I.

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

. - - " ""

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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1966

NIGHT EDITOR: LAURENCE MEDOW

-1

Our Inflated Prices and
Deflated Social Values

THE DISCLOSURE that the administra-
tion is on the verge of seeking a sus-
pension of the current seven per cent tax
credit for certain kinds of business invest-
ment is a sign that it is ready for an over-
due attack on inflation. But there is no
sign the administration is going to tackle
a far more serious economic problem -
and every sign that it is acting out of
sheer expediency.
S0 FAR THIS YEAR prices have been
rising at an annual rate of 3.5 per cent
-more than three times the annual in-
crease of 1961-65. All agree that infla-
tion, because it cuts the purchasing pow-
er of the dollar, is an economic evil; the
real weekly earnings of the average fac-
tory worker actually fell from $87.42 a.
year ago to $87.00 in July, most of the
drop due to inflation.
Almost everyone also agrees that this
inflation is due to an overheated economy
-but what sectors of the economy are re-
sponsible? One can safely say that gov-
ernment is not. The President's adminis-
trative budget last January cut $1.6 bil-
lion from the amount authorized for
about 25 Great Society programs, and
the government's income and product
account budget-which measures the to-
tal government income and expenditure,
and hence the total effect of the gov-
ernment, in the economy-actually show-
ed a $1 billion surplus in the fiscal year
just ended.
CONSUMERS and business are the two
other sectors of the economy; and the
evidence suggests that neither has shown
as much restraint on spending as the
government. Consumer spending contin-
ues to rise, and saving as a per cent of
income has fallen from 5.5 per cent in
1965 to 5.3 per cent in the second quar-
ter of this year.
Moreover, business expenditures on new
plant and equipment are expected to
rise 17 per cent above 1965-a rate which
Prof. James Tobin of Yale, a former
member of the Council of Economic Ad-
visors, calls "clearly unsustainable" and
definitely excessive.
WHAT IS TO BE DONE? It is not hard
to see why the administration thinks
repeal of the investment tax credit is
the best way out of the inflation dilemma.
Business investment is undeniably ex-
cessive; other ways of cooling off the
economy, notably monetary and credit re-
strictions, have largely failed; and while
they both want cuts in government spend-
ing, the entire Republican membership
of the House Banking and Currency Com-
mittee and Arthur Burns, President Ei-
senhower's chief economic advisor, have
both urged suspending the tax credit.
Most important, as many congressmen
have been saying, consumers vote, but
corporations don't.

And so, depending on how it is writ-
ten, a repeal or suspension of the tax
credit will take enough steam out of the
economy to prevent a further rise in
prices. But while it may solve the infla-
tion problem (and there are many econo-
mists who doubt that it, alone, can do so),
repeal of the tax credit is not going to
solve a far more important economic
problm: the decay of human and urban
resources. For this, a general tax increase
is needed.
FOR THE ECONOMIC boom of the last
five years has largely failed to help
the poor, the Negro and the inadequate-
ly-educated. The Negro unemployment
rate is more than double the white rate
and has actually been getting worse, not
better, in relation to it.
It is an irony of affluence that, on the
same day the Bureau of Labor Statistics
announced that our booming economy
had pushed prices four-tenths of one per
cent higher, John Lindsay told a Senate
subcommittee his city would need at least
$50 million over the next 10 years to keep
it livable.
It is another irony of affluence that a
city like Los Angeles has so many rich.
citizens that its freeways are clogged
with automobiles which create smog,
transportation chaos and highway death;
and, at the same time, a few hundred
yards from those freeways of affluence,
it also has so many poor citizens that it
has ghettos of people whose only response
to their lot is the blind, twisted one of
riot.
THE ADMINISTRATION is either un-
concerned about this problem or else
unwilling to do anything about it, for the
tax credit repeal cannot solve it. A gen-
eral tax increase, on the other hand,
would not only combat inflation, but
would also curb consumer spending of
the kind which has made cities like Los
Angeles so unbearable to the affluent,
and the revenues from it could then
create the kind of environment which
would be more bearable for us all.
But whether such wise use of economic
resources-social investment for urgent
needs rather than private consumption
for frivolous tastes-in the administra-
tion's mind is, at the moment, doubtful.
The tax credit repeal is simply more ex-
pedient.
IT IS A SHAME. In its apparent lack of
concern about our national social ills
and its willingness to appease the afflu-
ent consumer, the administration is ig-
noring President Kennedy's observation
that, if a free society cannot help the
many who are poor, it cannot save the
few who are rich.
-MARK R. KILLINGSWORTH
Editor

Povertj
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
first part of a two-part reprint
of the speech made by Secretary
of Defense Robert S. McNa-
mara before the Veterans of
Foreign Wars in New York City
on August 23.
LAST MAY, in Montreal, I dis-
.cussed the relationship between
security and development.
I pointed out that in a mod-
ernizing world, security is devel-
opment; and that even for so
sophisticated and powerful a coun-
try as the United States, the de-
cisive factors of national defense
encompass far more than merely
a growing arsenal of weaponry.
WHEN I ASSUMED this office
in 1961, President Kennedy in-
structed me to determine what
forces were required to safeguard
our security, to procure and sup-
port those forces without regard
to an arbitrary or pre-determined
budget level; but to do so as eco-
nomically as possible.
President Johnson renewed and
re-emphasized that mandate; and
in his first address to Congress,
just five days after the shock of
the assassination, he told the world
in measured but unmistakable
words: "This nation will keep its
commitments from South Viet
Nam to West Berlin."
Meanwhile, our Republic's re-
solve to keep its commitments has
been clarified and strengthened by
reasoned discussion of the issues.
Our adversaries do take comfort
from some of the extremist pro-

Threat to National Security

test; but it is comfort of the
most illusory sort.
They appear to miss the central
significance of our society's right
of dissent: that reasoned dissent
is not a divisive and disruptive
mechanism among free men; but
that it is, on the contrary, a source
of our social cohesion.
E PLURIBUS UNUM we stamp
on our coins. From the many, one.
Our national unity grows organ-
ically from within. It is not clamp-
ed on artificially from without.
It is unity. It is not uniformity.
Thus, our Republic stands unit-
ed in meeting its responsibilities,
including its responsibility to re-
spect minority opinion, while ac-
cepting majority rule.
But, as I pointed out at Mon-
treal, the growing incidence of
internal conflict in the world
arises not primarily out of Com-
munist aggression and subversion
-as real as that is-but out of
the bitter frustrations born of
poverty.
SERIOUS POVERTY is not
merely socially corrosive, but is
intrinsically self-perpetuating. It
tends to feed upon itself. Poor
nations-like poor individuals -
cannot be helped until they begin
to help themselves. But the very
psychological scars that poverty
inflicts on men and nations makes
this self-help painfully difficult.
Poverty is a social and political
paralysis that atrophies ambition,,
and drains away hope. It saps the
strength of nations, not so much

because it implies a lack of ex-
ploitable material resources -
which often it does not-but be-
cause it withers and weakens the
human potential necessary to de-
velop them.
For poverty is not a simple con-
cept: a mere absence of wealth.
Rather it is a whole complex of
debilitating conditions-each rein-
forcing the other in an ever-
tightening web of human impair-
ment. Illiteracy, disease, hunger,
and hopelessness are characteris-
tics that of their own momen-
tum spiral human aspirations
downward. Poverty begets pover-
ty. It passes from generation to
generation in a Cruel cycle of
near inevitability. It endures un-
til carefully designed outside as-
sistance intervenes and radically
rdirects its internal dynamics.
BUT MOST important of all,
poverty directly affects the se-
curity of nations, since in the
end the root of all security is the
human spirit, and its determina-
tion to defend what it believes in.
President Johnson, has called
for a national war against this
raw reality of poverty in our
midst. The Congress has passed
creative and far-reaching legisla-
tion.
As a free man, as an American
citizen, and as a member of this
administration, I, of course, sup-
port-as I ,know you do - these
measures.,
But I am not speaking to you
this morning merely as a fellow
American-nor even simply as a

supporter of general administra-
tion policy,
I want to make that very clear.
I am speaking to you, rather,
in my capacity as the secretary
of defense.
And in that capacity, I want
to emphasize that poverty in
America makes our nation less se-
cure..... ....
POVERTY ABROAD leads to
unrest, to internal upheaval, to
violence, and to the escalation of
extremism.
It does the same within our own
borders.
Poverty in America affects our
national security, too, by its ap-
palling waste of talent. In the
technological revolution that is
sweeping over the second half of
our century, the prime national
resource becomes more and more
the potential of the human brain.
Innovation, technical b r e a k-
throughs, and research and devel-
opment now affect defense cap-
abilities more than any other sin-
gle factor. Only 14 per cent of
the more than three million men
in our armed forces fire weapons
as their primary duty. A full 50
per cent must be trained in tech-
nical skills.
Human talent, then, is our na-
tion's most essential resource. It
cannot be mined from the ground;
or harvested from the fields; or
synthesized in a test tube.
THE 32 MILLION Americans
who are poor were not born with-
out intellectual potential. They

were not brain-poor at birth; but
only privilege-poor, advantage-
poor, opportunity-poor.
To the extent that this nation
loses the performance potential of
these millions of human beings,
to that extent this nation's ulti-
mate security is diminished.
But there is even a more meas-
urable and concrete manner in
which poverty affects our nation-
al security.
Fully one-third of the nation's
youth currently do not qualify for
military service under Department
of Defense fitness standards. 600,-
000 young men a year are rejected.
Roughly one-half of this total
fail to qualify because of medical
problems, and the other half be-
cause of educational deficiencies.
The vast majority of these 600,-
000 young men are the victims of
faulty education or of inadequate
health services. They have been
born and raised in the richest na-
tion on earth-but below the par-
ticipation line. They are part of
America's subterranean poor.
I DO NOT believe that the qual-
ification standards for military
service should now be lowered.
What I do believe is that
through the application of ad-
vanced educational and medical
techniques we can salvage tens
of thousands of these men, each
year, first for productive military
careers and later for productive
roles in society.
(Tomorrow: The Defense De-
partment as Educator.)

4

Chicago March: Hate Across the Street

By RICK STERN
A T A civil rights march there are
two sides of the street. And
you can't stand in the middle.
It was a hot muggy evening in
the nation's cleanest city, Chicago,
and I was curious. I had read
about the marches all summer but
I had never seen one. So I drove
to the Belmont-Kragin area on
Chicago's Northwest Side.
I HAD NO intention of march-
ing. I just don't demonstrate well
as a rule. But, as I said before,
you're on one side of the street
or the other. At first I was on the
other, watching the marchers
line-up. A fellow standing next to
me spoke to his friend.
"Look at that big black one, I
bet he hasn't taken a bath in a
month." A group of kids wearing
sweatshirts from nearby Weber
high school started a chant. ',Nig-
gers go home . . . String up the
Commies . .
And then I saw two friends of
mine from high school, one col-
ored, one white among the march-
ers.
Certain circumstances will drive
even the most apathetic to act-
vism. I didn't particularly care to
stay where I was, and I definitely
didn't want my friends to see me
there. So I crossed the street and
got in line, fairly certain that I
would be shot within the hour.
I WAS RIGHT in the middle of
the line all alone, and one of the
march organizers asked where my
partner was. When I told him I
didn't have one, he pulled me out
and sent me to the rear next to a
Negro boy about my own age. I
nodded at him and he smiled at
me. The grin in his eye made it
clear that he knew I was nervous.
But his first words weren't very
reassuring. "Keep up or you're
liable to get smashed in the head
with a bottle. They don't like you
anymore."
There were rows of police, Chi-
cago's finest and a few of the
worst too, judging from the turn-
out. Still I was very nervous.. I

kept looking up at the roofs of
the buildings we were passing, ex-
pecting to see a rock come rolling
down at any minute.,
The march was the ninth or
tenth in Dr. Martin Luther King's
Chicago Open Housing Protest
Program. King wasn't present but
I recognized from pictures James
Ditto and the Rev. Jesse Jackson,
two of the local leaders. An, in-
junction barred marching during
the rush hour period so the
march had been scheduled to start
at 6:01 p.m. It actually got under-
way about 6:15. The marchers
had driven from a southside Bap-
tist church and parked their cars
in a large parking lot in Hanson
- Park. The lot was surrounded by
police. 'I had parked my car a
block away from the area-a move
which I now regretted sincerely.
WE MARCHED two blocks and
passed the Weber High school
football team finishing a work-
out. Weber is a parochial institu-
tion dedicated to the creation of
God fearing tolerant Catholic
youth. The youth on the football
team shouted some unprintable
references dealing generally with
race and color, but tolerance was
definitely not the message.
My march-partner handed me
a button and I put it on without
reading it. I never did read it.
He asked me in a low voice how
many marches I'd been on, though
he obviously knew that it was my
first. I told him that, and he
smiled and told me not to be de-
ceived by the apparent lack of
violence. "Go to Cicero, Sunday"
he said, "and you'll see what it's
like."
I DIDN'T need to go to Cicero
though, because I could see the
hate in Hanson Park clearly
enough. Buxom females were the
worst. One blond levied teen-ager
screamed from across the street
"Black bastards go home before
we shoot you." My partner looked
straight ahead. "She may be fine
but when she talks like that she's
as ugly as me," he said softly. An

old woman yelled violent oaths
and waved a sign that said "Lin-
coln Rockwell we need you here."
Nobody actually went to Cicero.
We marched on a Thursday night,
and the next morning Mayor Da-
ley, King and various City Bu-
reaus reached a tentative agree-
ment on a ten point program to
end segregated neighborhoods and
make open housing for Negroes a
reality. With the publicity that the
planned march on Cicero had been
receiving it is well that the march
in the all white suburb was post-
poned "indefinitely" or a Civil
war rather than civil march would
probably have resulted.
WE FORMED a single file line
in front of a Real Estate office
and marched in a circle. A crowd
began to accumulate on all sides
of us. I found to my pleasure
that I could out-stare the white
boys of my own age who stood
sneering. When I looked at them
they would look;away or to the
ground. A few shouted "traitor,
Nigger lover" at me and I smiled
at these.
There were about 20 whites
among the 130 odd marchers and
this seemed most frustrating to
the citizens of the area. Obviously
they couldn't get away with "Nig-
ger" so they had to use "commie"
or "Jew." Once a white girl stared
at me with an ugly snarl on her
face. I winked at her and she
blushed bright red.
We knelt in prayer for about
three minutes and sang Kumbaya
as the march continued. We walk-
ed next for half a mile through a
residential community of brown
brick houses and green shrubs.
These are the clean, happy com-
munities that Mayor Daley calls
the backbone of his great city.
"Come back here without the
cops, you black sons of bitches,"
the citizens said. Peaceful, well-
behaved people, the backbone of
the city.
A man stood on the front porch
of one of the smaller, one story
houses and yelled "75,000 dollars
and its yours!" Hecklers took it

from there and informed us that;
for 75,000 dollars a house, they
would integrate.
THE SUMMER AIR was stifling
but it was apparent that this
would be a non-violent march.
Even the police were calmer now
and joked with one another. The
night before, however, stones and
bottles had been thrown in a
Southwest side community.
This was just a peaceful eve-
ning in a quiet neighborhood in a"
great northern city-but the peo-
ple were restless-the ones that
live south and east of the stock-
yards, ten in a flat, 100 in a build-
ing meant for 30. The kids play
in the filthy streets and scribble
their homework on the floors while
their mother is mopping floors in
white homes to support her family
and unemployed, beaten, drunk
husband. And the ghetto teems at
night as it has for years. The side-
walks and streets are black with
black faces and bodies that roam
restlessly.
And some of the natives had the
audacity to roam right out of the
ghetto into the middle class white
neighborhood miles away. And to-
night there was friction, but not
violence. But for all the love left
in Chicago, as the marches had
shown, the great northern city
might as well have been Jackson,
Mississippi.
A POLICE captain cursed some
TV reporters who blocked traffic
with their cameras and ordered
them out of the street. A march
leader urged us to "move closer
together. Close it up."
As we marched back to our,
meeting place, we passed very close
to numbers of whites who came
from stores and restaurants.
"Where's the witch doctor King?"
some men screamed. "Tell him
we'll meet him in the alley." Two
white men said something to me
as I passed close to thein, but I
didn't understand what they'said.
Perceptual defense maybe.
I wasn't nervous at all though.
Very relaxed in fact. I talked

quietly with my march-partner
though the march leaders beck-
oned constantly for silence. He
was 17 and a sophomore in high
school. He hadn't' worked during
the summer. He said that when he
got a job, he'd quit school.
But that's trite. Probably he had
ten sisters and no father too. It's
just a problem and everybody
knows about it. But now some
want to solve it and their methods
are daring and resourceful. Martin
King did in two months and a
dozen demonstrations what others
have tried for years. The Open
Housing agreement between King
and Daley doesn't solve the prob-
lem but it represents a change in
attitude on the city's part that is
a long first step.
WE PICKETED two more Real
Estate agencies, then knelt for a
prayer by the Reverend Jackson.
We sang Kumbaya again; softly
and it was drowned out by jeers
and catcalls. The police captain
swore at a group of his 'men who
were talking together, leaving a
segment of the line unprotected.
We returned at a brisk pace to
the parking lot where the march
had begun. The police surrounded
the lot. The marchers gathered in
a circle and James Ditto told
them the best driving route back
and told them that a Rally would
begin shortly on the south side.
My own car was still a block
away and I was nervous again. My
friend from high school told me to
wait until the crowd had dispersed
before walking back., But it was
almost dark and I doubted if I
would be recognized as a "white
marcher." To be sure I took off
my eyeglasses and my madras
shirt.
THEN I crossed the dim street
into the other world and walked
toward my car. I passed six white
boys chanting "Two four six eight,
we don't want to integrate." They
looked at me curiously, and I
quickly joined in their nursery
rhyme.

-4

4

Now Playing: The Great
Game of Registration

NOW PLAYING.
At the Waterman.
The who - knows - how - many - biennial
time showing of The Great Game of Reg-
istration, the Bacchanalian fete acted out
in the Waterman-Barbour gymnasium
complex. And the Natural Resources
Building. And out across the Diag. Half-
way to the fishbowl.
Cecil B. would love it.
THERE I WAS, signing away my life to
the Selective Service System, my brain
to the History departmnt, my wallet to
the registrar.
It's horrifying, the nearly 30,000 stu-
dents streaming through the process, an
act worthy of the word, a process not in
name alone.
Processed in this door, down that cor-
ridor, up those stairs, and no matter how
many times one can go through, the ter-
rifying crush of bureaucracy is stifling.
This is where you see the multiversity,
baby, and if you don't like it, well, you
just don't like it.
People have reviewed the student direc-
tory, surely an admirable pursuit, but
The Great Game defies definition or de-
scription.
Y AST JANUARY. the office of Univer-

Surely many wondered at the two girls
stamping ID cards and seemingly accom-
plishing nothing. Well, look closer. The
little impressed "B" at the bottom of
your card shows that you've registered
this semester. No more Business Office
expenditures on those wasteful pockets
in the back.
But, perhaps the most startling of the
innovations was a rite singularly exper-
ienced by the male sector of the student
body. Nobody forgot to fill out the Draft
Form this year.
-DAN ORKENT
No Comment
Department
THE DAILY received a letter from Sid-
ney Franklin, a business administra-
tion student, Thursday describing a game
people play. Evidently it's called a "mix-
er" and involves a class in trying to get
one another to sign a sheet if they, for
example, "plan to make an A plus in this
course," "were born in Detroit," "were
born in Detroit and are proud of it" and
the like.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:

Reconsidering the Dearborn Campus

To the editor:
T HE DAILY'S SKETCH of
the Dearborn Campus headed
"Dearborn' University Extension"
(Tuesday, August 30, 1966) pro-
duced astonishment among the
liberal arts and sciences faculty at
Dearborn, What purports to be an
interview with Vice-President
Stirton and an introduction to our
Campus suffers from many im-
portant omissions and some errors
of fact. It is to the omissions that
we wish to address ourselves.
The article clearly deals with
the operations of the Dearborn
Campus as a whole while the
headline itself suggests that the
article would limit discussion to
the Extension Program in particu-
lar. The latter program uses some
of our physical facilities in the late
afternoon or evening but has an
administration quite separate from
that of our main degree granting
program.
THE DEARBORN Campus hous-
es three academic divisions, two of
which. Business Administration

them for elementary or secondary
teaching certificates.
We have searched in vain for
some record of our having offered
through our official program any
liberal arts courses "in the realm
of financial writing and insur-
ance." We do, however, offer sen-
ior college concentration programs
in chemistry, economics, English,
experimental biology, history, ma-
thematics, political science, and
psychology-sociology.
OUR PROGRAM has proven it-
self successful in preparing stu-
dents for life in the non-academic
world, and many of our gradu-
ates are engaged as well in advan-
ced worok at other outstanding
schools throughout the country.
If The Michigan Daily would
like to find out what the Dearborn
Campus is really like, we would
cordially invite a representative to
visit us, to discuss our program,
and to inspect our facilities.
David W. Emerson,
Acting Chairman
Division of Literature, Sci-
ence nd the Arts

serves more explicit attention
than it has thus far received.
One of the Vice-Presidents is
reported to have said that, in
making their decision to comply,
they weighed the greater good of
the University against the harm
done to the 65 persons whose
names were listed.
I do not doubt for a moment
that the intentions in compliance
were honorable, but I submit that
if this be the chief ground of
compliance, that compliance is
poorly justified indeed,
THERE IS FIRST the question
of whether such a balancing is at
all appropriate. If the injury done
to the 65 persons listed was know-
ingly done them by ignoring con-
stitutionally protected rights of
free speech and assembly, allowing.
them to be punished unjustly for,
concerning themselves actively
and deeply with the morality of
their government's conduct-if
that is the reason harm came to
them I should have thought no

age, or to its salaries or contracts,
can begin to balance the'serious-
ness of that obligation, or even
how it can be reasonably claimed
that these are coordinate inter-
ests which must be weighed
against one another.
BUT SECONDLY, even if bal-
ancing be here in order, which
I doubt, I fear that the wrong ele-
ments have been weighed. The
balancing (if there is to be any)
should not be between the harm
done the 65 persons and the Uni-
versity'srelations with legislators
and governmental committees. The
factors to be weighed are the in-
juries to public relations on the
one hand, and the injuries done to
the spirit of the University on the
other.
The greater interest in not com-
plying without contest to the
HUAC subpoena is not the inter-
est of 65 persons, but of all those,
present and future, who must rely
on this University as a bastion of
intellectual freedom. None can
.4- +In. hi nn r l- n with

ment) will do all in their power to
defend them.
Not just these 65, but all the
rest of us, the Vice-Presidents in-
cluded, are the losers now. That
was the harm to be weighed in
the balance; it appears to have
been weighed badly or not at all.
IF COMPLIANCE without con-
test was an error, as I believe, it
was, happily, a momentary slip,
not springing from weak admin-
istrative policy. My regard for
the Vice-Presidents is high, and
I know that when they remind us
of many past defenses of student
and faculty freedom they speak
truly. I take pride in the Univer-
sity's achievements in protecting
and expanding unrestricted in-
quiry this past decade.
But this is a battle that is nev-
er over; the greater good of the
University is never served-who-
ever may be offended - if the
proper exercise of freedom is al-
lowed to be punished without pro-
test.
Rmmsnil11v our