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': .,: ,"".':. }.: z".tix : ': k, ':"., :". i": '*: :; a...":w: a r: :, ' .:?4 '$, '. .,' J The Viet Nam War Obscures Other Issues by MARK R. KILLINGSWORTH :S: :ti"' ":.441: ." :ti 1:{ti: .{' " ' ^ ^^ +. . .,. ^ 1 « .M ere Opinion Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH, Truth Will Prevail Nrws PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints. )AY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: ROGER RAPOPORT Knauss Report Does Not Go Far Enough THE KNAUSS REPORT on student par- ticipation is a step in the right direc- tion but it does not go far enough. Despite its positive points, the report has two basic weaknesses. First there is a logical contradiction in advocating that students have the "primary" power in making rules to govern their behavior while relegating students to merely an advisory role in the area of academics. Second the report falls to present in many areas concrete steps through Which the concept of meaningful student par- ticipation can be implemented. The Knauss report favors more student participation but sets up an illogical dichotomy between the area of student regulations and academics. The report states: "In certain areas .. . such as the making of rules governing student be- havior, students should engage in the actual primary or initial decision-mak- ing rather than play merely an advisory role." However, the report also says, regard- ing areas outside of student rules, "In many if ,not most matters concerning the University, the student role in the pri- mary or initial decision-making can be only that of advisor or consultant." THE REPORT goes on to exclude stu- dents from the major decision-making units in the field of academics. "We make no recommendations at this time that students serve on standing faculty com- mittees." The only palliative the report offers to counter this exclusion of the students from the decision-making proc- ess is done by stating: "We do recommend that when appropriate these committee meetings be public meetings, and that faculty committees seek student opinion." The Knauss report went on to stipulate that student-faculty committees should be set up generally on an ad hoc basis except for the cases of boards, such as, that of Intercollegiate Athletics and Stu- dent Publications, which have "specific and continuing needs." IF STUDENTS should be able to govern their own affairs in areas which only apply to them such as parietal hours, it would only seem logical that students should have a proportional influence in determining affairs such as academics in which their concern is shared by other in- terest groups. But the Knauss report ex- cluded meaningful' student involvement in academics. The only reason that students "can't" play an important role in areas such as curriculum reform is that the faculty quite naturally wishes to preserve these areas for itself. There is a natural con- flict between faculty and students on subjects such as changing the nature of upperclass courses so that one would take four instead of five of them a semester. The faculty members don't want to re- write their lectures and the students want to ease the burden of the trimester sys- tem. By excluding students from faculty academic committees the supremacy of the faculty viewpoint on such issues is guaranteed. In fact the student viewpoint is hardly ever presented and even if it were the student has no structural power base from which he can implement his views. The same goes for student partici- pation in tenure appointments. IT IS CLEAR that the area of academics is one of those areas in which there is a "specific and continuing need," thus qualifying under the Knauss reports cri- teria for standing committees. If stu- dents are to meaningfully participate, they must participate in major academic decisions as well as determining open- open hours.. It is about time that the University faculty stopped looking at the student participation issue hypocritically and realized that students should have a voice in determining the nature and quality of their education. HONORS AND GRADUATE students at Yale were granted a voice last year in tenure decisions. The immediate step which should be taken is to integrate students into the faculty academic com- mittee system and give them a voting voice. -BRUCE WASSERSTEIN Executive Editor Special To The Daily WASHINGTON - Despite the rain (which came down end- lessly for almost all of last week) it was good to be back here. Last summer's political climate- full of worries about civil rights, inflation and Viet Nam - has changed with the weather. Despite the yeoman efforts of Michigan's Philip Hart, the civil rights bill is virtually dead be-. cause Senator Everett Dirksen is convinced that it is an idea whose time has not come. Inflation may not be dead as an issue, but the President's pro- posal for suspension of the in- vestment tax credit and the ac- celerated depreciation provisions has demonstrated that the admin- istration is finally going to act. VIET NAM, of course, remains an issue; the next major peace proposal may well be a push for the administration to establish and publicize a timetable for with- drawal from Viet Nam. "There's every reason to believe that the National Liberation Front and North Viet Nam have large groups of functionaries who think the conflict can be settled peace- fully," argues one observer. "And there's no reason why we shouldn't strengthen their case by pledging to withdraw in specified stages once the conflict can be settled peacefully." "The I By DAVID BERSON dTHE WHITE BACKLASH" is real enough," wrote a Satur- day Evening Post writer before the 1964 elections, "but it is like sum- mer lightning playing fitfully in the political sky. It may dissi- pate itself without ever striking or it may coalesce into a blinding thunderbolt that will shatter the electoral landscape." The white blacklash that lurked in 1964 appears on its way to ma- terializing in November elections of 1966. The two major develop- ments in civil rights are conven- ient, potent, and apparently re- spectable targets for candidates in this year's elections: the new mil- itancy of some elements in the Ne- gro leadership, and the Johnson administration's civil rights bill, calling for an end to discrimina- tion in the sale and rental of hous- ing. NO ONE seemed quite sure what happened to white America's fears and resentments of Negro ad- vances when the Democrats scor~- ed a smashing victory in 1964. The white backlash was supposed to be the number one domestic issue in the election, but when the re- turns came in, it seemed to have no effect. Most analysts atributed the Johnson-Democratic landslide to a national rejection of Goldwater conservatism and/or the Johnson consensus magic. In a poll con- ducted by U.S. News & World Report asking candidates to an- alyze the results, only a hand- ful of Southerners even acknowl- edged the racial variable. Yet, only a few months before the election, Gov. George Wal- lace, the nation's best-known seg- regationist,, had ventured North BUT WHILE inflation and civil rights are dying out as issues, and Viet Nam "just keeps rollin' along," there are two other is- sues which are going to be more and more important as the year continues. The first issue concerns our in- volvement in Thailand. The issue, not unlike our involvement there, is a shady one, clouded by cryp- tic references to security, secrecy and strategy. Most of our involvement in Thailand, it appears, is closely related to our military activities in Viet Nam. But there is con- siderable concern here that Viet Nam may be the Trojan Horse through which our involvement in Thailand becomes something suf- ficient unto itself. Why? DEAN RUSK likes to say that Southeast Asian countries are en- couraged by our presence in Viet Nam: what he does not like to say is that they are encouraged because it appears that we will be willing to help them, too, if they can't solve their problems them- selves. This may be the case in Thai- land in the near future. In re- c'nt months, spokesmen for the present regime of Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn's regime have wavered between optimistic claims that everything is "satis- factory" and gloomy predictions of a second Viet Nam while dis- cussing the guerrillas. The pres- ent government has yet to get out from under the cloud of sus- picion which the corruption and mismanagement of the late Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat's regime created. TIIE CHARGE is increasingly being made-by Thais as well as Americans-that the government has moved too little and too late against the guerrillas. Yet the American buildup continues: al- most $200 million in military con- struction (most of it for support in Viet Nam) and $40 million for civic-action and other non-mili- tary aid. And there are signs that our role there could possibly undergo a very major expansion. Accord- ing to highly reliable sources here, Graham Martin, our ambassador to Bangkok, has been pleading for helicopters and supplies for the Thai army-and for American pilots and troops to operate them until the Thais can be trained to use the equipment themselves. DEFENSE Secretary McNamara' according to these informants, is willing to provide the hardware but is unequivocally opposed to sending American pilots and troops. He is described as "not only been opposing the idea-he's stone-walling it. He may have to manage the war in Viet Nam, but he'll be damned if he'll start another one." But Senator Mike Mansfield's qualified endorsement Saturday of the Thailand buildup, and the general propensity here to ignore the subtle until it becomes ob- vious, suggests that the Thailand issue is going to stay important- but submerged-for some time to come. * * * Viet Nam and Thailand bring to mind another issue which will be prominent soon-reform of the Selective Service system. After, somewhat desultory hearings, the House Armed Services Commit- tee has adjourned consideration of reforms of the draft - which expires at the end of 1967. But President Johnson's recent- ly-appointed national commission on the Selective Service, plus the draft law's approaching expiration date of June 30, 1967, give some hope for reform-and a slight pos- sobility that a national service al- ternative to military service can be worked out. PRESIDENT JOHNSON has spe- cifically asked Burke Marshall, the commission chairman, to con- sider the recommendations for re- form of the draft of those most directly concerned with these questions: students and younger citizens. Hence Marshall and Harris Wof- ford, an assistant director of the Peace Corps with a special in- terest in a national service' alter- native to the draft .are both eager to get student opinion-particu- larly because, at the moment, they have no idea how students view the draft or how they think it should be reformed. Wofford and Marshall were thus both pleased and delighted to hear about Student Government Coun- cil's November referendum on the Selective Service, to be held in conjunction with regular SGC elections. SGC President Ed Rob, inson has talked with both men about the vote, and the University Activities Center is currently con- sidering a full-fledged program to bring proponents of the major draft reform proposals to the Uni- versity before the referendum takes place. HENCE THE DRAFT issue is going to get bigger, too. Reform- ing the Selective Service is going to be difficult if the conflict, in Viet Nam-and Thailand - ex- pands. But the SGC referendum, and the intense interest Wash- ington is giving it, means the draft may be one of the most impor- tant stories of the coming year. i I white Backlash is Real Enough" in the presidential primaries and racked up as much as 42 per cent of the vote in contests in Wis- consin, Indiana, and Maryland. IN JULY OF 1964, pollster Lou Harris reported that three major segments of the American public reacted intensely to the civil rights movement - white southerners, suburbanites, and white minority groups in the North. His investiga- tion showed that 63 per cent of members of white minority groups in the North believed that Ne- groes wanted to take over white .jobs. The figure was 56 per cent among white southerners. In the Northern minority groups, only 48 npr c-~nt be-lieved it wronpg to rp- ft5s" +o rent or sell homes to Ne- vroos. The . neral faliina among ""hi't5 . Acordino to the nnl, was fthat *TpnnoC wnreP nt~t.1Pedto thy~nir + nela ,h-tt arhak. hut tht thov w ra cnin too fast anid ask- ; for too mnuh. i-I't ht ih.^C i'd not want NQuroos to' rnnv-"" huti cr n-iahhrnhnhoods ("nP n1itiea1 fcn'eater W"'nt !-o a'1' nay "The rovernino' ax- innin ;c *1";'tflanelosc'r a neichbor- hood i sto atual nr imminent rA- einc1 chnnoe the o'vpater the Gold- watr vot- " Tn California. votcrs renopl-d th- state onen housing law by a two to one maro'in and. at the same time, defeated Pierre Salina'r who onnosed repeal. A housing proposal in Akron, Ohio, met a similar fate. AN IMPORTANT ineredient in white, fear and rejection of the black power thesis has undoubt- edly been the coverage it has got- ten in the press. It has been fre- quently described as "black su- premacy," "fanaticism," a n d "black nationalism. SNCC's Stoke- ly Carmichael describes it as "black people having to politically get together to organize them- selves so they can speak from a position of power and strength rather than a position of weak- ness. The liberal New Republic called it "racism in reverse." When the black power philo- sernhically emerad from the MerP- dith March this summer, the ,T.hnson administration was in the midst of trying to push its 1966 civil rights nroposals through Con- gr'ess. '\Then suhn;tfed to the House by P-csrl-u~t ,J-hnsn on Anril ?,P. the bill madl it "unlawful to dis- eriminato ao tainst any person in the terms. conditions, or oriviles'ps of sale, rental, or lease of a dwell- i"cr or in the provision of servic'os or facilities in connection therp- with, because of race. color, reli- gion, or national origin." WHEN IT PASSED on Auoist 9, it included an amendm-ant by R'o. Chiarles Mc. Mathias (R-Md) which exernipted single dwelling homes and apartment buildin-s with less than five units. With the amendment, thevbill covers an es- timated 23 million living units, only about 40 per cent of the to-, tal number in the United States, and would have exempted 37 mil- lion units. In the House 111 congressmen, who had voted for the 1965 Vot- ing Rights bill, defected to op- pose Johnson civil rights propos- als. They included 62 Northern Republicans and 28 Northern Democrats. Last week, Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield failed to muster enough votes to cut off a filibuster and defeat the oppen- ents of the bill led by Minority Leader Everett Dirksen. In the Senate, Ohio Democrat Frank Lausche joined 12 Republicans who had voted for the Voting Rights bill in opposing cloture. He failed again yesterday, and the bill is all but dead for this year. PUBLIC REACTION to open housing was tested' in an elec- tion last week in the Democratic a'ubernatdrial primary in Mary- land. George Mahoney, whose campaign slogan was "Your home is your castle-vote to protect it!" won a stunning victory. The 65- year-old paving contractor defeat- ed Congressman Carlton Stickles, a young liberal reformer who sup- ported the 1966 Civil Rights Bill, and state attorney general Thom- as Finan, both of whom were heavily favored to dominate the balloting. The housing issue, coupled with denunciations of the new black militancy ,is thus a potent poli- tical force. If exploited by Repub- licans, it could mean large gains for the GOP hn the North, and new headaches for President Johnson. Those who oppose the legisla- tion haven't generally been as- saulted with the racisms charges that met those who opposed pre- vious civil rights bills. They us- ually argue that the bill is an encroachment upon constitutional rights which give each man the right to sell his own property as he pleases. The Dirksen forces use basically the same arguments used by Southerners, who oppose laws. forbidding discrimination in pub- lic accommodations. THE IRONY of the white back- lash element, which may material- ize in November to create new troubles for President Johnson, is that the opposition is shooting at a piece of legislation which is com- paratively weak in its effect on discrimination, which isn't going to become law, and which quite possibly could have been avoided. Both Richard Nixon and Stoke- ly Carmichael, a rather bizarre political duo, have gone on rec- ord as opposing the legislation, They say that a great deal of discrimination in housing could be eliminated 'if the President would simply sign an executive order making discrimination ille- gal in housing financed under fed- eral assistance. Carmichael calls the bill "a fraud-worse than no bill,' 'and Nixon said two weeks ago thatan executive order would eliminate discrimination in 75 per cent of the existing housing. In 1962 President Kennedy sign- ed an order which declared it un- lawful "to discriminate against any person in the terms, condi- tions, or privileges of sale, rental or lease of a dwelling or in the provision of services or facilities in connection therewith, because of race, color, religion or national origin." But the order did not cov- er existing housing. THEREFORE, 1966, the year of black power and the defeat of fair housing, may also be one of white backlash, significant gains for Republicans and a major set- back for Lyndon Johnson. More important, it could mean a con- tinuation of the Negro's captivity in America's miserable urban ghettoes. '4 4 * Teaching Fellows: One StepForward, Two Steps Back FOR A WHILE last spring it seemed that the University's teaching fellows were going to have to unionize in order to get the administration to comealive to their problems and meet their demands. For a while last spring, too, it looked like the haphazardly formed Teaching Fellows Organization was going to dis- solve in executive policy controversy - which actually may have been nothing more than a personality conflict. REGARDLESS, however, of the way things appeared last spring, the Uni- versity teaching fellows have made some headway. Suddenly this fall they find themselves with faculty library priviliges, a salary increase, eligibility for faculty Blue Cross and Blue Shield benefits, a form of stratification, and organization primarily on a departmental basis. These blessings dropped very quietly this summer from administrative heights. Once again at the University, a little furor seemingly went a long way-Uni- versity administrators reacted promptly to threats of unionization and possible public protest. There is still some doubt, however, that the teaching fellows have truly had their demands satisfied. It appears that they merely may have had their demands compromised in an administrative dis- ciplinary measure. THE TEACHING FELLOWS did get the salary increase they wanted. But careful inspection of this increase reveals that it has no future because it is a sim- lows' so-called progress, it becomes ap- parent that there are now two levels of teaching fellows-first year fellows are first level, most others are second level. But second level attainment (which in- volves a salary increase) is" supposed to be based on superior teaching ability and initiative, as well on tenure. While many teaching fellows are only at the University for a few semesters, others remain for extended periods. Sec- ond level attainment, if awarded to all second year teaching fellows indiscrim- inately (which seems to be what will hap- pen), will inspire little initiative and pro- vide little more reward than a token in- crease in pay. Unless the distinctions mean more than this, why bother with them? AS FAR AS FACULTY Blue Cross and Blue Shield benefits are concerned, teaching fellows may always have had these privileges-nobody ever bothered to make it clear before. So what else is new? Departmental organization to be exact. The teaching fellows this fall chose to put their main strength into small teach- ing fellow organizations within each in- dividual department. In itself, this is a wise move. Most of the teaching fellows' problems are departmental in nature and can be solved most easily on the depart- mental level. The history and economics departments are particularly to be com- mended on ;their rapid organization and success at getting complete department cooperation. As the individual departments are or- ganized, they will be invited to formally join together into a University Teaching Fellows Organization-a campus. repre- sentative body which will deal with prob- lems concerning all teaching fellows. THE TEACHING FELLOWS have chosen to keep this University TFO weak, But a weak campus-wide structure will not LETTERS TO THE EDITOR: Criticize Daily IHA Editorial To the Editor: DEBBIE REAVEN'S editorial of September 15 entitled "A Bad Start for IHA" could better have been called "A Bad Start for Deb- bie Reaven." The article is ob- viously hastily-written, poorly-re- searched, and overly sensational. Let us examine some of Miss Rea- ven's assertions. HER FIRST criticism was "Pres- ident Sherry Meyer, '69, called the meeting for 7:30 p.m. She then proceeded to announce that she was due at another meeting - 7:30." Miss Reaven's statement seems to imply that Miss Meyers showed lack of organization and responsibility because she had two meetings at 7:30. The time for the' Inter-House Assembly meeting was set last spring and the other meeting Miss Meyer mentioned was a special Student Govern- ment Council meeting announced a few days previously. Does this show lack of organization and re- sponsibility on Miss Meyer's part or a hasty criticism on Miss Rea- ven's part. Her next criticism: "It is doubt- ful that any meaningful plans will come out of an organization that did not even have an executive board meeting before the first meeting of the year." There was an executive board meeting the previous Tuesday, September 6. Enough said. For several reasons, there were objections to the motion: (1) the year's IHA budget had not yet been approved; (2) the program is to be held in South Quad en- tirely; (3) the academic commit- tee of Inter-House Assembly is planning a speaker program to in- corporate speakers already sched- uled and supplement the existing programs with additional speak- ers of highacaliber, rotating the programs among the dorms. Again Miss Reaven shot from the hip-and missed. The next major criticism made is that "a valuable source of strength is being missed" by not utilizing upperclassmen. The en- tire President's Council and Ex- ecutive Council is composed of sophomores, juniors, and seniors. Taking into consideration the fact that few upperclassmen live in the dorms, this can hardly be called lack of interest by upperclassmen. SO MUCH for what the editor- ial said; let us look at what was omitted. Miss Reaven asks for spe- cific accomplishments. Such as the most successful orientation program ever conducted by a res- idence hall organization. Such as the faculty associate program de- signed to have faculty associates working with every house so de- siring before the end of October? In an article the day before, Miss Reaven reported the forma- tion of a committee to research casual discussions with two mem- bers o fthe Executive Board. Per- haps Miss Reaven could write a well-researched article on what the other eight or nine commit- tees are doing. -Lewis Chapin, '69 West Quad President -August Pupedis, Jr.,'68 Williams House President -Dan MeCreath, '69 Winchell House President People's Rule To the Editor: IN HIS EDITORIAL, "Modern War: The Territorial Impera- tive," Michael Dover cites two reasons why we should stop fight- ing in Viet Nam: "the war is not worth the loss of life, and more importantly, we are not really wanted in Viet Nam." Examine the latter reason; should the people's wishes really preside over the procurement of justice? Because the South did not wish to free the slaves, was the North wrong to impose its will? Oh, but of course, this strife occurred within the confines of a single nation. Yet I contend that when a grave injustice exists in a country which can not cope with it, the eradication of this injus- tice should not be restricted by the people's wishes or by territorial boundaries. people. Suppose also that the Poles, tired of bloodshed and des- perately craving peace, preferred their miserable existence to having foreign countries fight a sanguine war on their soil. Would not the United States have the right to drive the invader from Poland, or would it be better to acknowledge the Polish wish and watch the senseless cruelty with helpless dis- may? Now suppose a serious injustice, had taken place in Viet Nam, but one which the Vietnamese were perfectly willing to accept because of their hatred of war and alien occupation. Should the wish of the Vietnamese be allowed to let ram- pant terrorism spread over S.E. Asia? BECAUSE TERRORISM is un- just, I believe we have a right to be in Viet Nam-but I do not think we should be tpere, precisely be- cause of Mr. Dover's first reason, the war is not worth it. It should be obvious that the war has caused more injustice than it has alleviated-not just temporary injustice, but injustice which has no foreseeable end. We are paying dearly for our objectives with poverty and infla- tion and loss of lives, yet we are seeing very little justice in return. A country as mercantile as ours should be able to see that this Viet Nam war is a bad business. tive Council of the University of Michigan is a student organization at the University; and '1 Whereas the ICC submits mem- bership lists and other material we consider confidential; and Whereas the ability of the ICC to cooperate with the University- in handling financial matters, members' personal problems, and the like, depends in part on our trust in the confidentiality of such material; WE, THE BOARD of Directors of the ICC, believe that we must make known our extreme dissatis- faction with the action of Vice- Presidents Smith and Cutler, re- leasing confidential material upon subpoena (a) without inquiring into legal means for evading the subpoena, (b) without utilizing every legal evasion available, and (c) without so much as consulting those affected by the release; And further, we call upon Vice- President Smith, Vice-President Cutler, President Hatcher, and any others concerned within the Ad- ministration, (a) to admit the ac- tion of Vice-Presidents Smith and Cutler to have been what it was, a terrible error, (b) to declare the intention of the University never to let such an error be made again, and (c) torjoin with us and other student organizations in ple, across-the-board raise. While the increase may now, what will happen in years when the teaching another raise? Will they threaten the University's be sufficient two or three fellows need be forced to "open-shop" again, only to receive another flat in- crease? Why didn't the teaching fellows L'et an agreement whereby their salaries