right after the bombing.
"WHAT'S TO PREVENT the
Russians from developing what
they think is the decisive weapon
now?" ask the proponents of test
cessation. The answer is of course
- nothing. On the other hand,
while tests are freely made, the
United States too, can develop
new weapons; moreover, under a
test bain it is possible the Russians
would cheat. "But then again,
wouldn't the United States cheat
if it had the chance?" the pro-
ponents of the ban demand.
Realistically, it would. But could
the United States evade a nuclear
test ban as easily as the Soviet
Union? Probably not. Further-
more, it would be much easier for
the Soviet Union to get away with
cheating than the United States,
since the former has a much
greater control of the media of
communications and the flow of
military information. The Soviet
Union need not be concerned with
snooping reporters.
This is by no means the final
word in the argument. But it is
clear thdft a nuclear test han will

ATTORNEY General William P.
Rogers reports he hastin-
structed all United States Attorn-
neys to keep their offices open
on election day, November 8, until
polls close in their jurisdictions in
order to take prompt action on all,
reports of federal election law
violations.
In this connection, the Attorney
General asks the United States
Attorneys and all interested citi-
zens to be particularly alert tot
such federal violations as intimi-
dation or coercion of voters, buy-,
ing votes, conspiracies to falsify
the vote and conspiracies to
threaten or intimidate any citizen,
because of his race or color or
for any other reason, in the free
exercise of his right to vote.
Mr. Rogers pointed out that
experience has shown where such
violations occur they are likely
to be accompanied by forged bal-
lots, impersonation of voters, rig-
ging voting machines, stuffing
ballot boxes, chain voting, frau-
dulent absentee ballots and falsi-
fication of returns.
* * *
,HE ADDED that the Civil Rights
Division of the Department of
Justice will be fully staffed during
election day and through the night
and until all polls in the country
are closed.
The Attorney General said that
the federlia nvernmenth as no

"Exceptional care must be taken
to prevent them at the close of
a long, hard-fought, important
campaign. Election day must not
be marred by any fraud or cor-
ruption destroying the free nature
of the ballot."
Every precaution will be taken
to prevent possible violations of
federal election laws, Mr. Rogers
asserted and no established viola-
tion will go unpunished..
DAILY
OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
(Continued from Page 2)
Part-Tine
Employment
The followingpart-time jobs are
a%,ailable, Applications for these jobs
can be made in the Non-Academic Per-
sonnel Office, 1020 Admin. Bldg., dur-
ing the following hours: Monday
through Friday, 8:00 a.m. to 12:30 p.m.
Employers desirous of hiring part-
time emiployees should contact Bill
Wenrich at NO 3-1511 ext. 2939.
Students desiring miscellaneous jobs
shou1d consult the bulletin board in
Room 1020. daily.
MALE
1-Busboy (11:45 a.m.-1:30 p.m., Mon-
day-Friday).
3-Cab drivers (evenings and week-
ends .,ust b e1 or nover ,omis.

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