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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

FEIFFER

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBORMICH.
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints.

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SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1966

NIGHT EDITOR: PAT O'DONOHUE

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Gubernatorial Race:
The Romney Mirage


CONSIDERING what Gov. Romney has
done for higher education in Michi-
igan, vote for Zolton Ferency."
This quotation is a radio advertisement
for Zolton Ferency, who is taking on the
invincible, untarnishable George Rom-
ney, a Presidential aspirant in 1968.
Unfortunately, the people of Michigan
are myopic as to just what Romney has
achieved for the state. They have bought
an image of Romney created by public
relations men, which is neither true nor
plausible.
Granted, the Romney image has lent
prestige to the state itself, and helped to
attract greater investment. But these
gains haven't been utilized to meet press-
ing needs. .
ROMNEY'S BUDGETS in the last two
years have been far below the final
appropriations in both the fields of sec-
ondary and higher education, and men-
tal health. The legislature-far from per-
fect itself-has seen fit' to utilize the
state's large surplus rather than hoard it
for a political issue.
The Democratic Legislature has taken
the "Romney balancect budgets" and put
substance in them appropriating money
where needs exist.
Romney seems to feel that budget sur-
pluses are more vital to the state than
meeting the State's pressing needs in ed-
ucation and mental health.
The State has been for the past two
years in a period of record economic
growth, with tax revenues at an all time
high.
State agencies and institutions had
starved under the inadequate recession-
year budgets of the late fifties and early
sixties. Yet, Romney's budgets still show a

preoccupation with a surplus rather than
a concern with actual needs.
ROMNEY IS A mirage. His administra-
tion has been successful mainly be-
cause of national prosperity and a boost
from the Democratic Legislature.
Romney has taken credit for such im-
portant achievements as increases in
workmen's and unemployment compensa-
tion. But the fact of the matter is that
Romney fought the passage of both
measures until he realized he could not
defeat them with a public fight. He then
switched positions, appearing to support
the measure from the first.
Romney's off the cuff remarks at news
conferences and speeches before women's
clubs best illustrate his true color. For
instance, he affirmed the philosophy be-
hind the state Senate Resolution to ban
Communist speakers on state campuses
although he felt a resolution wasn't ne-
cessary. He later said he was misunder-
stood.
Romney was hardly misunderstood. As
Zolton Ferency psaid at that time, "he has
no understanding whatsoever of the deep
meaning of academic freedom."
IN HIS EVANGELISTIC style, Romney
attacks what he considers moral decay
in American society without suggesting
just what it is or how to remedy it.
Ferency, in an anemically financed
campaign to put this truth to the voters,
is portrayed as a clown by Michigan's Re-
publican newspapers; voters have largely
ignored his issue-oriented, hard hitting
campaign.
FERENCY is one of the finest candidates
the Democratic Party has ever offered,
but his talent is wasted on a futile effort.
-MARK LEVIN

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The 'Devil Theory'

Lives-in

Washington

A Step Toward Peace

'WE ARE INVOLVED in the third big-
gest war in history and with no pro-
gram to end it."
So stated Richard M. Nixon in his ap-
praisal of the results of the Manila Con-
ference. And Mr. Nixon is right. The re-
cent Manila conference did nothing to-
ward achieving peace in Viet Nam.
In fact, the Defense Department is
drafting plans for an intensification of
the bombing of North Viet Nam; and the
Pentagon expects President Johnson to
decide in favor of the step-up.
H PENTAGON justifies its intensifica-
tion of bombing on grounds that it will
persuade the leaders in Hanoi to reassess
their prospects for eventually winning
the war justify in light of the increased
price.
A good answer gentlemen, but you have
forgotten to add that the same reassess-
ment must be made by the leaders in
Washington and all those they lead.
According to Mr. Nixon, "The adminis-
tration's current policy resigns America
and the free Asian nations to a war
which could last five years and cost more
casualties than Korea." All the facts sup-
port him.
Last Wednesday the Pentagon announc-
ed that 46,000 more American troops
would be sent to Viet Nam before the
end of the year. It was also predicted
that the American commitment would
rise to more than 400,000 in early 1967.
About 5700 Americans have been killed in
Viet Nam so far.
HIOW MANY MORE Americans must be
sent? Is the draft quota which reach-
ed a 15-year-high in October to be raised
again?
More and more, this war is becoming a
war of Americans against Vietnamese. It
had been, hoped that the Manila con-
ference would 'result in a pledge for in-
creased Asian commitment in Viet Nam.
No such pledge came. And the confer-
ence brought peace no closer.
The strategies used by the American
government so far have produced neither
victory nor peace. It is time that a serious
Business Staff

attempt be made to bring an end to this
war and provide for a lasting peace.
AN EXPANSION of Mr. Nixon's sugges-
tion for the President to call together
leaders of both parties to develop a prac-
tical and humane foreign policy is essen-
tial.
But this must be more than a bipar-
tisan conference. It must allow for the
expression of solutions by all represen-
tative factions on both sides of the war.
Only then will the end be in sight.
-SUSAN ELAN
A Model
YES, AND NOW, just in time for Christ-
mas, you can buy the perfect toy for
your child. For only $1 you can get Park
Plastics Company's new Fidel Castro Mod-
el kit-"complete with big mouth, pluck-
ed chicken, sugar bags, hammer and
sickle, faucet, and time bomb."
The model is all part of Park's "Born
Losers" collection of "hysterical-histori-
cal greats." Other born loser kits include
Napoleon and Hitler.
While gluing together Castro's plucked
chicken and a "from Russia with Love"
rocket your child will gain a valuable
short course in Latin American politics.
PARK INCLUDES a biography of Castro
in the kit. Sample excerpt: Castro "re-
turned to Cuba in 1956 and by January 1,
1959 he had toppledathe dictatorial gov-
ernment. He was' hailed as a liberator,
but soon he showed his true colors. In
1961, he announced he was a supporter of
Communism. His Island of Paradise
(?????) turned out to be a Police State."
By the time junior has put Castro to-
gether, "standing astride an island he
made a people's paradise???", he'll be the
envy of all his friends. He'll be the first
in the neighborhood to have a "custom
painted model" of Castro about to light
a "time bomb" with his cigar.
AND YOUR CHILD will even know a
new Spanish phrase, taught to him in
the instructions. It's Castro's motto "when
the bomb goes off-No se puede ganar
siempre !-Yon can't win 'em all."
-ROGER RAPOPORT
£71 1 . *

By DAVID BERSON
DURING THE SENATE'S debate
over the foreign aid bill this
summer, the junior senator from
Virginia, Harry Flood Byrd, Jr.,
rose to add an amendment.
Wher'eas it is common knowl-
edge that Red China is supporting
the North Vietnamese against the
United States, reasoned Byrd, and
whereas the West German govern-
ment is reportedly giving assist-
ance to the Chinese in the con-
struction of a steel plant which
will probably produce armaments
for North Vietnamese purposes, the
foreign aid bill should include an
amendment denouncing West Ger-
many for aiding the Communists.
The senior senator from Arkan-
sas, J. W. Fulbright, didn't buy it.
"West Germany is one of our
strongest allies. Why single them
out?" asked Fulbright. "If you're
going to denounce the West Ge4 -
mans you're going to have to in-
clude Canada and Great Britain
and ..."
"YOU'RE GOING to have to in-
clude everybody," interrupted Sen-
ator Aiken of Vermont.
Senator Harry Flood Byrd, Jr.
stammered for a moment.
But if Harry Byrd, Jr. seemed to
have lost that one, he might con-
sole himself withnthe fact that his
with the foreign policy of the
amendment is quite consistent
with the foreign policy of the
United States as practiced since
1945. (The amendment was also
eventually included.)
It doesn't seem to matter too
much to Washington that U.S.
policy in Viet Nam hasn't been
exactly well-received abroad. The
old cliches are sounded daily, and
the old thought is still regarded as
mainstream. The devil theory is
still very respectable.
THE DEVIL THEORY began
with Truman. When the anti-Axis
alliance was smashed by the im-
perialism of Stalin, the President,
as James J. Warburg writes, saw
the Soviet Union as the one ob-
stacle to world harmony.
IT WAS NOTa variety of com-
plex causes which plagued the
world, not the awakening of the
Third World, not the technical
revolution ,not the shambled post-
war economy. It was Russia.
Repulsed by Stalin's colonial de-
signs, Truman saw the state of
world affairs as a struggle between
the good guys and the bad guys. If
things weren't koing so well, some-
body was to blame. The Truman
Doctrine made it clear that the
United States was ready to put it-
self on the line against the Soviets
wherever and whenever it was ne-
cessary to resist communist ag-
gression.

An Interview with Harold Lloyd

When the Eisenhower adminis-
tration came in, the devil theory
got a touch-up job from John Fos-
ter Dulles. To Dulles, the task of
world affairs was to contain the
communist advance, and the new
Secretary of State added the roll-
ing-back-the-communists' corol-
lary.
WITH JOE McCARTHY run-
ning roughshod over Washington,
foreign policy meant that in the
world struggle against the com-
munist menace, nations were "ei-
ther for us or 'agin us." Neutral-
ism was immoral.
With the coming of the New
Frontier, some saw a possible end
to the devil theory. Kennedy's man
in the State Department was Dean
Rusk. He wasn't quite Kennedy's
man. Kennedy didn't know him
and was persuaded by members of
the Council on Foreign Relations
that Rusk was the man for the
job.

By ANDREW LUGG
TO YOUNG cinema enthusiasts
and the movie-goers of the
1920"s, the name Harold Lloyd
was almost as well known as that
of Chaplin or Keaton. These three
comedians were the stars of
America's "Golden Age of Cinema."
Now, however, popular enthu-
siasm is almost completely re-
served for Chaplin and Keaton.
Lloyd's films are rarely shown.
due, I understand, to the fact that
Lloyd himself has not allowed
their release.
An old man of 73, Lloyd paid a
visit to Ann Arbor Wednesday, in
conjunction withrthe opening of
his new film, "The Funny Side
of Life"-a collection of his best
films with dialogue and orchestra-
tion added.
During Wednesday's visit, this
reporter had the opportunity to
talk with Lloyd about his own
popularity and his opinion of oth-
er screen comedians.
I asked him first why he had
not allowed his films to be re-
released.
Lloyd: There has to be a de-
mand for my films. We are re-
leasing "The Funny Side of Life,"
which includes "The Freshman"
on the Big Ten campuses to see
what support there is."
Inter: "Your character had an
identifying symbol, the horn-
rimmed spectacles, just as Chap-
lin had his cane, hat and baggy
pants and Keaton his dead-pan
face. But you differed from Chap-
lin and Keaton because your char-
acter changed whereas Chaplin's
and Keaton's remained the same.

Lloyd: "Yes. Basically it was
always the small man in an im-
possible situation, but each char-
acter had:a different way of think-
ing. In "Safety Last" the charac-
ter was inventive, a go-getter. In
"The Kid Brother" he is shy. At
various times he was poor, sophis-
ticated. a dreamer, a hypochon-
driac."
Inter: "Your pictures are very
situation-based?"
Lloyd: "We made two types of
picture-the gag picture and the
character comedy. "Safety Last"
is a gag picture with its climbing
scene.
"The Freshman" depends on
character. It is slow opening. We
condition the audience to under-
stand the boy's desire to be popu-
lar. It would be wrong to call these
comedies slapstick. They also in-
clude farce, broad and light come-
dy and dramatic comedy."
Inter: "You were one of the
most successful comedians to make
the transition from the silent film
to talkies, yet your interest in
films seemed to flag and by 1939
you, to all intents and purposes,
finished making films. Why?"
Lloyd: "I was geting lazier. You
know it was very hard work in
those days. The comic had respon-
sibility for the story; he had to do
a large part of the directing; he
had to act and edit the final film;
and he had to do a lot of the ex-
ploitation. I was looking for a ve-
hicle for another film, but I could
not find one and after a time I
stopped looking."
Inter: "What was it like work-
ing for Preston Sturgess? (Note:

Lloyd made a "comeback" in 1947
to make "Mad Wednesday" with
Preston Sturgess, another over-
looked great of the American
cinema. The film was, by all re-
ports, very poor.)
Lloyd: "I didn't like the film.
Preston wanted an irrascible char-
acter portrayal-not the type the
audience would root for."
Inter: "That 'rooting" is im-
portant for your comedy?"
Lloyd: "Yes.."
Lloyd said he considered Chap-
lin "the greatest of all pantomim-
ists." Hal Roach, his producer for
many years, had "a most fertile
mind for thinking up ideas." Jerry
Lewis "could be a great comedian
if he could exercise more control
and get someone to direct him."
Harold Lloyd could not have been
fairer or more honest iin talking
about his contemporaries. Some,
like Snub Pollard, he seemed to
miss very much. He hoped Chap-
lin would return to America. And
so on.
IT WAS VERY difficult for me
to link the Harold Lloyd of today
with the All-American boy who
will be prancing across the screen
in the Michigan Theater.
Whether or not his style will,
appeal to our generation remains
to be seen. I hope the reaction,
however, will not in any way alter
his plans to put his films in "good
viewing order" and leave them to
a museum or some university au-
thority where, hopefully, they
might be shown decently and not
exploited unreasonably.

But the death of the theory
looked a long way off after the
Cuban missile confrontation, the
Bay of Pigs, and Berlin.
IT WAS ONLY six months be-
fore his death, June 1963, that
John Kennedy, in a speech at
American University in Washing-
ton, voiced the first official break
from the theory. In the pragmatic
policy statement, Kennedy at-
tempted to turn the cold war into
a "cold armisctice":
"Let us focus instead on a more
practical, more attainable peace-
based not on a sudden revolution
in human nature but on a gradual
evolution in human institutions.
World peace, like community peace
does not require that each man
love his neighbor-it requires only
that they live together with mu-
tual tolerance, submitting their

disputes to a just and peaceful
settlement.
"No government or social sys-
tem is so evil that its people must
be considered lacking in virtue.
"SO LET US not be blind to our
differences but let us also direct
attention to our common inter-
ests. And if we cannot end now our
differences, at least we can help
make the world safe for diversity.
"For in the final analysis, our
most basic common link is that we
all inhabit this small planet. We
all breathe the same air. We all
cherish our children's future. And
we are all mortal.
While Kennedy had finally set
to rest the devil theory as it ap-
plied to Russia, he didn't live to
see it again rise to great heights
in the Johnson administration.
IN 1966, the devil theory does
not apply to the Soviet Union, it

has been shifted to China. The
current rhetoric and thought in
today's American foreign policy
seems to be squarely in the Tru-
man Doctrine, Dulles tradition.
To Dean Rusk, the conflict in
Viet Nam is not between the Na-
tional Liberation Front and the
U.S., or even between Hanoi and
the U.S. It is between the U.S. and
the Viet Cong, Hanoi, and Peking.
It is "the other side," "the ag-
gressors," "the communists," ver-
sus the "forces of democracy, "the
free world." The "Fuzzy-headed"
have been replaced by the "Ner-
vous Nellies."
IT DOESN'T SEEM to matter to
Washington that a clear statement
of approval of U.S. policy has yet
to come from the British, who
have found it in their national in-
terest to trade with North Viet-
nam; that Canada claims neutral-
it; that Italy is also in on the steel
plant deal, that France's General
DeGaulle, once the pride of the
Allies, stands diametrically op-
posed to the Administration's fe-.
tish for alliances.
It doesn't seem to mean any-
thing either that on "the other
side," ("international commun-
ism,") Rumania will soon recog-
nize West Germany in order' to
establish trade contacts with
Western Europe; Castro has ap-
parently had it with both East and
West; Poland appears receptive
to President Johnson's plan for
closer economic relations; the
Russians denounce the Slavs, the
Slavs denounce the North Ko-
reans, the North Koreans' de-
nounce the Chinese, and the Chi-
nese denounce everybody.
* * *
FOR THE LAST two weeks, the
rhetoric of the devil theory and
its implementation has resounded.
The statements concerned the Viet
Nam "Allies" (with a capital "A"),
gathered at a peace conference of
allies, rather than of conflicting
parties. A unique "peace confer-
ence."
There was President Johnson,
telling U.S. troops at Camrahh
Bay, "You are in Viet Nam and
at your side are the men of five
other allied nations. They also
know what is at stake and are
willing to fight and die for it. That
is what the conference we have
just completed at Manila demon-
strated."
And there was Australia's Prime
Minister Harold Holt speaking to
CBS correspondent Bernard Kalb,
who wanted to know if it wasn't
a contradiction that Australia
sends one-fourth of its army to
Viet Nam and also wheat to Com-
munist China. "It may seem like
a contradiction," s a i d Holt,
"but ...

Elections 1966: Those Tight Senate Races

4

Fourth of a Five Part Series
By WARREN M. ZUCKER
TYPICALLY, in an off-year elec-
tion, there may be two or three
tightly-contested Senate races up-
on which national attention is fo-
cused. But this year, Viet Nam,
white backlash, and local faction-
alism have created at least twelve
neck and neck battles across the
nation.
In Texas, diminutive Sen. John
Tower is facing a stiff challenge
from his Democratic opponents,
Waggoner Carr.
Tower executed a stunning up-
set in 1961, when he won the spe-
cial election to fill the vacant seat
left by then Vice-President Lyn-
don Johnson. With that victory he
became the first Republican sena-

Carr, the choice of the conserva-
tive Democratic faction, easily de-
feated an obscure liberal candidate
in the primary.
SO AGAIN the liberals, a sizable
minority, have bolted the Demo-
cratic party to back Tower-de-
spite the fact that Tower is a mil-
itant conservative with a 99 per
cent rating by the Americans for
Constitutional Action. They de-
risively call Carr, "Connally's old
used Carr."
In helping Tower to victory, the
liberal Democrats are attempting
to create a strong, viable Repub-
lican party in Texas. They reason
that the stronger the Republican
party becomes, the more the Dem-
ocratic party will be forced to the
left to gain votes.

their perpetrators regardless of the
political implications.
Brooke has been a strong vote
getter also. He won his 1964 race
by about 800,000 votes, the great-
margin eevr compiled by a Repub-
lican in that normally-Democratic
state.
After longtime Republican sena-
tor Leverett Saltonstall announced
his retirement, Brooke entered the
election and was thought to be un-
beatable.
BUT ALL that has changed. The
cial tensions in oston, despite the
fact that only 2 per cent of the as-
summer has been one of high ra-
sachusetts population is Negro.
Many WASP and Irish voters who
were happy to support a Negro for
attorney general, have expressed
relctance at sending a Negrn In

neighboring New Hampshire,
where retired General Harrison
Thyng is trying to unseat incum-
bent Democratic Senator Tom Mc-
Intyre for this normally Republi-
can seat.
Highly critical of the current
Viet Nam policy, Thyng calls for
wide-scale escalation of the war.
He contends that the war could be
ended in "ten days" by the "de-
struction of Hanoi and Haiphong,"
and views Secretary of Defense
McNamara as a great danger to
United States security.
Thyng, the creation of conserva-
tive publisher William Loeb, takes
a militantly conservative stand on
all other issues.
McINTYRE, moderately liberal,
nnnrts the nresent Johnson

oming, the classic conservative
versus liberal contest is taking
place.
In Montana, freshman Senator
Lee Metcalf is fighting a bitter
campaign against conservative
governor Tim Babcock. The two
candidates differ sharply on al-
most every major issue.
Metcalf, one of the most liberal
members of the Senate, is a dove
on the Vietnam question and a
supporter of all open hpusing leg-
islation. He is also a proponent
of public electrical power, a key
issue in Montana.
BABCOCK, on the other hand, is
a staunch conservative and a
drumbeater for Barry Goldwater.
He advocates a buildup of military
action in Vietnam and is in op-
nnsitinn othe TTNr