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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

FRIDAY, MARCH 31, 1967

NIGHT EDITOR: WALLACE IMMEN

The U.S. Is Going North

A SPECULATIVE PREDICTION: The
United States will announce and de-
fend the presence of U.S. troops north of
the Vietnam demilitarized zone within
the next two months.
Indications from the Guam confer-
ence, from a reorganization of military
command in Vietnam, from the increas-
ing cost of air attacks on the north,
and from a continuous stiffening of U.S.
conditions for peace all indicate that
some sort of major escalation is in the
making. There is little reason to doubt
that that escalation could involve inva-
sion..
The Johnson administration has, over
the months, consistently upped the ante
for an approach to the conference table
with North Vietnam. Whereas last year
the administration required only an
agreement to negotiate as suitable terms
for a bombing halt, this year the price
seems to (nobody is really sure) have be-
come a harsh quid pro quo-a halt to in-
filtration of the South (which means a
cut-off of supplies to those already
there), which is asked for before, not
after, any bombing pause or similar show
of reduced U.S. military activity.
Concurrently, the U.S. has escalated
its bombing attacks to include non-mili-
tary industrial plants, and recently be-
gan direct shelling over the demilitarized
zone. There are also indications that
bombing and other activity surrounding
North Vietnamese ports is being stepped
up.
NONE OF THIS will work and Washing-
ton knows it. The Soviet Union has
and will keep pace with U.S. escalation.
Soviet missiles are responsible for a
good percentage of the losses of U.S.
aircraft, losses which have been climb-
ing at an ever-increasing rate. The bomb-
ing itself continues to have a minimal ef-
fect on the Hanoi regime.
There is thus no chance that, under
current military conditions, the United
States can bludgeon Hanoi into surrender.
But the Johnson administration1 is caught
in a political bind at home. Nobody likes
the way strategy is being handled now.
Pacification (even assuming our heart is
really in it) is too big a job, and everyone
realizes it. Moreover, no President as
alive to political pressures as Johnson can
keep the war going the way it is.
All Americans, whether they are for
escalating or for getting out, are weary
of the war. All are alive to its day-to-day
existence and watch the President care-
fully. That means that every day there
is pressure to try something different. No
war as universally frustrating as this one
can be kept at a status quo for very long.
Thus Johnson must constantly find new
and dramatic tactics, if for nothing more
than to periodically provide new hope.
HE ALSO WANTS to be re-elected in
1968. That means either ending the
war or involving the United States so
deeply in a bigger one that his leader-
ship cannot be repudiated "in mid-
stream." For his own political ends, the
latter method is probably the safest.
Johnson thep olitician is a man whose
domestic program has been unpopular in
conservative circles; and whose war years
have been so desperately unhappy and
so personally attributable to him that
ending the war will only seem like end-

ing a feud fought at the public expense.
Johnson will not win great love for ending
a war he made deserving of the title.
All this adds up to one thing-some-
thing "new," something to carry over
through 1968.
In short, escalation, with a good chance
of drawing China into the war. Within
two months the United States will:
1) Armit that there ares pecial forces in
North Vietman and
2) Send a contingent of troops to the
North to "save" a company already en-
circled there, or
3) Send American troops through the
demilitarized zone in a "chase" effort.
Accompanying this or soon after will be
a bombing of some Chinese supply source.
Once it is known Americans are in the
North, U.S. forces there will gradually ex-
pand in a manner analogous to the grad-
ual escalation we have been witnessing
these past few years.
NOW, IF THE UNITED STATES is will-
ing to go into the North and thus
risk a war with China, perhaps it might
be useful to think in terms of Washing-
ton's'wanting a war with China.
Through these past few years the John-
son administration has presented dis-
senters with the argument of Munich-
"if we don't stop them now, when will
we?" Secretary of State Rusk has been
and is now a dedicated foe of the Com-
munist Chinese and has, as we have
seen, been more than willing to fight a
war to "stop them." He has left no
doubt that the war in Vietnam is
against China.-
With that in mind, why not carry the
Munich analogy one step further: if we
are stopping Nazi Germany from taking
the Sudetenland, why shouldn't we now
make sure she is too crippled to start
again somewhere else?
Certainly. the time is ripe. Communist
China has been wracked by civil war and
is in the most desperate shape she has
known since 1949. If there were ever a
time to destroy or permanently cripple
the central government of China with-
out having to destroy its people, that
time seems to be now.
And given a Chinese entry into North
Vietnam, the Soviet Union might well be
as willing to support the United States as
to side with China, with whom she shares
little love and many thousands of miles
of border. The temptation to use a giant
pincer on the Chinese mainland could be
too strong for Washington to resist.
ALL THIS MAY SEEM far out to some,
but who would have thought in 1964
that the United States would have near-
ly a half-million troops in Vietnam to-
day? Whereas two months ago we peti-
tioned Washington to stop the bombing
of North Vietnam, we now find ourselves
in the position of trying to prevent U.S.
troops from invading the North.
And whether Washington's intent is to
fight China or not, the prospects for
further escalation seem quite strong, and
there is no reason to doubt that that will
involve going north. In as inhumane a
war as anyone could possibly conceive,
the President's personal political consid-
erations deem it necessary that we ex-
pand our enterprise.
-HARVEY WASSERMAN

Under the Influence
An Evening With Robben Fleming
of Meredith Eiker
MADISON, WIS.-Robben Wright Fleming is coming to things where students commute, and I know more about Jim was stopped by flashing red lights and a university
Ann Arbor today for the first time since his election resident schools like Wisconsin or Michigan." policeman told him he was 13 miles over the speed limit
on Tuesday as the University's ninth president. Andy But he seemed more interested in Andy's comments and asked why his car wasn't registered. Jim handed the
Sacks, photographer for The Daily, and I were the first on the fence-writing in Madison, telling us its long tra- officer his driver's license and perhaps the cop recog-
University students to visit the new president in Madison dition and asking for details on the origin of Michigan's nized the name because that was the end of it . . . no
and I must admit it's been a long time since I've been pop-art fence. ticket.
received more cordially by an administrator. At 6 he said he was going home for dinner and we Jim doubted that the policeman knew who he was
A phone call to him an hour after his acceptance said we'd find ourselves a place to stay for the night. He . . "I took a make-up test the other day and the pro-
statement to the Regents found him more than willing offered to let us spend the night at his home ("We have fessor spelled my last name with two m's. I explained
to see us, at our convenience, whenever we might arrive. a lot of room and you're both more than welcome"), but that there are 17 Fleming's in the phone book that have
Transportation seemed to be the only problem-flights to we declined, I not being quite sure what to make of such one m and only two that have two m's. The professor
Madison are sporadic to say the least-and it was Flem- an invitation. . . looked at me and said my name was probably misspelled
ing who suggested we fly to Milwaukee and take a bus He reminded us that we could get beer with dinner because 'the Chancellor here's name is Fleming and he
from there ("Badger, not Greyhound, they run more at the Wisconsin Union and told us to come out to his spells it with two m's.' Obviously not very many people
often"). house as soon as we could. know who I am."
I was anticipating that Fleming might say he was
going to take a few days vacation (everyone else in Madi- FLEMING AND HIS family live in a modern home in SURE, FLEMING said a lot of important stuff and he
son was) and that since he and his wife would be in Ann the suburbs of Madison. Again we found him finishing will probably say most of it again while he's here in Ann
Arbor later in the week that it would be more convenient up with photographers-this group from Detroit-and Arbor this weekend. Maybe he'll even continue to extend
to wait until then. answering a constantly ringing phone. His wife served this kind of hospitality to students here while he's
But as Fleming told us later, he had planned in ad- coffee and cookies and Fleming slouched in what seemed president.
vance to leave Tuesday relatively free to see all the to be his favorite living room chair and answered more What Fleming the administartor may be like at this
people who might want to talk to him for as long as they questions. point isn't clear; Fleming the man, however, is a pretty
might want to stay. Again the conversation was easy. Fleming doesn't nice guy. He enjoys his critics almost as much as he
We talked in his Bascon Hall office, Andy snapping hedge on his answers ("As far as the draft is concerned, enjoys his supporters.
pictures and Fleming answering occasional phone calls. I prefer a lottery . . .") nor does he leave any ambiguity When we left he insisted I take a copy of the Daily
We were able to establish an immediate rapport, and it in his statements. Cardinal, the Madison campus paper, with me in which
became more like a conversation with an old friend than He's difficult to trap-he won't talk about things his strongest critic, philosophy graduate student Robert
an interview with a new president. he doesn't know about-preferring to make references to Cohen, had written a satire on "Chancellor Lemming."
situations at Wisconsin rather than hypothesizing about Said Cohen, "we hope against hope that Lemming will
HE TOLD US the details of his decision to come to what it might be like at Michigan. accept the Minnesota post and make Wisconsin a better
Michigan rather than to accept Minnesota's offer. "Min- When we were ready to leave, his son Jim, a freshman place."
nesota," he said, "is an urban university among other at Wisconsin, drove us back to our motel. On the way, I think he'll probably make Michigan a better place.
Letters: The Slow Death of Free Debate
To the Editor: "ceremonies" may be a growing which peaceful, democratic means met for over a year, and has fdr 1965, which seeks to codify the
[T SEEMS A SHAME that U category around here and public of change are available." the past few years failed to nom- policy Mr. Smith quoted, to estab-
Thant, when he comes to Hill airing of views a waning one. This " Regents ByLaw sec. 8.11, inate the three student members lish formal prerequisites for Uni-
Aud. today, will be unable to hear trend should be reversed; partic- which- states that "the University it is supposed to seat, its old pro- versity-financed events.
and respond to questions from the ularly, there is no reason why men has an affirmative obligation to ceedings from the early '60s are Surely nothing horrible would
audience after his speech. The like U Thant should be invited see that students and faculty are still the most official University happen if our Vice-Presidents, ap-
cause for this is not the relentless here and not requested to talk offered a comprehensive, impartial policy on public discussions here. pointed to carry out policy as well
press of time, nor U Thant's dis- with the students and faculty. and objective program of on-cam- Vice-President Smith declined as promulgate it, allowed us to
interest in exchanging views. pus public discussions (my em- to show me the minutes of the question U Thant today.
Rather, our University administra- OUR ADMINISTRATORS may phasis) of important and. contro- committee, but was willing to
tors debated and decided that a find support for shifting their pol- versial social issues." summarize its policy thus: "It -Peter Steinberger, Grad.
question period would not be al- icy in the following, if they care ! Student Government Council was fairly well agreed that insofar -Jean Tenander, Grad.
lowed; U Thant was not asked for to take a look: regulations, which provide that as the University took an active for VOICE-SDS
his view on the question, nor were 0 Regents' ByLaw sec. 8.11A (1), every student-sponsored "lecture, role in encouraging (i.e., finan-
the students and faculty who will which states that 'it is the policy forum, discussion or other public cing) any speech, it wanted a for-
fill Hill Aud. to hear him asked of the University to foster a spirit talk" must provide "ample oppor- mat that included as wide" an' OPINION
for their view. of free inquiry and to encourage ;unity for questions from the audience as possible, and a ques-
Vice-President Smith explained the timely discussion of a wide floor"; tion-and-answer discussion rather The Daily has begun accept-
to me that U Thant's speech was variety of issues, provided that the * The minutes of the Univer- than just presentation." ing articles from faculty, ad-
seen as "a ceremonial occasion," views expressed are stated openly sity's Committee on Public Dis- 'Vice-President Cutler, secretary ministration, and students on
akin to commencements, and not and therefore are subject to crit- cussion, set up with the Vice- . subjects of their choice. They
as a chance for a public airing of ical evaluation. Restraints on free President for Academic Affairs as of the Committee, had only frag- are to be 600-900 words in
ideas. The censoring of questions inquiry should be held to that Chairman and the Vice-President ments of its work in his files, length and should be submitted
during the Hart-Ford speeches a minimum which is consistent with for Student Affairs as Secretary. but showed me, among these frag- to the Editorial Director.
few weeks ago indicates that preserving an organized society in Although the committee has not ments, a draft proposal of July 5,
M. ., ..

I

41

41

11

4!

More Thoughts o n

The Unthinkable

4

By RONALD BAN
Last of a Two-Part Series

DISARMAMENT and surprise
attack is perhaps the most
paradoxical and perplexing prob-
lem to the McNamara policy of
deterrence. Nuclear weapons with
their destructive power and the
tremendous speed of their delivery
give a tremendous advantage to
the side attacking first. Pearl Har-
bor demonstrated the efficacy of
a surprise attack and that a
strong deterrent can also be an
excellent target to a nation that
feels threatened by its presence.
Therefore, in. disarmament we
should seek those measures which
could seriously reduce on all sides
the dangers of surprise attack. The
best way to do this is to reduce
the incentives of such an attack
or to substantially limit the advan-
tage of surprise attack. "Inasmuch
as the chief if not the only rea-
son why either side might want
to hazard deliberately planned
war against the other would be
to remove a menace which had be-
come subjectively intolerable, we
can add that the measures which
reduce the probability of acciden-
tal outbreak of the war also re-
duce the probability of preventive
war."
THEREFORE our over-riding
I interest for the enhancement of
our deterrence posture is, of course,
in the security of our own retalia-
tory force. But that does not mean
that we especially desire the oth-
er side's retaliatory force to be
insecure. If the opponent feels
insecure, we suffer the hazard of
his being more trigger-happy.

As Defense Department spokesr-
man John T. McNaughton said in
a 1962 Ann Arbor speech, all our
policies must be concerned with
stability-"stability against tech-
nological surprise, against acci-
dents and unexpected or mislead-
ing events, against a tendency
for every confrontation to spiral
into violence and how our decision
will contribute to quickening or
dampening the arms race,"
The implications of this think-
ing are very important. "In the
new outlook weapons, however
powerful, that weaken stability
have a minus value; weapons that
contribute to stability have a plus
value, whichever side has them!
"A first strike-only weapon
whichtcan be destroyed in an ene-
my attack and must be used in
the first moments of a nuclear
exchange, if it is used at all, is
obviously DEstabilizing." A perfect
example of this type of weapon
was the Thor and Jupiter IRBM's
we stationed in Britain and Tur-
key and the Russian equivalents
that sparked the Cuban missile
crisis." A second strike weapon,
sufficiently shielded to survive a
nuclear attack, which can provide
time for evaluation and judgment,
is necessarily stabilizing."
THE EFFECT of these concepts
was demonstrated by an interest-
ing verbal exchange. Secretary
McNamara, asked when he
thought the Soviet Union would
have invulnerable second strike
missiles, said, "the sooner the bet-
ter 4' emphasizing the importance
of stability. This led Linus Paul-

ing to the perfectly logical con-
clusion that the United States
should build some Polaris missiles
for Russia.
Our defense strategists have
been concentrating on deploying
an invulnerable, second-strike or
stabilizing deterrent system, hence
the emphasis on hardened Minute-
man missiles, and the Polaris sub-
marine-weapons practically in-
vulnerable to a surprise attack.
Taking this concept further, as
certain theorists have persuasively
shown, if our whole object is to
ensure the futility of a surprise
attack by the enemy, we should
build a super-dirty bomb. What
could be a better deterrent than
a dirty bomb which could ensure
complete destruction if only two
or three bombs get throughs?
"Thus schemes to avert sur-
prise attack have as their most

,1

*

. The Safety of Weappns Rather Than People."

A Meeting With Robben Fleming

11'M HOPING TO FIND a mechanism in
Michigan for meeting with students
and talking with them," Robben Wright
Fleming, newly elected president of the
University, said in an interview Tuesday.
Fleming will have his first opportunity
to do this tomorrow morning at 8:15 in the
Student Activities Building when Student
Government Council holds an open meet-
ing with him.
This is a wonderful opportunity for
students to meet and welcome the new
president, to hear what he has to say,
and also to express their views about their
university.
Bruce.Kahn, newly elected president of
SGC, has said that all students inter-
ested in attending the meeting will be

accommodated, even if this means mov-
ing from the Council room to a larger
one.
Hopefully this open meeting will set a
precedent for effective communication
between the administration and the stu-
dents.
-SUSAN ELAN
Associate Managing Editor
Peace March
THIS MORNING between 9 and 10, just
prior to the address of United Nations
Secretary-General U Thant at the Hon-
ors Convocation, there will be a demon-
stration march in front of Hill Aud. ex-
pressing protest of U.S. policy in Vietnam.
The purpose and spirit of the United

stubborn 'adherence to the belief
we know what's best for everyone.
"The first function of deter-
rence is to make surprise attack
completely unattractive to the oth-
er side. The only way to do so is
to make certain that an attack by
the other side will be met in kind,
not necessarily in the same degree
but at least to a substantial one.
The error in popular judgment
is that the certainty of retalia-
tion comes as a matter of course,
without considerable special ef-
fort. On the contrary, a great
effort is required to accomplish
it. The implications of this are
viewed in terms of the concept of
limited war.
"What distinguishes limited war
from total war is that limited war
involves an important kind and
degree of restraint-deliberate re-
straint. In the past, wars were
kept limited by the small margin
of the national economic resources
available for mobilization and by
the small capability for destruc-
tion that could be purchased with
that narrow margin. Today, on
the contrary, we speak of limited
war in a sense that connotes a
deliberate hobbling of a tremen-
dous power that is already mobil-
ized."
PROF. BRODIE'S insights of
1959 have been put into practice
by Secretary McNamara. The rev-
olutiAn in tihe nfen neprt-

willing to limit objectives because
we want to keep the war limited,
and not the other way around."
Our current problems in Vietnam
emphasize this dramatically.
The problem of limited war and
a more flexible deterrent posture
is that though it lessens the pos-
sibility for all out war by mis-
calculation, paradoxically it in-
creases a war's chances through
the possibility of a limited en-
counter escalating into a larger
conflict. Increasing our capability
to intervene makes intervention a
realizable option. Arguing that the
United States can be very discrim-
inating in the use of its deter-
rence does not negate that Viet-
nam or any such future action
would not be possible without
strong conventional forces.
IN CONCLUSION, our whole
strategic thinking is based on the
axiom that war is here to stay.
-As Brodie succinctly says, "Arm-
ed aggression by one nation
against another is an old story,
and there is not much reason to
suppose that we have seen the last
of it. We have thus far found no
way to control it except by the
threat or the action of opposing it
with sufficient force."
Until the U.S. finds an alterna-
tive to the present balance of pow-
er system, our strategy will be
based on this assumption. McNa-
mara has made some commend-
a31l mn~~c+to lmi+the nncsiili

As Their Objectives
immediate objectives the safety
of weapons rather than the safe-
ty of people. They seek to per-
feet and to stabilize mutual de-
terrence-to enhance the integri-
ty of particular weapons system."
This statement from Thomas
Schelling explains McNamara's
stubborn stand against the anti-
ballistic missile. The ABM is very
destabilizing because it is consid-
ered a first-strike weapon. It
works optimally only when the side
possessing it strikes first and dam-
ages the other's capability enough
to be able to destroy his reciprocal
attack with his ABM's.

I Oman=