Seventy-Fifth Year
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PROS AND CONS:
UN Faces Legal, Political Troubles

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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, JULY 29, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: BRUCE WASSERSTEIN

Two-Year Colleges:
An Answer to Growth

By SHREESH JUYAL
Second of Three Articles
THE PRESENT UN paralysis is
legal and constitutional, but it
is also deep in its political as-
pects. The problems, apart from
trying to improve the world at-
mosphere, are the financial crisis
and the profound differences of
attitudes over future peace-keep-
ing operations.
The big division over peace-
keeping involves Article 19, cov-
ering failure to pay UN assess-
ments. The Soviet Union, France
and another 11 countries have re-
fused to pay overdue peacekeeping
assessments.
Article 19 of the UN Charter
provides that "a member of the
United Nations which is in ar-
rears in the payment of its finan-
cial contributions to the organi-
zation shall have not vote in the
General Assembly if the amount
of its arrears equals or exceeds the
amount of the contributions due
from it for the preceding two full
years."

THE SOVIET UNION is the big-
gest debtor, owing a total of $62
million, and then comes France
and 11 other countries. The UN
faces a deficit of over $153 mil-
lion.
If the USSR fails to pay at
least $21 million of her total debt,
she should, by application of the
Article 19, lose her vote in the
General Assembly.
Both Russia and France deny
the Assembly's competence to au-
thorize peacekeeping missions.
They have maintained, despite a
contrary advisory opinion from
the International Court of Jus-
tice, that they are not obligated
to pay for peacekeeping func-
tions which the United Nations
has established against their own
vote.
RUSSIA maintains that Article
24 confers upon the Security
Council exclusive responsibility for
the maintenance of international
peace and any question on which
action is necessary must be refer-
red to the Security Council, which
also has exclusive responsibility

for making
as provided
50.

financial assessments
in Articles 43, 48 and

BY 1970, there will be an estimated 7
million college students, 2.2 million
more than there are this year. By 1985,
not only the schools but the whole coun-
try will be veritably bulging at the seams;
there will be 275 million Americans, 80
million more than there are now, more
than twice the population in 1940. Where
your father had one college roommate,
your son will have two; where you, per-
haps, had five friends, your son will have
seven.
The figuresare impressive but unmov-
ing; it is the reality of jammed classes
and rejection notices that really matters.
In the state of Michigan alone, under-
graduate enrollment will be up 327,000 in
ten years; unless something is changed,
many of these will be sent to the wrong
school-or to no school at all.
The main hope for tomorrow is a sys-
tem of state-supported public two-year
colleges, offering both. technical train-
ing and a rigorous, high-quality educa-
tion in the liberal arts and sciences,
where the accepted sequence for a stu-
dent would be from high school totwo-
year college to university.
ONE REASON to institute a two-year
college system is to minimize the bad
effects of a "multiversity" or "university-
machine" like our own, a sprawling demi-
city of 29,000 students on a 21,000 acre,
172-building complex, complete with cops.
The university-machine is a great insti-
tution in terms of research, scholarship
and accessibility to information.
Yet the freshman in his English 123 or
Psych 100 course gets little benefit from
the huge research contracts or Old Eng-
lish dictionaries that created the uni-
versity's prestige in the first place. His
class size averages out to about three
times larger than graduate student class-
es.
His first two years are mainly compre-
hensive, shallow introductory courses that
could just as well be given in a small
two-year college, by a dedicated and com-
municative-If less published-teacher.
AND IT I TRUE that the big univer-
sity is a usually impersonal, sometimes
painful creature, where what often
counts is not the person but the product,
'not the attitude but the answers.
The big school can try-as our does-
but it is mainly foiled by lack of funds
fori smaller, less institutional dormitories,
more counselors and smaller classes.
Freshmen and sophomores are often un-
prepared for the quiet horrors of the mass
existence, for the constant need for deci-
sions on anything from laundry to love.
They get the disadvantages of the uni-
versity-machine, but few of the benefits.
FURTHER, the freshman-sophomore at
the big university is in a sense pay-
ing for other people's education. In 1960-
61, it cost $12.47 per hour per week to
educate an underclassman, $22.26 for a
junior or senior, and $54.46 for a gradu-
JUDITH WARREN......................Co-Editor
ROBERT RIPPLER.....................Co-Editor
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor. M i .
Published daily Tuesday thruagh Saturday morning.

"I

ate or graduate-professional student.
Yet their fees are substantially the
same. In fact, the literary college, where
most underclassmen should be and where
most of them are, is the cheapest of the
University's colleges, costing only $752 per
student compared with the average $1,870
cost at the University's other 13 schools
and colleges.
Then, it seems, a literary college un-
derclassman costs-and should pay-far
less than, say, a social work upperclass-
man. Yet now all undergraduates pay
$174 in-state, $500 out-state, and gradu-
ate students pay $190-$550. If students
actually paid in proportion to their costs,
some graduate students would have a fee
schedule of $783-$2,250.
A two-year college could take advan-
tage of the lower costs for underclass-
men literary college students. Perhaps
building expenses would be higher for a
smaller school; it is less expensive per
student to build a Markley than a small-
er dorm. But would it be worth it? Two-
year colleges could also gain a larger in-
come from local sources and alumnae
than the big universities.
TWO-YEAR COLLEGES are growing
fast. In California, 84per cent of col-
lege freshmen are enrolled in two-year
colleges. Saturday Review estimated that
by 1970, 80 per cent of all students en-
tering college will be attending two-year
or community colleges.
Last March, Gov. George Romney's
"blue ribbon" report on state education
added 11 new community college districts.
In all of Michigan, while enrollment at
public colleges and universities has gone
up 84 per cent since 1953, enrollment
has gone up 348 per cent in public com-
munity colleges.
The recent Higher Education Facilities
Act set aside $50.6 million for two-year
colleges-$2.3 million this year for Michi-
gan.
If the two-year college becomes the ac-
cepted stepping stone between high school
and the big school with its graduate re-
search programs and world-famous au-
thorities, if the two-year colleges get
afloat academically, so that they are not
considered second-chances or senior high
schools, then it will be better for the sys-
tem and the student.
IF AS SOMETIMES has been suggested,
the University, already almost 40 per
cent graduates and 72 per cent upper-
classmen or over, eventually becomes a
school only for juniors or seniors or, as
others have predicted, becomes a gradu-
ate school, it would do no harm as long
as two-year colleges-had been set to take
up the slack, to provide education as good
as the University's undergraduate pro-
gram.
Since 1930, the percentage of gradu-
ate students has been moving up, from
26 per cent to the present 38.8 per cent.
In many ways the University is a gradu-
ate school that lets in undergraduates
now.
To meet the demands of the coming
hordes of youths who want to go to col-
lege, the two-year college should be-
come the backbone of undergraduate ed-
ucation. It should, and, it appears, it will.
-ROBERT MOORE

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
U.S. Reaps Harvest
In Southeast Asia

By WALTER LIPPMANN
WE ARE ABOUT to pit Ameri-
cans against Asians on the con-
tinent of Asia. Except for the
diminishing and disintegrating
South Vietnamese army, we have
only token or verbal support from
any Asian country.
No great Asian power, Japan,
India or Pakistan,\is aligned with
us. None of our European Allies
is contributing anything beyond
scattered verbal support.
We have no mandate from the
United Nations as we had in Ko-
rea, none from NATO, none from
the nations of this hemisphere.
THE SITUATION in which we
find ourselves is unprecedented,
and the best the administration
has been able to achieve by way
of approval and support from our
own people is a reluctant and de-
pressed acquiescence. I
For there has been no proof,
not even a real attempt to prove,
that the security of the United
States is vitally threatened in this
war as it was, for example, when
Hitler was in sight of the con-
quest of Britain and the capture
of the British fleet, or when Ja-
pan with a great navy threatened
to command the whole Pacific
Ocean, including Hawaii and the
coast of California.
Nations fight well when they
are defending themselves, when,
that is to say, they have a vital
interest. It is the lack of an
American vital interest which ex-
plains the currentmood of de-
pression and anxiety, which ex-
plains why our intervention in
Southeast Asia has for 10 years
been so gingerly, so furtive, so in-
adequate.
THERE ARE in truth two main
reasons why we are becoming ever
more deeply involved in Viet Nam.
The first, much the more pow-
erful of the two, is a proud refusal
to admit a mistake, to admit the
failure of an attempt begun 10*
years ago to make South Viet Nam
a pro-American and anti-Chinese
state. More than anything else we
are fighting to avoid admitting a
failure-to put it bluntly, we are
fighting to save face.
There is a second reason which
weighs heavily with many con-
scientious people. It is a respect-
able reason. As stated by the New
York Herald Tribune on Sunday:
'WE'RE IN VIET NAM at the ex-
press invitation of the Vietnamese
government; we're fighting there
for the Vietnamese people. But

we're fighting also, for the mil-
lions of people in the other threat-
ened lands beyond, people who
haven't the power to defend them-
selves from the Chinese colossus,
and whose lives, safety and free-
dom depend on the strong arm of
the policeman-which only we can
provide."
My own view is that the con-
ception of ourselves as the soli-
tary policeman of mankind is a
dangerous form of self-delusion.
The United States is quite unable
to.police the world, and it is dan-
gerous to profess and pretend that
we can be the policeman of the
world.
How many more Dominican Re-
publics can the United States po-
lice in this hemisphere? How many
Viet Nams can the United States
defend in Asia?
THE BELIEVERS in America as
the world policeman get around
these practical difficulties by mak-
ing an assumption-that what
happens in Viet Nam will deter-
mine what happens elsewhere in
Asia,' that what happens in the
Dominican Republic will deter-
mine what'happens all over Latin
America.
This notion of the decisive test
is a fallacy.
The Korean War, in which we
successfully defended South Ko-
rea, did not determine the outcome
in Indochina. What we have done
in the Dominican Republic will
not protect any other Latin Amer-
ican country from the threat of
revolution.
REVOLUTIONARY wars are in-
deed dangerous to order, and it
is baffling to know how to deal
with them.
But we may be sure that the
phenomenon of revolutionary wars,
which is latent in all of the un-
derdeveloped regions of the world,
cannot be dealt with by American
military intervention whenever
disorder threatens to overwhelm
the constituted authority.
On the contrary, it is more like-
ly that in making Viet Nam the
test of our ability to protect Asia,
we shall in fact provide revolu-
tionary China with just the ene-
my it needs in order to focus pop-
ular hatred against us-a white,
rich, capitalistic great power.
WE ARE ALLOWING ourselves
to be cast in the role of the
enemy of the miserable and un-
happy masses of the emerging na-
tions.
(c) 1965, The Washington Post Co.

The USSR delegate in the UN
on October 24, 1963 said that in
adopting resolutions calling for
military action or authorizing the
assessment of expenses for opera-
tions in the Middle East or the
Congo, "the General Assembly had
acted ultra vires and the reso-
lutions in question were legally
invalid."
France has also held the same
position. The French maintained
that expenses entailed by opera-
tions undertaken upon a recom-
mendation of the General Assem-
bly were binding only on those
member states that had approved
the operations.
If the Assembly could decide
by a two-thirds majority to im-
pose financial obligations on all
members, it would take on the at-
tributes of a "super state."
France rejected the advisory
opinion of the International Court
of Justice that expenses for UNEF
and ONUC constituted expenses
of the organization within the
meaning of Article 17, paragraph
2, of the charter.
THE STATES which have borne
most of the costs of peacekeeping
Canada, the United Kingdom
and the United States-have offi-
cially taken positions that Article
19 must be applied. In the words
of the Canadian prime minister,
they "do not seek to force this
issue, but . . . are ready to face it
if the delinquent states are not
prepared to join. in a search for
a constructive solution. The fi-
nancial dilemma must be solved."
If the General Assembly, as de-
manded by the Albanian delegate,
had resumed its ordinary voting
procedure and the provision of the
charter had been implied, the So-
viet Union and France would have
been out. This would have proven
that the UN could assert its au-
thority even against great powers.
But it was not done because
bringing the showdown into the
open would have also created a
wider gulf in the organization-
and perhaps even more grave con-
sequences affecting its existence
might have followed.
IF THIS SITUATION continues
and the position of Canada, UK
and the U.S.A. remains unchanged,
a showdown is expected in the
September session.
However, diplomatic circles as-
sume that despite the firmness
of the stand taken by these states,
the showdown will never take place
as the feelings and atmosphere are
too much against it.
Between these two extreme po-
sitions the most concerned are
Latin American, African and As-
ian countries, which have been
very anxious to avoid any direct
confrontation and find new alter-
natives to it.
THE EFFECTIVENESS of the
United Nations has not been as-
serted because in the very nature
of its existence it clashes with
the national sovereignty of states.
The two concepts oppose each
other and the very strength and
growth of the international orga-
nization depends on whether the
states are prepared to relinquish
a part of their sovereignty.
During 20 years, the Soviet
Union has repeatedly used its veto
in the Security Council, protecting
its own attitude or national out-
look. It also has frequently op-
posed the two secretary-generals
of the United Nations, Trygve Lie
and Dag Hammarskjold, who tried
and in fact acted upon the col-
lective will of the United Nations.
THE OTHER champion of the
national sovereignty is the France
of de Gaulle, who does not want
the General Assembly to use its
will on peacekeeping missions, but
only the Security Council-where,
being one of the big five powers,
France has a veto.

On February 4, he demanded
that the United Nations must "re-
turn to prudence and to the char-
ter." He said that by "return"
the organization might regain its
equilibrium.
According to the charter the
UN forces should be organized and
directed by the Military Staff
Committee, which is made up of
military representatives of the five
big powers. But thisncommittee
has had no hand. in any UN
peacekeeping project.
THEREFORE President de
Gaulle has seen a need for a
meeting of the five big powers-
the U.S., United Kingdom, France,
Nationalist China and the Soviet
Union. France also charged Mr.
Hammarskjold exceeded his pow-
ers and commended Mr. Thant
for his restraint. The example giv-
en by de Gaulle was the Congo.
In fact the Assembly authorized
only one peacekeeping force, UN-
EF; and France has fully paid her
contribution.
The Congo operation was au-
thorized by the Security Council,
in which de Gaulle's government
did not obstruct any of the reso-

-Associted Press
KHRUSHCHEV (ABOVE, WITH extended hand) visited the UN in
1960. Since then, financial and political troubles have plunged the
UN into trouble.

CHAMBER MUSIC-

T her Stanley Quartet;
Masterfulyet Relaxed'
At Rackham Auditorium
LYRICAL INTERPRETATIONS of traditional and contemporary
works for strings were presented last night by the Stanley Quartet
in their second recital of the summer.
The Quartet played "Quartet in B-flat major" by Haydn, "Quartet
in F-minor" by Beethoven and "Quartet No. 6" by Bartok.
Unconventional techniques were featured in the Bartok quartet
As the concluding selection of the recital; it allowed the group an
opportunity to display competence as well as feeling for such modern
music. The Stanley Quartet communicated a sense of relaxed, but
masterful, control with transitions between striking and calm passages
smoothly made.
THE WORKS by Mozart and Beethoven also received treatment
in the Quartet's smooth and lyrical style.
Three recitals are being presented this summer by the University
School of Music. Admission to the recitals held in Rackham Lecture
Hall is free.
A final recital in the series will be presented on Wednesday,
August 11, at 8:30 p.m. The Stanley Quartet will present works by
Haydn, Webern, and Faure. Pianist Eugene Bossart will be featured
at this performance.
MEMBERS OF the Stanley Trio are Angel Reyes, violin; Gustave
Rosseels, violin; Robert Courte, viola; and Jerome Jelinek, cello.
-NEAL BRUSS
'MONDO CANE' REVISITED:
Malamondo--A Sick
Distortion of Reality
At the Campus Theatre
TEEN-AGERS OF the world-'This Is Your Life!"
The movie is called "Malamondo" and it's a slighty different focus
than that presented in "Mondo Cane," but not much. This time the
roving eye of the "documentary" camera has managed to immoralize
on film thousands of pimpley faced youths doing just about everything
obnoxious and stupid there is to do.
The overall criticism of "Malamonda" is the same as that of
"Mondo Cane." A movie should have a purpose-a meaningful, perhaps
even uplifting purpose (this obviously includes good comedy).
This movie doesn't try to do anything but be dirty in a behind-
the-barn sort of way. After showing us scenes of violent, brutal teen-
agers we are treated to a rehearsal at a ballet school. The dancing
students are male. This is not the most acceptedly masculine of pur-
suits so we all snicker at the dancers.
THE MOST INFURIATING, simple-minded and destructive scenes
are those where we point our fingers and giggle at homosexuals. Homo-
sexuality can be a tremendous personal tragedy, and movies like this
are cruel and vicious.
"Malamondo" is sick all the way through. This is most strikingly
shown when they take emotionally disturbed, semi-autistic children

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