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here Opinions Are Fr,420 MANARD Sr., Arm Amot, Mrcm.
Troth Winl Previl

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials Printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
DAY, AUGUST 13, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN MEREDITH

The Draft, The Student
And His Consciene

BaY GRACE of the II-S deferment most
students are still immune to the pains
of decision that greet the potential sol-
dier. It is unfortunate that the better
educated and intellectually able portion
of young men is excluded from the pros-
pect of bearing arms with the possibil-
ity of being forced to kill, not to men-
tion being killed, in the name of the State
or its ideology. Letting the student off
the hook has a profound effect upon
the military and inevitably the society.
This is especially true now that the Unit-
ed States is embarking upon a path that
nay lead from a confused war in Viet
Nam to greater catastrophy.
When asked to suppose they were to be
drafted some students replied that they
would serve-some with complete accept-
ance of the military way of life (or as
much as they know of it); others with
their fingers crossed, willing to grin and
bear arms but hoping to stay out of com-
bat. No one, of course, seemed anxious to
enlist.
Other students said that they were re-
ligiously opposed to war. When informed
that a Conscientious Objector status was
very difficult to achieve, many said that
they would choose a prison term in order
to. remain true to themselves' and as a
means, however small and ineffectual, of
nonviolent protest. These students will
probably not be put to the test until too
late to have any effect whatever.
Some students offered unrealistic
schemes for draft dodging, and others
rationalized that they could "better serve
their country as a student."
A FEW CLAIMED that they would "pull
a Yossarian" and flee to a neutral land
as did the main character in Joseph
Teller's "'Catch 22"; that their U.S. citi-
zenship, especially today, is not worth
either fighting or going to prison for.
some said that. they would rather fight
against America (i.e., the military-indus-
brial complex, the profitable institution-
alization of weaponry) than for her over
such issues at Viet Nam. Within the
ranks of the student, "the traditional bad
American
Justice?
E CONTINUING court drama starring
James R. Hoffa, president of the
Teamsters Union, is a disquieting com-
nentary on the ,processes of justice in
America.
Mr. Hoffa is currently under two crim-
nal convictions. One of these - on a
harge of attempting to bribe jurors in a
1963 Nashville trial in which Mr. Hoffa
vas charged with conspiracy to violate
he Taft-Hartley Act-was upheld recent-
y iby the Sixth United States Circuit
Dourt of Appeals.
He has promised to appeal to the U.S.
Supreme Court if he doesn't get a re-
hearing in the lower appellate court. He
s also appealing a second federal con-
riction on a charge of defrauding the.
reamsters pension fund.
HE TRIAL COURTS' sentences were:
Eight years in prison and $10,000 fine
in the bribery count and five years on
he fraud conviction. The sentences, of
:ourse, will not be imposed until Mr.
loffa has exhausted every avenue of ap-
eal. This is right and proper.
There cannot be the slightest doubt,
iowever, that, if the defendant involved
mere a man of ordinary circumstances, he

vould already be behind bars. He would
tot have the extraordinary resources, as
VIr. Hoffa has, necessary to pay the cost
f legal counsel and official proceedings
hrough months and years of appeal.
However pure the principles of appel-
ate procedures, they too often, in prac-
ice, result in discrimination between Mr.
3ig and Joe Pungle.
-THE PORTLAND OREGONIAN
UDITH WARREN ......................... Co-Editor

soldier," lies an untapped reservoir of
opposition wherein there exists perhaps
the only hope for a mass resistance move-
ment to the increasingly powerful mili-
tary.
There is more involved in the question
of military service today than just the
rejection of war by those who abhor
violence. Most of those who disdain to
fight the Viet Cong in blundering U.S.
fashion feel that they would have been
morally compelled to fight Hitler.
Within this important group of people
who are not only students, but non-stu-
dents and soldiers as well-although in
lesser proportion-the spectrum of opin-
ion ranges from those people who simply
feel that the Vietnamese war is not
worth its cost in lives, to those who sup-
port, at least in theory, the aims of the
National Liberation Front or the Viet
Cong.
THOSE PEOPLE, who are opposed to
serving the U.S. military yet forced to
do so, must be represented. The only way
that-this can be achieved is for them to
represent themselves and if they stand
together their ranks will grow as a de-
featist acquiescence to the military be-
comes an even more unreal alternative
in light of the new possibilities.
It is evident that college students must
not allow' themselves to be bought off by
exclusion. The military must not be al-
lowed to ignore its natural enemy. It is
the moral duty of those persons with
deferments to make the decision whether
or not to allow the State to continue to
coerce unwilling youth into the war ma-
chine against their better judgment: They
must be willing to take the risks that go
along with the commitments that their
draftable brothers are forced to make.
There may soon be an ncident-via
civil disobedience-that will allow Ameri-
can youth to definitively express their op-
position to U.S. war policies. The student
must take part.
MAKE YOUR DECISION and be ready!
-ROBERT W. THORSON
Sacrifice
Needed
THIS WEEK the entrance of the union-
ized worker into the land of plenty was
documented by a feature article in the
New York Times. Describing the resort
maintained by the Ladies Garment Work-
ers Union, the Times said the post "revo-
lution" era prophesized by the early labor
leaders in which all the then underpriv-
ileged laborers would eat "strawberries
and cream" has finally come about. The
article then went on to describe vaca-
tioning garment workers devouring filet
mignon and lobster in addition to straw-
berries.
,It is evident that unionized laborers
have become secure and faithful to the
present order of society.
In contemporary America the unions
wield vast economic and political power
and the workers enjoy high wages and
short work weeks. Thus the old revolu-
tionaries have become content with the
establishment.
Meanwhile the contemporary poor are
being awakened like a slumbering giant
to the possibilities of their upward mo-
bility. '
Although the only poverty Johnson's
poverty program seems to be ending is
that of a relative lack of local political

payola, the concept of upgrading the im-
poverished is inherently a good idea.
There is no reason why there should be
abject poverty in America. To remedy
destitute conditions is an arduous proc-
ess but it can be done.
HE LABOR UNIONS can take a formid-
able step in eliminating some causes
of poverty if they are willing to make the
sacrifice for their fellow man that their
economic superiors refused to do earlier
in this century.
Labor must establish job retraining fa-

The
EDITOR'S NOTE: D. F. Flem-
Ing is professor emeritus of in-
ternational relations at Vander-
bilt University and a visiting
professor at the California State
College in Los Angeles. He is the
author of "The Cold War and
Its Origins," now in its fourth
printing. The following essay
was published in the July, 1965
Annals of the American Acade-
my of Political and Social Sci-
ences. Below is the second of
two parts.
By D. F. FLEMING
"WITH THE THRUST toward a
grand new order in Europe
So Well under way," said de Borch-
grave, "the question posed to
Washington is where does it all
leave the U. S.?" A part of the
answer was found in a leading
Belgian magazine which summed
up the general drift neatly: "Why
should coexistence be inapplicable
in Southeast Asia? Why do Amer-
icans refuse the advice of their
allies? Do they really believe that
they have already become masters
of the world? This will cost them
dearly some day."
Indeed it already has. Don Cook,
another competent observer in
Europe, wrote to the Los Angeles
Times on May 9 about all SEATO
and NATO meetings, saying that
they are now dominated "by a
kind of anxious lobbying which
winds up in an undignified and
damaging head count as to who
is still on the American side."
We must, therefore, begin to
reckon now with the unthinkable
rapidly coming to pass-our best
friends in the world turning their
backs upon us and facing toward
the East. We must foresee a rapid
drawing together of Western and
Eastern Europe, most probably in
close association with the Soviet
Union. It is not too soon, either,
to think of the Soviet nuclear
umbrella being extended over
Western Europe, including Brit-
ain, against us, protecting for one
thing the growing French nuclear
deterrent.
IT IS A deeply disturbing thing
to reflect that "America is be-
coming irrelevant"to Europe. This
is the fruit of our obsession about
containing rapidly evolving Com-
munist societies, flinging our re-
sources prodigally around the
world in an effort to wall them
in and to prevent revolution from
occurring anywhere in the "free
world" until, in President de
Gaulle's words, on April 27, we
have become "a state that might
think of itself, because of its
power, to be invested with supreme
and universal responsibilities."
Also, as Washington's new de-
termination to enforce a Pax
Americana unfolds, we must ex-
pect that the proliferation of nu-
clear weapons, to which we have
been so firmly opposed, will ex-
pand.
If no weak country can be safe
from American intervention, then
all middle sized countries will have
to ponder the acquisition of nu-
clear deterrents of their own.Even
the little ones must try to get
under the cover of some non-
American nuclear umbrella.
HOWEVER, it will be said that
even though Asia and Europe
turned their backs upon us we
can still maintain control of the
Western Hemisphere. Canada and
Mexico will be defenseless, eco-
nomically and otherwise, and
Latin America can be held. Surely
our power is sufficient for that.
That seemed likely, too, until
a revolt broke out in Santo Do-
mingo on April 24, 1965. The
rebels were composed of both mili-

tary and civilian groups who
wanted to bring back to power
Dr. Juan Bosch, who was ousted
by the military six months after
the end m.ofithe thirty-one year
nightmare of the tyranny of Tru-
jillo.
There was steam behind the
new rebellion and many Ameri-
cans were immediately in danger,
especially from the civilians who
had been armed. Accordingly, a
U.S. Navy task force with 1500
Marines aboard arrived the 26th
to protect and evacuate American
citizens, 1100 of whom were re-
moved the next day.

SUCCEEDING WAVES of Amer-
ican troops brought their strength
up to 4200 by Thursday the 29th
and this figure rose rapidly to
15,000, which was far beyond the
number required to complete the
evacuation of the remaining
Americans. The purpose of the big
intervention was obvious.
As the New York Times put it
on May 3, "President Johnson re-
iterated that their sole mission
was to protect and evacuate en-
dangered Americans and other
foreign nationals. Yet, every pri-
vate briefing held for Congress-
men and correspondents in Wash-
ington emphasizes that the pri-
mary aim. . . is to prevent
'another Cuba'."
The Times added that "This is
an understandable concern, but
not one that should prompt a
panicky display of power when-
ever any hint of Communist in-
filtration is reported."
NEVERTHELESS, this is what
had happened. Military intelli-
gence had come up with the names
of 58 alleged Communists involved

U.S.

Becomes

ernment in the Western Hemis-
phere."
IN THESE all encompassing
terms Mr. Johnson brought the
Truman Doctrine to its ultimate
proportions. From this day hence-
forth no revolution is to be per-
mitted anywhere within the reach
of our power, unless it be a
revolution engineered from the
Right.
But in a revolutionary age, any
age, the great majority of revolu-
tions come from the Left.. All
these will promptly be crushed,
since they might turn Red. This
may be a small chance, but no
chance can betaken. Some Com-
munists will certainly be: in every
revolution from the Left, and
some endangered regime, or U.S.
intelligence agency, can always be
counted on with total confidence
to sound the Red alarm. Then the
might of the United States will
drop from the skies and crash
upon the beaches.
This is the role which our lead-
ers chose for us in the world after
our total victories in World War

-Associated Press
PROTESTS ALL OVER THE WORLD, as the one shown above in
Moscow, testify to the bad impression the United States has built
abroad with its policies of strong-armed intervention.

A Foi
mon Market for the Western
Hemisphere." A week later a dis-
patch from Rio de Janeiro dis-
closed that Chilean President Frei
was proposing the "political unity
of all Latin America, with the
exception of Communist Cuba."
(Los Angeles Times, April 21.
Italics added.)
NOW UNDER the impact of the
Johnson Doctrine Latin America
may move toward unity more
rapidly than would have been
thought possible before the Santo
Domingo intervention. If such a
union comes into being, also, it
will be defensive against both our
economic and military power.
Once again our union with a sister
continent is likely to be rejected,
and a united Latin America would
certainly erect its own nuclear
umbrella.
It is, therefore, much too late
for Pax Americana to succeed.
Pursuance of this fearful dream
can only lead rapidly into Fortress
America. Indeed, as the events
since February 7 detailed above
indicate, this process is already
for along. With a wall of hatred
against us in Asia and a wall of
indifference toward us rising in
Europe, we only required the hos-
tility of Latin America to com-
plete our self imposed encircle-
ment in Fortress America.
Now a second decision in Wash-
ington, within three months, to
use our huge military power sud-
denly to frustrate revolution in
small nations, half a world apart,
has supplied the necessary cata-
lyst.
OUR MILITARY power is un-
imaginable, but the idea of using
it to regulate the conduct and
determine the future of peoples
around the world is self defeat-
ing. And before Fortress America
really closes around us we ought
to think in deadly seriousness
what it would be like to live in-
side it.
We may be sure that it would
be a prison for all those who love
individual liberty, for dissent
would be repressed even more rig-
orously than it is already in con-
sensus U.S.A. We must antici-
pate that the worst excesses of the
McCarthy period would become
the order of the day. We have
enough resources to give ourselves
a good living on an autarchic bas-
is, but a much more restricted
one.
Profits would be far smaller
and business would have to be
controlled far more rigorously in
a world in which the out-thrusts
of our investments and much trade
would cease.
IT IS NOT TOO LATE to avert
this tragic end to the American
Dream, and to stop our efforts to
have learned by this time that
the law of social evolution is in-
exorable and that it works to
change even Communist societies,
literally before our eyes.
This law of change is the wave
of the future, against which all
of our dikes are built in vain. We
may survive in Fortress America,
surrounded by a great, sea wall of
distrust here at home, but we can-
not live and thrive in the world
in opposition to it.
On the other hand, it is not too
late to turn back from the Pax
Americana which it is beyond our
power to establish. It, will take
time to restore the thaw in our
relations with the Soviet Union
which had so greatly reduced
world tensions. It will take much
of the wisdom about which the
President so often speaks, to end
our hostile encirclement of the
new China and to establish trade
an riendyreations with he,

as the U.S. Chamber of com-
merce recently urged. It will not
be easy to win back the confidence
of the Latin Americans again,
"Decades were spent in creat-
ing a policy of nonintervention in
the internal affairs of hemispheric
nations," said the New York Times
on May 4, "and time will be need-
ed to heal the wounds." That is
surely a strong understatement.
NOR WILL ANY of these life-
giving things be done unless many"
powerful conservative interests
make themselves heard in Wash-
ington, before it is too late. The

tress
current rising of our intellectuals
is magnificent, but in foreign af-
fairs the President has allied him-
self with the extreme rightist forc-
es that he had overwhelmed at the
polls in November, and who willo hldimtefrcghs
now holdo hmbet, enforcing hi
Pax Americana.
Since the administration also
disregards its own great liberal
following, it is a time for our true
conservatives, who still have great
power, to make themselves heard.
Twice since February 6 the ad-
ministration has antagonized
enormous numbers of people
abroad, and each application of
the American mailed fist acceler-
ates rapidly the turning of the
world against us.
We simply cannot afford a third
massive affront to the opinion of
mankind. Yet the explosive de-
fensive-offensive mentality now
gripping Washington may produce
it at any time.
EVERY REAL conservative ought
to be deeply disturbed also by the
rapid decline of our government's
credibility.
On April 23 the New York Times
declared that it had been one of
the "casualties of the War in Viet
Nam. Time after time high rank-
ing representatives of _govern-
met-in Washington and Saigon
-have obscured, confused or dis-
torted news from Viet Nam," said
the editorial, adding that the
blame "goes back to the Penta-
gon, to the State Department and
the White House.''
Then came Santo Domingo and
on May 9 David Kraslow reported
to the Los Angeles Times from
the scene a representative com-
ment that "You just can't believe
what you're told any more." It was
an ugly-situation. Some reporters
had learned "by bitter experience'
in Saigon that they could not ac-
cept what American officials told
them as the truth," Now it was
"recurring in Santo Domingo."
Thus "a most precious thing" was
being destroyed, for a government
that does not have credibility
"rules not by consent but by
force."
WHEN WRITERS in the two
largest and most influential news-
papers in the United States agree
that Washington's credibility is
rapidly and progressively being
destroyed, everyone should be able.
to see that these adventures in
Pax Americana are corrupting the
foundations of our democracy here
at home. How much longer can
we permit this to continue?
There is equally deep cause for
alarm when Robert J. Donovan,
head of the Los Angeles Times bu-
reau in Washington, can describe,
on May 9, "President Johnson's
tornadic reaction" to the Domini-
can revolt.
We cannot afford cyclonic ac-
tion in the White House, even
against little states abroad; for
even if catastrophe is avoided the
turning of the' world's peoples
against us cannot be.
ONCE BEFORE the real con-
servatives of the nation saved it,
In 1954, when a few powerful of-
ficials were pushing us into a
preventive war with China, Presi-
dent Eisenhower was warned by
"a flood of communications that
descended on the White' House
from powerful institutions all over
the country."
This pressure of the genuine
conservatives ended the push to-
ward a world war' then. Today the
twin dangers of a carefully
escalated 'holocaust or the inex-
orable closing in of Fortress Amer-
ica are far greater, and time may
be short.

S tarn pede
To the Editor:
r[H E FOLLOWING is in re-
sponse to the letter that ap-
peared in The Daily of August 11.
The pretensions of the plant
department have been trampled,
but clearly those of Mr. Orlin can
flourish even without signs. One
wonders how so vast a mind can
encompass. the small dimensions
of this matter.
-Tom Knoop, Grad

'

in the, rebellion and this was
judged sufficient to justify a mas-
sive intervention, despite Article
15 of the Charter of the Organiza-
tion of American States which
says: "No State or igroup of States
has the right to intervene, directly
or indirectly, for any reason what-
ever, in the internal or external
affairs of any other State. The.
foregoing principle prohibits not
only armed force but also any
other form of interference or at-
tempted threat against the per-
sonality of the State or against
its political, economic and cultural
elements."
Article 17 says also: "The ter-
ritory of a State is inviolable; it
may not be the object, even tem-
porarily, of military occupation
or of other measures of force
taken by another State, directly
or indirectly, on any grounds
whatever."
This is the law and in ignoring
it our leaders did not even bother
to inform the OAS of their inter-
vention, much less consult it.
THE UNITED STATES not only
violated completely the basic law
governing our relations with Latin
America but also the United Na-
tions Charter which requires
every signatory to report any al-
leged measures of self defense
"immediately" to the Security
Council. When others brought the
issue to that Council the delegate
from Uruguay pointed out, on May
4, the violation of both Charters.
He rejected the "despotism of the
strongest," and denied the validity
of the new "Johnson Doctrine.,,
He referred to the ultimate af-
firmation of the Pax Americana
which President Johnson had
made ond May 2, the day before.
Declaring that Communist con-
spirators had taken over the re-
bellion, the President asserted that
"The American nations ' cannot,
must not and will not permit the
establishment of another Com-
munist government in this hemis-
phere."
The next day he declared, once
more: "We don't intend to sit
here in our rocking chair and let
the Communists set up any gov-

II: We would contain others;' we
would forbid revolutions. So Presi-
dent Johnson closed his address
on May 2 about the Dominican
intervention as follows: "We do
not want to bury anyone, as I
have said so many times before.
But we do not intend to be
buried."
IN THESE WORDS Mr. John-
son unconsciously announced the
ginning of Fortress America. The
oxd of containment and the be-
master of the richest and might-
iest power on earth felt our burial
threatened by another revolt on
a little Caribbean island. '
The Red tide was moving in
upon us, but "we will not be bur-
ied." "As long as I am President
of this country we are going to.
defend ourselves," Mr. Johnson
declared in all solemnity. Ob-
viously the great fear to which
our leaders had yielded in the
plenitude of our post war power is
closing in on them.
After nearly two decades of
rushing to ten alarm fires they
still keep breaking out, and our
increasingly strenuous efforts to\
put out little fires continue to
fan far bigger ones.
THE MAY 3 headline over the
Los Angeles Times reporter's dis-
patch from Buenos Aires was ac-
curate. "Angry Anti-U.S. Wave
Sweeps Latin. America: All Types
of Political Groups from North to
South Join in Cry of 'Interven-
tion'." Intervention by the United
States, wrote George Natanson, is
"a violently emotional issue." Re-
ports from nearly all the Latin
countries expressed the deeply
rooted fear: "This could happen
to us." The Chilean Foreign Min-
istry announced its "profound
alarm."
The press of a dozen countries,
which he named, united in con-
demning the action of the United
States.
Washington's success in pres-
suring the OAS to take over. the'
Dominican operation, on May 6,
at least formally, may blunt some
of the poignantly revived fears of
"The Colossus of the North." Yet
this is the deepest fear in the
Western Hemisphere. It has a
century of intervention behind it,
which the Latin Americans be-
lieved had been ended by the Good
Neighbor policy. Now suddenly the
19th Century is back again.
ACTUALLY, of course, it is too
late for the Johnson Doctrine. It
may be enforced for a time around
the Caribbean, and on the north-
ern rim of South America, but in
reality, as Eric Sevareid pointed
out on May 6, the great countries
of South America and several of
the smaller ones are separated
from us by vast areas of water,
jungles and mountains. They are
farther away than Europe and are
peopled by large expanding popu-
lations which live in increasingly
revolutionary situations..
Natanson reported from Chile
on May 2nd that the Chilean
people are in a mood to break

1

'Taxi' Gets Somewhere
Fast and Philosophical
At the Campus Theatre
"JN WAR, always kill people before you know them," says one of the
characters of "Taxi to Tobruk."
The theme may be no theme, but the movie is good. "Taxi" is
the story of five men, four hundred miles of desert, and World War II,
a French re-run with subtitles. It is neither wartime spectacle nor
poetic allegory, but it combines the excitement of the one with the
depth of the other to make a worthwhile and relevant film.
The plot is simple and realistic: four Allied soldiers and a German
prisoner trek from Tobruk to El Alamein. Between there is' danger,
of course, but also the type of drama that can be believed and
enjoyed without stretching either taste or imagination.
UNFORTUNATELY, the desert suffers from drought and from a
surfeit of stock characters. There is the cold-eved German. the nuu-

'In, Harm'sWa'
A Lot of Cliches
At the State Theatre
CLICHES ARE somehow more excusable in war pictures than in their
less bloody and more arty brethren. The clinetele expects plenty
of fireworks, nurse-officer romances, tearful reports of casualties, the
tough commander and his tough'talk.
Only one cliche will be documented here. For the total syndrome,
see "In Harm's Way," an Otto Preminger film.
First, the cliche, one taken:. from a short speech by Kirk Douglas.
Douglas is describing the variety of political opportunities in positions
of command who are camp followers of the worst type, the boot lickers
of higher politicians.
Kirk, without batting an eye, uses the sailor's insults of insults
to describe a particularly opportunistic rogue, played by Dana Andrews.
Kirk, his teeth clenched, spews: "He's nothing but a straw-bottom