Seventy-Sixth Year
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: NEIL SHISTER

PA 379 Stand:
To Cause ILIR Boycott?

By HARVEY WASSERMAN
Editorial Director
THE PEACE campaign in Ann
Arbor is going to be a costly
one to the peace movement - at
least on a short-term basis.
Motiviations behind the nom-
ination of Mrs. Kenneth Bould-
ing, as stated Monday night, were
that "the war in Viet Nam is the
overriding political issue that
should confront voters. The best
way to raise the war issue in this
election is by supporting a 'peace'
representative in an electoral con-
text." The peace candidate would
"educate" the voter and make him
think about his obligation to op-
pose the war." The candidate
would be a rallying point for the
anti-war movement and would
solidify the various groups which
oppose the war."
And from this starting point
organizers hope to develop a
strong, on-going organization to
build up, over a period of years,
a solid opposition to the war,

IN A CLOSE RACE between
Weston Vivian and Marvin Esch,
Mrs. Boulding's candidacy may
make a difference. Perhaps she
will even gain enough votes to
be attributed as a factor in the
p ssible defeat of Vivian.
That will be, whether the or-
ganizers admit it or not, a cost.
Vivian's strong stands on HUAC
and on civil rights are well known.
He has further advocated recog-
nizing China and admitting her
to the United Nations Security
Council in place of Taiwan.
BUT IF ONE accepts, as the
peace party does, the tenet that
these issues become irrele-ant in
the face of the war in Vi. t Nam,
then these attributes become ir-
relevant. and only Vivian's rec-
ord on the war itself is of value.
And here Vivian does not score
favorably. True, he signed a peti-
tion with several other congress-
men denouncing Premier Ky and
his statements that the United
States should invade the north. He

has advocated negotiating with the
Viet Cong.
But he has certainly not done
all that is in his power to oppose
the war in Viet Nam, just as he
did not do all in his power to
fight the HUAC subpoena of Uni-
versity membership lists. He has
voted for war appropriations. He
has not gone out of his way to
condemn the Johnson policy in
Viet Nam. And he has refused
to make war the key issue in his
contest with Marvin Esch.
THE REASON is that he is a
politician and is interested in get-
ting reelected. This is understand-
hlr. The only truly effective voice
in Congress opposing the war has
been Senator Fulbrght - because
of his position as chairman of the
foreign relations committee. He
has power, Vivian has none yet.
So. in accordance with his assess-
ment of the political situation, he
hedges here, trades there, prom-
ises to make the statement "la-
ter."

Unfortunately I neither like nor
entirely trust this process. It be-
comes hard to distinguish personal
self-interest from advocacy of a
cause, and how one reads the
data becomes a function of how
one ft els about the process in gen-
eral. not about how one knows
Weston Vivian in particular.
AND THIS IS the reason for a
peace candidate.
But a peace candidacy will not
be beneficial to the peace issue in
this election. If Mrs. Boulding
fails to pull as many votes as an
Esch margin of victory, or if Viv-
ian wins, then the national me-
dia, and ultimately the President.
will lower their estimate of the
strength of the peace issue.
And if Vivian loses it will be a
tactical victory-but no one op-
posed to the war could argue that
it would be better politics to have
Marvin Esch representing Ann Ar-
bor public opinion in Congress
these next two years than Weston

Vivian, on the war as well as on
the other "irrelevancies."
SO EITHER WAY, there is a
loss to the peace movement.
To offset that loss with a long-
range organization dedicated en-
tirely to peace may be difficult.
In a nation saturated with the war,
fully aware of it, not concerned
about it to the level of, say, a
Negro moving in down the block,
there just doesn't seem to be much
room to work. Thus the candidacy
seems now like a political mistake.
BUT WHEN a question such as
' ,is tar comes tip one doesn't en-
joy voting for men who have
comprenised no matter what their
reasons. That seems the real bas-
is for the peace party-its ration-
ale must ultimately stem from
an absolute moral judgment, not
political considerations of how
best to end the war. Now we
can only hope the two motives
will somehow meet.

,.

IE UNIVERSITY'S stand on PA 379
has brought about unfortunate re-
sults. The AFL-CIO is voting today on
whether or not it should take action
against the University by boycotting its
Institute of Labor and Industrial Rela.-
tions because of its opposition to PA 379.
The University claims its autonomy is
violated by PA 379, the law which gives;
employes the right to choose their own
representatives and bargain collectively
with public employers. To fight, the act
has, however, proved detrimental to the
University.
F1RST, IT HAS antagonized the labor
movement, a powerful force in the
state politically as well as economically.
The impending boycott of ILIR has been
the result.
Second, it has antagonized many state
legislators who are pro-union or have
pro-labor constituencies. The University,
is showing a lack of foresight. This March
they will inevitably be asking these same
legislators for more public funds, funds
they did not get last March.
YET THE ANTAGONISMS created by the
University's actions are surprising in
view of past University history in deal-
ing with unions. The University has vol-
untarily set up grievance procedures with
the public employe unions and have be-
gun health insurance programs for them.
They also comply with the unions by
running a checkoff of union dues for
them.
IN DOING THESE THINGS, the Univer-
sity implicitly recognized that dealing
with labor unions is one of the realities
of the twentieth century and this will
remain a reality regardless of the legal
status of PA 379 as decided in court.

The University's experts in collective
bargaining - in the economics depart-
ment, the Law School, business adminis-
tration school, and the ILIR - agree
unanimously that the University sholld,
if it decides to challenge the constitu-
tionality of PA 379, at the same time move
to set up bargaining on its own accord.
Such a move, as Regents Murphy and
Brablec pointed out last spring, would
truly fulfill Universit4 autonomy.
Such a move, far from representing a
change in University policy, would in fact
reaffirm what is present University poli-
cy-the recognition that dealing with la-
bor unions is a fact of life.
- In fact, the labor unions feel the same
way. Don Stevens, the AFL-CIO educa-
tional director, has stated that it makes
no difference to the unions who sets up
collective bargaining as long as it is
there. 'They can recognize their em-
ployes of their own accord and bargain
with them," he says.
THE INDICATION Tuesday that the
University is considering complying
with the terms of PA 379 while fighting
it in the courts is one hint that the
University is ready to move towards such
reaffirmation. And now is the time to
renew consideration of an autonomous
University collective bargaining arrange-
ment.
The University's past stand on collec-
tive bargaining is unnecessary and has
brought unfortunate consequences to the
University. The University could have
avoided the embarrassing situation over
ILIR by being more practical and using
considerably more tact in the past. Hope-
fully the University's impending reexam-
ination will indicate a new course for the
future.
-MARTHA WOLFGANG

IL

Youth Creates an Independent China'

By ANDREW LUGG
TWENTY-TWO new films are
being shown this year's New
York Film Festival. The general
view among the devotees (exclud-
ing Bosley Crowther and Judith
Crist), is that about eight of
these are great films, another five
or so are interesting and the rest
are fill-ins.
For the selectors of the films.
the task of choosing is more one
of politicking than anything else.
Some films which are worthy of
a screeninv have to be rulor o-t
because they are not suitable.
technically for screening in a the-
atre as large as the Philharmonic
Hall. Some other new films are
not available because they have
been shown at other festivals, and
for "aesthetic" reasons, their di-
rectors do not want their work
shown twice.
THIS IS ONLY half the story,
for running concurrently with the
Festival at the Lincoln Center is
a series of films, lectures and dis-
cussions entitled "The Independ-
ent Cinema." Here the clientele
tends to be younger than that at
Philharmonic Hall. They are the

new generation of cineastes who
have been brought up with the
film. In their discussion and an-
alysis. they are concerned with the
visual aspects of film aesthetics
and with new narrative forms,
such as that of Jean-Luc Goddard.
The older movie-goers seem to be
more involved with content, mean-
ing and technique. Youth sees
films: the Bosley Crowthers hear
them.
As I cannot refrain from speak-
inq of Goddard's new film, "Mas-
culin-Frminin" (uremiered Sun-
day, I will us- this film as an
example of the two prevailing at-
titudes.
IN "MASCULIN-Feminin," Paul
(Jean-Pierre Leaud) is a dour,
21-year-old left-winger. He be-
comes involved with Madeleine
(Chartal Goya), who is an aspir-
ing pop singer with absolutely no
views on the things which matter
to Paul-the war in Viet Nam,
the militancy of the workers, Trot-
sky, etc. The film touches on all
the taboos apparent film-wise in
France today: the color problem,
contraception, homosexuality, re-
ligion, left-wing politics. We see
two men kissing In a john; Paul

tells us, "Catholics are punks";
there is a conversation about op-
timal female breast sizes; virgins
are redeemed by being militant;
two dirty old men read a sex
story; Paul continually writes on
walls "Peace in Viet Nam," "de
Gaulle is a . . . (fade-out), -etc.
Disillusioned with his personal re-
lationships, Paul commits suicide
(or was it just an accident?).
The old guard despairs. There
is no plot to speak of. Rather, we
have a theme-a whole series of
image-fragments which draw out
the nature of the post "teenie
bopper." This by itself is not a
radical new departure in films.
What Goddard is giving us, how-
ever, is much more than docu-
mentary.
TO UNDERSTAND why, one has
to know the cinema of Goddard
and must accept his very radical
use of film space, and his narra-
tive style which is the cinema
counterpart of Robbe - Grillet's
novels. One also has to under-
stand his point of departure from
and reliance on traditional cine-
matic styles. It is these three con-
siderations that escaped the older
critics.

First, let us consider the radi-
cal use of film space. Goddard
calls "Masculin-Feminin" a film
"captured in black and white."
The film is divided. into 15 sec-
tions and these are clearly mark-
ed. The large bold white numer-
als which appear on a black back-
ground remind us of the reels
passing. We are informed in the
same manner, of the type of film
being used for one particular scene
-"4X"-a "fast sensitive film."
Goddard's own comments are in-
terspaced-"This film might be
called 'The Children of Marx and
Coca-Cola.' Think of it what you'
will!"
The film is divided also with
subtitles-"Sex and Democracy."
Scenes sandwiched between the
titles are cinema-verite, or plag-
arised from James Bond, or the
American "B" film or shot, in
any manner which might take
Goddard's fancy.
THE UNIQUE narrative style
results from the fragmentary pa-
ture of the scenes. There is a
murder ,a suicide and an "acci-
dent"-pure gangster scenes-all
these are linked with abstract dia-
logues on politics or with very

much down to earth market-re-
search qu 'stioning (on diaphrams,
for example). But Goddard is not
striving for logic, nor self-con-
sciously toward chance.
A theme is removed from real-
ity; all the myths of the "teens"
are played up. Time, organiza-
tion or reason are hindrances to
the establishment of a confusion
which demands some reasoning on
the part of 'the audience because '
of its humor, immediacy and
frankness. Truth can be ascer-
tained only by distorting reality
and by conflicting glances at the
subject matter.
As for his cinematic heritage,
Goddard's film is an extension of
a gangster movie. In this way he
can incorporate cinema - history
and become more easily accessible
than those avant-garde filmmak-
ers, such as the New American
Cinema, who completely disasso-
ciate themselves from the past.
"MASCULIN-Feminin" is a film
about the "youth," and it seems
that in America only the "youth,"
who are unfettered by old-fash-
ioned cinema styles and who know
something about what is going on
about them, can take it.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
In Support of the 18-Year-Old Vote

Sororities:
A View from Within

YOU ARE NOW GOING through the last
hellish days of rush. You are entering
houses lit by candlelight, filled with flow-
ers, nice desserts and thie incessant hum
of the sorority song.
And isn't it grand. The sentimental
hush of each house will fill you with nos-
talgia for the homey conditions of your
family or high school. You are about to
choose your home away from home.
IN THE MIDST OF THIS, stop and
think! A sorority is much more than a,
home, it is a- way of life. And you must
decide whether you are in the market to.
buy it. Remember, the price is high, not
merely in monetary terms but in spir-
itual and mental ones as well.
I've watched you going through rush
and may even have rushed you, and I
probably hate it more than you do. It was
a superficial process in which we tried
to sell you our sorority and prayed to the
God of Quotas that you'd pledge.'But we
never told you the whole story.
There is a pledge fee. There will be at
least one pledge meeting every week in
which you will plan your pledge skit,
pledge prank and so on. Rush may end,
but sorority life never does.
Some of you may think that you are
made for it. You need the secure feeling
of your own little group. You can wade.
through the trivia and can afford to de-
vote part of your life to the physical
structure fondly referred to as "the
house" and the 60 "sisters" who live in it.
HOWEVER, the great majority of you
don't need the aggravation. In most"
cases it is academically unsound to pledge.
You waste time, which could be spent
studying, at the endless meetings or in
someone's room. Some of you may want
to go to graduate school; a sorority will
not help you get there.
Contrary to popular opinion, it is so-
cially expensive to pledge. Once you've
bought the pin, you become stereotyped
in the minds of many people, and you
limit yourself to a certain class. Social
outlets are the almighty T.G., the Pledge
Formal and House Events. The Univer-
sity definitely offers much more in the
line of entertainment-diversions which
can challenge your mind rather than
your dancing feet.

There are interesting people outside
the Greek world, too. And, it is usually
difficult to meet them outside "the
house."
You can move into an apartment in
two years-the dorm is not a bad interim
period. At least you have individual free-
dom there.
THIS UNIVERSITY may be an imper-
sonal place but a sorority is not nec-
essarily the answer. The price you pay for
the small community may be your growth
as an individual.
Speaking from personal experience, it's
much too high a price to pay.
-PAT O'DONOHUE
Overflights
Provoking China
ON MONDAY, the State Department ad-
mitted "with regrets" that United
States planes flying missions over North
Viet Nam might have accidentally violat-
ed Chinese airspace. The admission came
as a shock to no one; in recent weeks,
U.S. forces have been committing increas-
ing numbers of mistakes, including at-
tacking friendly villages and our own
,troops.
While the incidents over China were
minor and apparently no bombing of Chi-
nese villages took place, the overflights
introduce a new hazard to a situation al-
ready near the flash point. American pol-
icy in Viet Nam has been predicated on
the assumption that neither China nor
Russia will actively enter the conflict.
So far ,neither has played an active role
in the war.
HOWEVER, there must be a limit to the
amount of provocation China is will -
ing to tolerate. Although China's foreign'
policy actions, as opposed to statements,
have been very cautious in recent years,
at some point, Peking will feel that its
national security is sufficiently threat-
ened to make intervention in Viet Nam
necessary.
It is up to the U.S. to avoid prodding
China into action in Southeast Asia. Sus-
pension of the bombing of North Viet

To the Editor:
PERIODICALLY, in the last few
decades, the question has been
raised whether the legal voting
age should be lowered to 18. The
debate, I suspect, has neither been
so hot,especially among those who
stand to benefit from such a re-
duction, nor so persistent as in the
similar controversy over lowering
the legal drinking age. Neverthe-
less, the question is asked, and
asked, I think, in earnest.
I remember signing a petition
that was circulated by an orga-
nization whose aim was to force
a vote on the question in the 1964
state elections. I was a senior at
the time and about to turn 18, and
it was with considerable interest
that I listened as the letter that
accompanied the petition was read

to our U.S. government class, Then
a neatly ruled, numbered sheet of
paper was passed around on which
we, one after another, placed our
signatures.
Since then I had given little
thought to the question until re-
complex personal meaning, a
that such a proposal will appear,
on the ballot, this November. If,
in fact, the issue is to be decided
in November, it is as much a mat-
ter for serious consideration as it
was a matter of interest for me
as a high school senior.
SHOULD THE LEGAL voting
age be lowered to 18? There are
probably as many reasons, good
reasons, why the voting age should
be lowered as there are fingers
on the hands of any two people.

A list of those reasons might in-
clude: the higher educational lev-
el attained by the youth of today;
the benefit of having the exercise
of the suffrage to supplement the
school curriculum in government
and history; or the fact that 18 is
the age at which the youth must
take on certain legal responsibil-
itties without any direct represen-
tative voice.
But most importantly there is
the fact that at 18 the young
man especially ,is obligated to
fight and ,if need be, die for his
country, to bear arms and provide
for the common defense, while he
has no means of affecting the de-
cisions that may send him off to
the other side of the globe to do
battle. Although he and his age
group form an important econom-

A"
\U1.

ic bloc both in terms of market
and tax revenue, they do not con-
stitute a voting bloc. Thus they
are left to be taxed but not repre-
sented, an issue that has brought
at least one great country to its
knees in times past.
They are obligated by law to
serve at the government's pleas-
ure, but are denied the most ef-
fective resource for redress of
grievances, the power to approve
or disapprove of the government's
policies by voting in and voting
out. Left without the voice of the
vote, the young men and women
have recourse only to defiance, civ-
il disobedience and, oftentimes, ac-
tual criminal acts as a means of
influencing the government or in-
forming the people of their posi-
tion.
IF THIS SOUNDS overly dra-
matic, it is understandable. It is
hard for most of us to see the
connection between fighting and
dying and ourselves, or therefore
between fighting and dying and
the suffrage as the right to have
some part in deciding for what we
are and why we must be fighting
and dying at all. It is hard because
the only fighting that is going on
close enough to home to be felt is
the fighting that has in recent
weeks, months and years shaken
Benton. Harbor or Lansing, or Chi-
cago or Cleveland, or Montgomery
or Watts. And in that fighting the
objective has been reasonably
clear.
It has been heralded by some
and found repugnant by others,
but one thing is unique about the
fighting itself, The contestants in
those battles were not obligated to
be there, at least, not obligated
to be there by government or by
law. There was no law compelling
the officers and patrolmen that
formed the police barricades to
stand their ground in the face of
the angry mobs (othef than per-
haps a law of economics). Nor was
there any statute that forced those
that charged the barricades to
hold their places charge after;
charge, in the face of, tear gas,.
water hoses ,or dogs. Whether the
rioters or the police were driven
on by dedication, conviction or
simply wrath unleashed is not so
important as the fact that every
person, on either side had the per-
feet right to say "No!"-to turn
his back on the whole business
and try something else.
THE ONLY other fighting that
concerns this country and con-

the increased emphasis on the
draft.
It is possible that that word
"draft" has come to have a very
complex personal metning, a
meaning which includes the real
significance of a report of "light"
American casualties in Viet Nam.
It has that sort of meaning for
me at least. Each time I, hear a
casualty report over the radio I
am set to wondering at the sense-
lessness and hopelessness of that
war, but more than that, I wonder
at the fact that an American
youth can be sent off to that war,
or to any war for that matter,
without his slightest consent. Hav-
ing attained the age of 18 he can
be shipped off to the most remote
part of the globe to fight any-
thing from polar bears to China-
men, and it really doesn't matter
how he feels about it. ,because,
you see, he can't do anything about
it; he doesn't even vote.
NOT THAT it would make any
difference if he did vote. But it
could! If, for instance, everyone
between the ages of 18 and 22,,
the prime draft age, was granted
the suffrage, it is conceivable that
this new locus of political power
would be instrumental in revamp-
ing the draft law. But that is
not the point that needs to be
made. The point is that as long
as the young man is obligated to
fight for his government and for
its policies, obligated at 18, and
as long as there is the remotest
possibility that he may have to
give his life for that government
and for those policies, then it cer-
tainly strains the limits of jus-
tice if he is not given at least the
privilege of participating in the
formulation of those policies; if he
is not afforded some handle to
control the government just as the
government controls him.
-Mark E. Glendon, '68
Silence
THERE IS NO such thing as an
empty space or an empty time.
There is always something to see,
something to hear. In fact, try as
we may to make a silence, we
cannot. For certain engineering #
purposes, it is desirable to have
as silent a situation as possible.
Such a room is called an anechoic
chamber, its six walls made of
special material, a room without
echoes.
I entered one at Harvard Uni-
versity several years ago and heard

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