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November 04, 1966 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1966-11-04

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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDrTED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

ere Opinions ArlWee,42MANRSTNNRBRMCH
TthWill Prevail eFe

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1966

NIGHT EDITOR: NEIL SHISTER

Governor Romney Is Not
Running for Governor

AS MICHIGAN'S erstwhile political phe-
nomenon, Governor George Romney
sailed out of Ann Arbor yesterday, he
left no doubt about what office he is run-
ning for. Sadly, it isn't for governor.
Boosting what he and his staff call the
"Romney Action Team," he made it clear
that he was irrevocably a Republican and
that he was supporting Republican can-
didates. Although it is not unusual for
a candidate from one of the major par-
ties in a politically stable state to en-
dorse the full slate of his party, in Rom-
ney's case an exception can be noted.
Two years ago-and two years before
that when he made his first successful bid
for the state house--an interesting char-
acteristic flavored Romney campaigns.
The terni "Republican" did not appear on
any of his campaign literature, and tele-
vision or radio spots. Also, it was rare for
the governor to give more than tacit sup-
port for other candidates on either the
statewide or local Republican tickets.
THIS YEAR, things are different. We
see a local legislator endorsed as a
"Romney Republican." We see a flock of
lesser candidates grinning beside pictures
of the governor on practically all of their
campaign literature. We see Romney
campaigning harder for running mate
Sen. Robert P. Griffin than he is for him-
self.
True, it is generally conceded that the
governor will score a more-than-solid
victory over little-known opponent Zol-
ton Ferency. And Sen. Griffin will most
probably need the governor's help. Still,

it cannot be ignored that other Republi-
cans needed Romney's help in '64, that
Romney even then was taken for granted
prior to the election as a sure winner
over opponent Neil Staebler. Why, then, is
the governor finally riding the Republi-
can horse at this point in the game?
THE ANSWER is self-evident. Unless
Romney can prove that his coattails
are wide, that his vote-getting power can
be extended to others, the national lead-
ers of his newly-adopted Republican par-
ty will pay little heed to the Michigand-
er's attributes as a presidential candi-
date. Unless Romney can carry Griffin,
change the complexion of Michigan's con-
gressional delegation, and score effec-
tive inroads into the solidly Democratic
state positions up for grabs, he might as
well forget 1968. He doesn't seem to want
to.
All this puts into question the effec-
tiveness Romney will have as governor
over the next two years. Will he be serv-
ing his duty in Lansing, or will he, as the
Detroit Free Press noted in a copyright-
ed article Sunday, devote his time to
electioneering for two years, making Lt.
Governor William Milliken "the most ac-
tive acting governor" in Michigan history.
In addition, will he remain aware of
the fact that, for the first time, he is
running for a four-year term-one that
will last two years past the moment of
his aspired-to ascension in 1968? These
are serious questions, and Michigan vot-
ers should be aware of them. The man is
ostensibly, at least, running for governor.
-DANIEL OKRENT

Letters,
To the Editor:
IS SUPPORTERS of Elise Bould-
ing's write-in campaign for
Congress, we find it heartening
that so many Ann Arbor citizens
are in substantial agreement with
Mrs. Boulding's position on Viet-
nam and related issues. We find it
disheartening, however, that many
of those who support Mrs. Bould-
ing's view have decided to support
the Johnson administration on
Election Day.
Some or the individuals who
have opted for this course are
friends and colleagues whose inte-
grity and intelligence we deeply
respect, but we feel they have not
given sufficient consideration to
the special historical circum-
stances that confront us today.
The administration's action in
Vietnam represents a crucial turn-
ing-point in American history.
Quite aside from the risk of nu-
clear war that it entails, our stand
in Vietnam sets an ominous pat-
tern for our country's relationship
to the developing nations. We are
committing ourselves to a policy
based on contempt for the rights
and needs of poor, weak, and
non-white peoples and on ruthless
imposition of American power on
the rest of the world.
AT HOME, such a policy readily
shades into a disregard for the
rights and needs of the poor,
weak, and non-white within our
own population, and a cynical de-
nial of the right of the American
public to know the truth about
our foreign policy and to partici-
pate in its formulation. Perhaps
we have already passed the point
of no return, but for those of us
who believe inrtraditional Amer-
ican values there is nothing more
important at this historical junc-
ture than to stand up against the
new and shameful role to which
the admnistration is committing
the country.
Thus, Vietnam is an overriding
issue, not only because our action
there involves the cruel and call-
ous destruction of that country,
-uns che risk of major war, and
severely hampers meaningful pro-
gress on domestic and other for-
eign policy issues, but because it
may well lead our country to be-
come the agent and symbol of vio-
lent oppression and white ar-
rogance for generations to come.
We are voting for Elise Boulding
because we feel obligated to use
our votes as an opportunity to say
no to the directions in which the
Vietnam war is taking this coun-
try and to deny the administration
the consensus that it is attempting
to force on the American public.
A VOTE FOR Mrs. Boulding
does indeed, as some of our friends
have pointed out, represent an act
of conscience and a mild force of
witness against the actions of the
administration. But to say that it

M Vivuian
is an act of conscience is not to
say that it is an act devoid of
political significance. We differ
from those of our fellow-critics of
U.S. policy in Vietnam who are
supporting Mr. Vivian in that our
decision is based primarily on our
assessment of long-range political
consequences of the vote, while
their decision seems to be based
primarily on short-range con-
siderations. 1
They are passing up the op-
portunity to vote for a candidate
who unequivocally dissents from
current policy because of certain
calculations about the consequen-
ces of a vote for Mr. Vivian: the
calculation that Mr. Vivian has a
good chance of winning if only
the entfre "peace vote" were be-
hind him; that an Esch victory
would be regarded by the admin-

for Mrs. Boulding: the calculation
that even a minority which clearly
dissociates itself from the admin-
istration's policy can prevent the
jelling of the pro-war consensus
that the President is trying to but
has so far failed to create; that
the existence of this minority is
crucial if our country is to over-
come, eventually, its current polit-
ical isolation from liberal elements
in the rest of the world; and that
the vigorous support of peace can-
didates can form the beginning
of the political realignment on
which the reversal of current
trends depends.
We admit that these proposi-
tions too are debatable, but at
least they represent possibilities
that are worth struggling for. We
still believe-although admittedly
it is becoming ever more diffi-

fail to have the impact it deserves.dredge up votes for

Boauiding, and Peace

candidate

A t
~~rr
Y A)LMN
HEA~Y! OAN\SUPPOSED TO BE THE ?AWAKENING 6INT INAScAf!

Certainly one way of increasing
our impact would be for all those
who support Mrs. Boulding's views
to support her candidacy as well.
We urge you to give serious con-
sideration to this option.
-Herbert C. and
Rose B. Kelman
To the Editor:
T HE BOULDING supporters, in-
cluding, apparently, Dr. Rapo-
port, fall prey to several fallacies
when arguing their position. They
assume that only they have the
right to change their votes while
everyone else's votes are held con-
stant. Thus they say that they
may hold the balance of votes in
a close election, and that, there-
fore, a candidate must move to-
wards their position if he wants
to win the election. The candi-
date would thus have his regular
votes plus those of the peace
group.
In fact, just the opposite will
happen. If a candidate should
move so as to pick up the peace
votes, he will end up losing a
much larger bloc of votes from his
"traditional" supporters. The can-
didates all know this, and no can-
didate can be expected to make
such a move.
Candidates generally have a
keen political sense, and we can
be sure that when sufficient num-
bers of voters favor a peace pro-
gram, the candidates will respond
accordingly. Until that time, no
peace candidate can be elected-
even in the long run.
ALL THE ENERGY and money
used in supporting peace candi-
dates might be more effectively
used in educating the population,
working within the party to put
forward progressive candidates
and in supporting precisely "the
lesser of two evils."
-Carlos Montedoro
To the Editor:
r0 LABEL Mrs. Boulding's posi-
tion on the Viet Nam question
as "radical" and "extreme," as
Carl M. Shy does (letter in Tues-
day's Daily), is to present a mis-
leading view both of policy alter-
natives in Viet Nam and of the
alternatives for voters in this Con-
gressional District.
The alternatives as Mr. Shy per-
ceives them seem to fall into three
categories: two "extreme" posi-
tions, "ignominious withdrawal or
a complete military solution" (the
latter implying "nuclear disas-
ter"); and a Responsible-Middle-
of-the-Road position, the "work-
able solutions" of Congressman
Vivian's Eight Point "true peace
platform."
WHEN THE ALTERNATIVE
positions are presented in this
way, one would conclude that we
should all run out and try to

Vivian, opponent of 'extremism."
Mr. Vivian is portrayed as one
who wisely recognizes "the com-
plexities of peace" and hence re-
jects an "extreme position."
Since a policy position which
is defined as "extreme" becomes,
as it were, a ivice, it follows that
a policy which is defined as non-
extreme, i.e., moderate, is a vir-
tue. Such rigorous analysis leads
to the conclusion that Congress-
man Vivian points the way to "a
true peace in South Viet Nam."
But does he? Except for imply-
ing that the NLF should be allow-
ed to participate in negotiations
(Vivian's Point No. 4), is there
any substantiveadifference be-
tween Congressman Vivian's "true
peace platform" and the smorgas-
bord of proposals which at one
time or another can be found in
the pious rhetoric of the Johnson
administration?
Has not Congressman Vivian
voted for appropriations to carry
on the war? Despite his "true
peace platform," is there any rea-
son to expect that Mr. Vivian
would vote against the next re-
quest for war appropriations?
MR. SHY'S MAIN reason for
referring to the Boulding alterna-
tive as "simplicity and extremism"
appears to stem from anxiety
about possible effects of a "purge"
of "non-Communist Vietnamese"
if U.S. military forces were to be
withdrawn. It is curious that he
should advance such considera-
tions to oppose U.S. withdrawal.
I would assert that however
many deaths Mr. Shy might ex-
pect to result if a "purge" were to
follow U.S. withdrawal from South
Viet Nam, these would be relative-
ly few compared with the number
of deaths which can be expected
if the war is continued.
Despite attempts toobfuscate
matters with cliches such as "the
complexities of peace," the Viet
Nam question in relation to vote
choices presented to the electorate
in Michigan's Second District
seems really to be not so complex
after all.
IF ONE WISHES to indicate
one's approval of President John-
son's policies in Viet Nam, one will
vote for Mr. Vivian (or Mr. Esch)
on November 8th. If one wishes to
signify one's desire for "the rapid
withdrawal of all non-Vietnamese
armed forces from Vietnam," one
will write in Elise Boulding.
-Glen Harvey, Grad.
LETTERS
All letters must be typed,
double-spaced and should be no
longer than 300 words. All let-
ters are subject to editing;
those over 300 words will gen-
erally be shortened.

4

"V

M1 aSools Need Change

REFORM OF HARVARD Medical School's
curriculum cannot come soon enough.
A committee report now before the Har-
vard faculty is a potential. blueprint to
liberalize practices which have been in
effect for over half a century. Chief sug-
gestions are for fewer lectures, more elec-
tive courses, less theoretical study and
more clinical work, and a chance for stu-
dents to begin early specialization.
The actions that the faculty takes are
farther reaching than any immediate ef-
feet upon Harvard alone. It is disappoint-
ing but true that the state of medical
education in this country is not what it
WondergrSas
IT'S APPROPRIATE that Sesquigras'
planners have decided to take Alice in
Wonderland as their theme. They're be-
ing pretty lucid about what their celebra-
tion is-one big fairy tale.
The whole thing does sound as if it
were thought up by a Mad. Hatter. Thir-
ty-four central committee members dress-
lng up as characters from the work .of
adolescent fantasy and seriously telling
students at a mass meeting that they
are considering:
-Have a series of runners leaving Cobor
Hall carrying a cupcake with a candle to
the Diag (why not 150 runners, or at least
150 candles?);
-Bake a 1,370 cubic foot birthday cake;
requiring 430 gallonsof milk (think how
many starving children in the Okefenokee
swamp 430 gallons of milk. would feed),
and
-Hold a TG in the UGLI with a band on
every floor and a checkers game with real
people as checkers, is inane.
E WANT to make sure that this week-
end will belong to all students," says
Sesquigras co-chairman Daniel Syme, '67.
Thanks Dan, but you can keep my share.
--LEONARD PRATT
Associate Managing Editor
Editorial Stafff
MARK R. KILLINGSWORTH, Editor
BRUCE WASSERSTEIN, Executive Editor
CLARENCE FANTO HARVEY WASSERMAN
Managing Editor Editorial Director
LEONARD PRATT ........ Associate Managing Editor
JOHN MEREDITH .......Associate Managing Editor
CHARLOTTE WOLTER .. Associate Editorial Director
ROBERT CARNEY ...... Associate Editorial Director
BA13ETTE COHN ............... Personnel Director
ROBERT MOORE .................. Magazine Editor
CHARLES VETZNER ................Sports Editor
JAMES TINDALL ........... Associate Sports Editor
JAMES LaSOVAGE ......... Associate Sports Editor

could be; perhaps Harvard's leadership
will stimulate a nationwide restructuring
of medical education.
The conservatism that has plagued
medical schools ias resulted in serious
weaknesses. There is a national shortage
of physicians which is growing steadily
more acute. Many of the leading medical
schools have done little to alleviate this
situation arid the Intransigency of the
American Medical Association has effec-
tively held down admissions in order to
protect its members privileged income and
status.
JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY, for in-
stance, is currently graduating fewer
physicians now than in the 1920's. The
Association of American Medical Colleges
has estimated that one-third of the an-
nual 10,000 rejected applicants would
make satisfactory medical students, but
facilities are not available to take more
than about 8000 students per year in the
88 existing two- and four-year medical
colleges. And while the nation's popula-
tion surges past the 200 million mark,
the total M.D. population hovers around
the quarter-million mark.
Clearly more training facilities are
needed if health service is not to degen-
erate into assembly-line types of office'
and hospital care that more and more
doctors seem to be resorting to in order to
handle. immense patient loads. Yet only
about 14 new schools are budgeted in the
next decade. This will not come close to
meeting the surgeon general's recom-
mendation that medical graduates be in-
creased by 60 per cent.
Curriculum reform offers some hope
that existing facilities and teaching staffs
can be used to turn out physicians at a
faster rate without sacrificing the qual-
ity of their education. Michigan State
University's new College of Human Medi-
cine offers a two-year program with op-
tions for the student to gain more skills
starting as an undergraduate.
While students must finish two more
years of medical education at a full four-
year college, the MSU approach is at-
tempting a radical erasure of the barrier
between pre-medical studies and the first
year of medical school. The result is a
less intensive, high-pressured introduc-
tion to medicine, including such unique
features as a seminar on medicine's role
in society and a human biology orienta-
tion that moves up the time for clinical
work and patient diagnosis.
THE UNIVERSITY'S Medical School is
also making better use of many stu-
rdrnt' rnmmitment t ohis ort h offer-

istration as a stronger endorse-
ment of its policy than a Vivian
victory; and that, if elected, Mr.
Vivian would make meaningful
contributions to peace in Vietnam.
We regard all three of these pro-
positions as highly unlikely, al-
though we realize that it is on
such "ify" calculations that polit-
ical choices are made,
Given .he nature of the issues
at stake, however, we prefer to
base our decision on other calcu-
lations, involving the possible
long-range consequences of a vote

cult-that an entirely new politics
is possible in this country and that
there may yet be a day when
America will play a constructive
role in world affairs.
INEVITABLY-because of the
complexity of the issues-different
critics of U.S. policy in Vietnam
have made different calculations
and arrived at different conclu-
sions. Like so many of our friends,
we regret that, as a consequence,
the very sizable peace vote in Ann
Arbor is split and may therefore

? ,:33Sxs .,......,.. a :: 4 5 :. : 4a..:.:..: £.::::. ".aS...\ vX*. A..7 ra.3 :'. i .'
Eliections 1966:o Douglas and Hatfield

Second of a Five-Part Series
By WARREN M. ZUCKER
COURAGE. Integrity. Guts. Call
it whatever one pleases, but re-
alize that it is rare. Rare in any
man, but almost non-existent
among politicians. Mark Hatfield
and Paul Douglas possess that
quality-John Kennedy called it
"that most admirable of human
virtues"-in abundance. That is
why they are in danger of losing
elections for the Senate on Tues-
day.
The race for the Oregon Senate
seat abandoned by Maureen Neu-
berger has become the most mean-
ingful election in the nation. Mark
Hatfield, a boy wonder in the Re-
publican party, has been elected
governor of Oregon two times, the
most times any Republican has
been able to win that post.
AT 44, constitutionally barred
from seeking the governorship,
Hatfield chose to try for the Sen-
ate seat. Hatfield has been a con-
stant opponent of President John-
son's Vietnam policy. Those well-
versed in Oregon politics said he
was unbeatable.
After all, Hatfield was the best
vote-getter the Republican party
ever had in Oregon. He was young,
handsome, and a dynamic speaker.
In both 1960 and 1964, he was re-
peatedly mentioned as a possible
vice-presidential or even presiden-
tial candidate. And wasn't Oregon
the most liberal state in the na-
tion? It is the home of that re-
nown iconoclast, Wayne Morse,
and was the only state presiden-
tial primary won by that walking
cast iron stomach, Nelson Rocke-
feller.
But it was not to be so simple.
The Democrats, in a hard fought
primary, chose Robert Duncan to
challenge Hatfield by a wide mar-
gin. Duncan completely supports
the policy of the Johnson admin-
istration on Vietnam, while How-
ar ar ffn,- hic rr.i n nnn --

THE PRIMARY clearly showed
how the people of Oregon felt
about Vietnam. Initial opinion
polls showed that the once in-
vincible Hatfield was well behind
Duncan. Yet Hatfield, after some
wavering-at one point he called
for a blockade of Haiphong-did
not back down.
He has said that "continued es-
calation could well ignite the
world in a fire we will be a gener-
ation putting out." Throughout
the campaign, Hatfield has con-
tinued to propose a three point
program on Vietnam. He wants:
1) deescalation and a ceasefire,
2) the whole matter brought be-
fore the UN, and 3) an All-Asian
conference to be convened.
In perhaps one of the greatest
displays of political courage wit-
nessed within this decade-a dec-
ade that has seen a great lack of
courage by people in responsible
positions-Hatfield was the only
dissenter at the July Governor's
Conference to a watered down
proposal that blandly endorsed
the government's Vietnam policy.
The vote was 49 to 1. All this in
+he fane of wienread onnsitiAn

the camera focuses on an empty
lecturn across the stage from Dun-
can. The announcer and Duncan
hold a spirited discourse for half
an hour.
Hatfield has attempted to bring
other issues into the campaign.
His administration has been high-
ly progressive and efficient. Dun-
can, on the other hand, has been
far from an all out liberal in the
foursyears hethas served in the
House. He voted for an amend-
ment to the recent Open Housing
Bill that would have allowed real
estate agents to discriminate
against minorities if their clients
authorized them to do so. Duncan
has also voted against the Demon-
stration Cities Bill and federal aid
to the arts and humanities.
The big issue, however, is Viet-
nam. Everyone knows it. That is
why the great King Hawk Byrd
will fly toOregon this weekend
to stump for Duncan. Yet it might
be too late for LBJ to salvage
Duncan. Whether because of his
Vietnam stand or his other posi-
tions, or just because of his cour-
age, Hatfield has caught up to
Duncan in the polls. In the last
month, the governor has gained 6
percentage points in the polls and
the race is now considered too
close for the outcome to be pre-
dicted.
BUT THE ELECTION has more
significance than just a referen-
dum on Vietnam. The future of
the Republican party is at stake.
The liberal branch of the party,
after its defeat at the 1964 con-
vention, is in desperate need of
new blood and a big victory. The
old guard liberals led by Scranton
and Rockefeller are in disrepute
throughout the party. A victory
by Hatfield would greatly revital-
ize this wing of the party, perhaps
to the degree that it might be able
to withstand the expected conser-
vative onslaught in 1968 led by
Reagan, Nixon and Rhodes.
If H-a tfield loses. his once bright

southern downstate area. Chicago
is overwhelmingly Democratic,
while the downstate area is largely
Republican. The idea for a Repub-
lican is to break even in Chicago,
while rolling up the vote down-
state.
In 1964, running for the gover-
norship against the incumbent,
Otto Kerner, Percy ran very well
in Chicago, but ran extremely
poorly for a Republican in the
downstate area. Thus, he lost.
This time around Percy is
smarter. Instead of presenting a
consistent image of himself as a
moderate liberal, as he did in
1964, he changes his outlook ac-
cording to the area he is talking in.
In Chicago, he speaks of his lib-
eral foreign policy that is mildly
critical of the current conduct of
the war. Downstate he embraces
crusty old Leslie Arends and prais-
es the demigodofkdownstate Illi-
nois, Everett Dirksen. There he
also tells of his opposition to the
Supreme Court's one man-one vote
decision (just like Ev).
PERCY CARRIED this pattern
to the extreme in a recent whistle
stop tour of the downstate area.
Before he reached a town, some
local hack would come aboard the
campaign train to brief him on
local matters. Percy would then
speak on the local matters in a
way that would bring him much
praise. Opportunism ran rampant.
The incumbent senator, Paul
Douglas, has been one of the most
intelligent, hard working yet in-
dependent senators during his
eighteen years in that body. Prior
to his entering politics, Douglas
was a renown economist. While
in the Senate, he has specialized
in the solving of domestic eco-
nomic problems. He authored the
first large scale Housing Act, pro-
posed the bill that raised the min-
imum wage to a dollar, sponsored
the Depressed Areas Bill, and has
led the fight for a Department of

idents. Yet Douglas seems to have
a major fault. He is,' at 74, old.
White-thatched, stoop-shouldered,
Douglas seems more like a friendly
grandfather than a senator. Percy
has constantly through innuendo
reminded the voters of this fact.
He says that a senator must have
youth and vigor, while never di-
rectly stating that Douglas lacks
these qualities. Percy is only 47
and has tried to present himself
as a dynamic leader, J.F.K. style.
Two recent events have clouded
the elections picture here in Illi-
nois. One is the brutal slaying of
Percy's daughter, Valerie, in Sep-
tember. While the expected sym-
pathy vote for 'Percy has not
seemed to have materialized, it is
said that the slaying made Percy,
a candidate who has often seemed
aloof and who has had difficulty
projecting the image of a common
man instead of the company pres-
ident that he is, seem much more
human. His popularity has shown
a marked increase since the mur-
der for this reason.
STRANGELY, and sickeningly,
Percy has seemed eager to encour-
age this sort of thought. On his
recent train trip, he took along
his family and introduced them at
every stop, sometimes mentioning
Valerie's name in his introduction.
He has reminded voters of the
tragedy that prevented him from
campaigning for four weeks.
Also, Robert Sabonjian, the
mayorof Waukegan, has entered
the race as a write-in candidate.
Sabonjian's sole issue is his oppo-
sition to open housihg. While not
expected to draw too many votes,
Sabonjian is expected to hurt
Douglas badly.
The polls show that Percy's
strategy has worked. The latest
poll showed him getting 58.4 per-
cent of the vote. Opportunism is a
difficult opponent to defeat.
THE EXPERIENCES of Hatfield

14

i

IW

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