Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSrrY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

OUTMODED PROPOSALS, STANDS:
US. Blocks Nonproliferation

ere Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MIcH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of 'staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
DNESDAY, AUGUST 4, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT MOORE

The Battlefield:
Fame or Farce?

kHO WINDS UP fighting a war, any
war?
Is it the expansive politician who makes
romise after promise to everyone imag-
table and commits the lives of his con-
tituents-with or without their permis-
ion?
Is it the housewife in Sioux Falls, Iowa,
'ith two daughters and a cat who thinks
hiat any sacrifice should be made in the
ause of truth, justice, and her way?
Is it the Detroit corporation lawyer who
abbles in munitions stock and supports
hie escalation of "freedom?" .
Is it the college stident who cries
bout "no price too high" and who wishes
e could go if it only weren't for that old
ack injury?
Is it the general in his Pentagon office
rho talks about the advisability of using
uclear weapons in support of our troops
n the field? Or is it even the war zone
eneral in his command post a hundred
riles from the nearest fighting, the one
rho can sign a thousand death warrants
t a stroke?
S IT ANY OF THESE?
If it is not then where does the re-
ponsibility lie for the enactment of a
olicy of force? In a case of mass killing
ie executioner is as #nportant as the
.dge especially when he is called upon
o execute himself.
Those who face the all too real possi-
ility of induction intoathe armed forces
gainst their will are never considered
;hen the time comes to make a decision.
Certain. people are called upon to pro-
ect others at the expense of their own
ves and exhibit a total lack of desire
o protect anyone's life but their own.
[ODAY ANYONE who faces the possi-
bility of actually going to war chooses
ne of two attitudes. Many agree with
he war in question in principle but pre-
er to see the other guy go. 'Why can't
hey call up the reserves?" they say.
'hese people are hypocrites; if they be.
eve in the war then they should be the
rst at the recruiting station.
On the other hand others in similar
ircumstances may either decide that all
'ars are evil and immoral or that the
articular war in question is unjust. In
ither case they advance a moral justi-
UDITH WARREN.....................Co-Editor
OBERT HIPPLER ...................... Co-Editor
DWARD HERSTEIN.............Sports Editor
UDITH FIELDS ................. Business Manager
EFFREY LEEDS............ Supplement Manager
IGHT EDITORS, Michael Badamo, John Meredith,
Robert Moore. Barbara Seyfried, Bruce Wasserstein.
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich.
Published daily Tuesday thruugb Saturday morning.

fication for avoiding in any way possi-
ble conscription.
Depending on his environmental con-
ditioning at the time, the potential
draftee generally submits to the course
of action acceptable to his society. If he
does not he risks not only social condem-
nation but penal action.
There have been no surveys taken of
draft eligible men on their views concern-
ing their life or death. If one were taken
there would be perhaps an overwhelming
unwillingness to die for something as
worthless as Viet Nam appears to be. This
is not considered important in higher
circles.
THIS RELUCTANCE becomes an ex-
tremely important factor when these
unwilling warriors find themselves in
Viet Nam.
It is true that military training does
much to kill any tendency toward indi-;
viclual thought and human independence.
It does a fairly effective job of turning
a man into a death machine. But it can
never kill that machine's fear of destruc-
tion.
This fear of death makes the instilla-
tion of patriotism and "esprit de corps"-
the enemies of fear-a crucial factor.
But what happens when the spirit
cannot be instilled? What happens when
the men fighting in Viet Nam see that
the war will not help them or the ones
they love? What happens when the glory,
the excitement, the bravado of war is ex-
posed for the sham it really is?
The mass desertions in the South Viet-
namese Army are a good example of
what lack of a sense of justification can
do to an army in the field.
FOR THE UNITED STATES soldier in
Viet Nam the proposition is not as sim-
ple as taking off his uniform and disap-
pearing into the woods. His home and
family are thousands of miles away, not
three rice paddies away. He cannot es-
cape.
Frustration grows. He picks fights
with his fellow soldiers and small cracks
appear in the solidarity of the fighting
force. And as the cracks grow larger the
effectiveness of the fighting force grows
smaller. The enemy senses a weakness and
presses harder.
The cracks develop into gaping holes
and the army, to the chagrin of all those
who don't fight but push for a fight, be-
comes impotent.,
THE WORDS of Abraham Lincoln can
be applied to a dissatisfied army: "A
nation divided against itself cannot
stand." Take note.
-MICHAEL BADAMO

By LEONARD PRATT
Second of Three Articles
TUESDAY'S reopening of the
Geneva disarmament confer-
ences b r o u g h t a surprisingly
stinging attack on the United
States from the Soviet represent-
ative, Semyon K. Tsarapkin. His
statements highlight a fairly ob-
vious fact that many would much
rather ignore.
That fact is that, in many cru-
cial respects, positions taken by
the U.S. government are by far
the greatest stumbling blocks to
any antiproliferation treaty.
These positions have served to
aggravate the East-West split be-
fore and now threaten to prevent
a giant step toward the closing of
that, split.
THE FIRST of these positions
is well-known-the U.S. govern-
ment's failure to recognize- and to
establish diplomatic relations with
Communist China.
Sino - American relations have
been needlessly strained over this
matter. Even more important, the
diplomatic hiatus has resulted at
best in an extremely stilted sys-
tem of communication between
the two protagonists.
Of course, each government
periodically proclaims that it
knows either as much as it needs
or as it wishes to know concern-
ing the other.
Although this may have been
true to an extent in the past, it
has become less and less true as
the two countries have become
more and more enmeshed in one
another's future.
ALL OF which relates to a po-
tential antiproliferation treaty by
the simple fact that in 10 years
such a treaty will be meaningless
without China's signature. A
treaty could be meaningful with-
out, say, France's signature, for
France is very unlikely to use her
fledgling forces without assurance
of Allied assistance; but it could
never be meaningful without the

-Associated Press
PRIME MINISTER HAROLD WILSON of Britain opened (above) the annual spring meeting of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization last May 11. U.S. proposals to share responsibility for its nuclear
weapons with other NATO nations are regarded as the main roadblock to an East-West agreement on

a Iks
reason the U.S. government in-
sists it discourages it: it gives
some degree of control over
America's bombs to non-nuclear
countries.
THE SHAME of it all is that
Tsarapkin said the Soviet govern-
ment would immediately accept a
treaty If the two projects were
scrapped; considering Russia's in-
creasingly moderate diplomacy,
this seems a very probable event.
. After all, would not the U.S. re-
gard an analogous Russian pro-
gram involving her East European
satellites to be proliferation?
IN THE LIGHT of ' Russia's
very realcomplaint, U.S. insist-
ance on an allied nuclear force
seems incredible indeed. Combined
with the definite possibility of a
treaty if only this position is for-
gone, this unwitting roadblock be-
comes quite indefensible.
It certainly cannot be argued
that an allied force is a necessity
to keep the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization on its feet. American
rockets in Montana are capable
of more than adequately def end-
ing any point that NATO decides
needs defending. In a practical
light, then, American proposals
for an allied nuclear force are
little more than good diplomacy.
But if this good diplomacy be-
gins to be harmful to the best in-
terests of the world at large, as
it will certainly be if it obstructs
an antiproliferation treaty, rea-
son demands it be rejected.
In fact, in at least three "other
issues," American policy is bar-
ring these agreements.
There is no reason for any of
these three situations to persist.
If they are allowed to persist,
successful, lasting nuclear treaties
will be an impossibility.
TOMORROW: 'What actions
the U.S. should take to speed
agreement on a nonprolifera-
tion treaty,

nonproliferation of atomic devices.
adherence of an independent Chi-
nese military giant.
The key point is that the non-
existence of diplomatic under-
standing precludes Chinese ad-
herence to a treaty to which
America is a party. One simply
does not sign a treaty with a
government one does not recog-
nize.
This problem, though very real,
is nonetheless several years dis-
tant. There are others which are
not so comfortably removed.
FIRST AMONG such problems
is the government's failure to pro-
vide effective proof on an inter-
national scale that it recognizes
the altered nature of nuclear war.
Atomic war has become less im-
portant as purely the ultimate
means of conflict between the
world's opposing blocs.
Rather, linked with this status
is the possibility that smaller
powers can now use nuclear weap-
ons for their comparatively petty

disagreements while drawing the
larger states into conflict with
them.
Even if the larger powers were
not drawn into such a war, the
issue still remains that a chief
of a small state could exterminate
several million innocent people for
almost any reason at all.
SUCH POSSIBILITIES sketch
the picture of a dirty type of war
vastly different than much cur-
rent American foreign policy evi-
dently envisions.
For example, if the dangers of
nuclear war in the Middle East
were properly realized, it would
seem only reasonable for America
to exert every effort to ease the
new strains appearing there. Yet
these efforts have failed to mate-
rialize.
B e f o r e an antiproliferation
treaty can be a success in the
crucial sense that it secures the
pledge of presently non-nuclear
powers to remain so, our govern-.

ment must greatly increase its
unilateral diplomatic efforts to
prevent proliferation by such key
nations as Israel and India.
APPARENTLY the biggest block
America has unintentionally
thrown in the path of a success-
ful treaty is its contemplation of-
a Western allied nuclear fleet.
Tsarapkin cited this plan, along
with England's version of it, the
plan for an Atlantic nuclear force,
as Russia's only objections to an
antiproliferation treaty.
America, of course, views the
two proposals as means to end
proliferation in Europe. If West
Germany and Italy are given par-
tial responsibility for our weap-
ons, so the doctrine runs, it will'
effectively discourage them from
thinking about building their own
forces.
Russia's view is just the oppo-
site. The Soviets see the proposals
as encouraging the proliferation
of nuclear weapons for the same

4

'DOMESTIC PEACE CORPS' NEEDED:
India- Can Disaster, Chaos Be Avoided?

0'

By SHELDEN and
ANDREY MENEFEE
The New Republic
INDIA'S COMMUNITY Develop-
ment Program was launched 12
years ago as an expression of a
people's faith in Mahatma Gan-
dhi's prophecy: "When our vil-
lages are fully developed . . .
there will be village poets, village
artists, village architerts, linguists
and research workers. There will
be nothing in life worth having
which will not be had in the vil-
lages. Today the villages of India
are dung heaps. Tomorrow, they
will be like little Gardens of Eden
where dwell highly intelligent folk
whom no one can deceive or ex-
ploit."
Though the program now reach-
es nearly all of India's 556,000 vil-
lages, it is bogging down, and if
it fails the consequences could be
famine, chaos and revolution.
Community Development has a
staff of 50,000 "village level work-
ers" who are attached to 5,222
"blocks," each covering about
100 villages. Each block has a di-
rector, two or more extension of-
ficers, and several minor officials.
There is a village level worker for
every 10 villages or so. The pro-
gram makes use of such tradi-
tional institutions as the village
panchayat (council) and village
cooperative societies.
IMPRESSIVE statistics are re-
leased regularly from headquar-
ters in New Delhi, and newspapers
carry the reports: CD has distri-
buted two million tons of im-
proved seeds to villages, held 11
million agricultural demonstra-
tions, trained five and a half mil-
lion farm leaders in new produc-
tion methods, made 71 million
adults literate, and so forth.
But the statistics are based on
reports from village level workers
and block officials and there is no
machinery for checking them.

4

PRIME MINISTER SHASTRI
They are often designed to im-
press superior officials and do not
reflect actual achievements.
THE TRUTH is that disaster
threatens India and CD seems
powerless to prevent it. The twin
factors of unchecked population
growth and limited food ,produc-
tion (India's production has stood
at about 80 million tons for the
last three years) are expected to
meet head-on in about seven
years.
The great sprawling organiza-
tion of Community Development
has never really moved out of low
gear, partly because it has failed
to provide a substitute for Gan-
dhi's innocent faith in the spin-
ning wheel. Millions of rupees
continue to be poured into obso-
lete uneconomic "village indus-
tries." Farmers cling to the home-
made plow and irrigation by goat-
skin bag.
The ancient system of inheri-
tance of property by division
among male children has split

village holdings into tiny plots;
and fratricide is one of the com-
monest and most brutal kinds of
murder=in rural India.
IF COMMUNITY Development
were functioning properly, food
production would be increasing
through intelligent use of fertiliz-
ers and machinery; family plan-
ning would be the rule; illiteracy
would be almost wiped out; sani-
tation would have been introduced
to all the villages long since.
But adult literacy is still only
five per cent in most of the small-
er villages, and thousands of vil-
lages lack even drinking-water
wells.
The village level worker is the
foundation stone of CD. In theory,
he lives in the central village of a
10-village hobli, or circle, and
meets constantly with individual
farmers and village panchayats;
demonstrates n e w agricultural
techniques; helps get schools
started; brings word of the out-
side world; and generally guides
India's villagers out of the dark
ages. The government gives him
two years of training for this all-
important task.
But after nine years of exper-
ience his pay is only about $27 a
month, and most village level
workers view their assignments as
a way to get a little play with a
minimum of effort.
OFTEN A low - caste village
level worker is snubbed by village
headmen of higher caste. In one
village we asked a brahmin if he
would shake hands with a village
level worker who was a Harjan
(untouchable). He said yes, if the
hand were offered, but he would
have to go home immediately to
bathe and do puja (prayers) to
remove the pollution.
This man was a university grad-
uate and more relaxed in his ob-
servance of Hindu taboos than

- b
r-Ta

MRS. INDIRA GANDHI

y ,

most villagers.
In another place the villagers
tried vainly to get loans from the
block office to help them build
seven wells. They had already dug
three wells, but they wanted to
grow two crops yearly instead of
one and for this they needed ten
wells.
ONE OF them told us "It takes
100 to 150 rupees in bribes to
push the papers through the block
office. The village level worker
expects 10 or 15 rupees for recom-
mending the loan.
"The clerk who must approve
a loan expects to be paid, and the
assistant registrar who approves
the deed of land ownership wants
extra money for the title papers.
We cannot pay this money so we
cannot get the papers moved
across the desks."
IF THE Community Develop-
ment Program is to be rescued
from becoming a giant boondog-

gle, it will have to undergo drastic
reorganization. Probably 10 or 20
per cent of the staff should sim-
ply be fired, which would not be
easy under civil service regula-
tions.
An Indian version of the Peace
Corps, organized for service to
India's villages, might touch a
responsive chord among thou-
sands of idealistic youngsters who
have seen the American Peace
Corps at work, and the trust and
admiration the villagers give the
young foreigners.
But an obstacle is the Indian
attitude to manual labor. A young
Indian with a high school or col-
lege diploma feels degraded by
doing other than white-collar
work.
THE PRESTIGE of Prime Min-
ister Shastri or Mrs. Indira
Gandhi could, however, be invok-
ed in an appeal like that made
by the late President Kennedy be-
fore his election. His Peace Corps
proposal touched millions of
Americans.
Indian youth believes in democ-
racy too, but this generation has
not been asked to contribute to
the building of the nation. The
students are volatile, confused,
leaderless. A generation ago their
parents walked out of classes and
marched in demonstrations to
defy the British Raj.
In a sad mockery of this heri-
tage, students today close the
doors of colleges and go out on
strike for lower tuition fees and
easier examination questions, or
against the teaching of Hindi as
a second language.
VILLAGE India is stirring from
the sleep of centuries, and is
ready for vigorous leadership. If
Community Development f ails
these millions, its failure may
mean the end of democracy in
India.

*

0

/

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
The President Opts for a Limited Asian Conflict

By WALTER LIPPMANN
HE DECISIONS taken by the
President as the result of the
review of the situation in Viet
Nam are realistic. Also, as a result,
the American position is strength-
ened and improved.
The crucial issue which he had
to resolve was what this country
should do since the South Viet-
namese government has lost to
the Viet Cong the control of vir-
tually all the highways and most

ference between, on the one hand,
an unlimited and illimitable war
that could escalate into total war,
and, on the other hand, a limited
war - the President calls it a
"measured" war-which is clearly
within American military power,
demands no exorbitant sacrifice
and keeps the struggle within the
possibility of diplomatic negotia-
tions.
The President on Wednesday
announced, if I understood him
correctly, his choice between these

troops needed would, according to
the usual formula of 10 to 1 for
guerrilla war, meanF nearly a
million.
THERE IS additional evidence
from the official disclosures on
Wednesday that the President has
decided against a serious escala-
tion of the war in North Viet Nam.
He has been under pressure to
send the bombers into the heart
of North Viet Nam, into the area
of Hanoi and Haiphong, where

countryside to eliminate the Viet
Cong from the villages, but rather
to confine ourselves to conven-
tional military action.
ALONG WITH the decision to
keep the war limited, the Presi-
dent has launched a strong dip-
lomatic campaign for a negotiated
peace. He has in the past pro-
posed or hinted at most, perhaps
all, of the elements of his cam-
paign.
B:ut the cnmhination he descrih.

and that we are prepared in South
Viet Nam, or in all Viet Nam, to
accept UN supervised elections.
This is contrary to the position
taken by Secretary of State J. F.
Dulles 10 years ago, and the Presi-
dent's willingness to return to
"the purpose of the 1954 agree-
ments" opens the door wide in
principle to a negotiated settle-
ment.
Hanoi will probably still re-
fuse to negotiate. For the Viet
Cong and Hanoi are within sight

k

1 _; .,a