Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Chaos in City Government
0 ccurren ces
'. byBruce 1Waserstein:

VM WO WIN No ow G Mhp Rh ;:- - .

ere Opinions Are Free.
Truth Will Prevail 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR,IVICH.

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 12, 1967

NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT KLIVANS


The Tax Increase:
Is It Too Late?

Let me tell you how it will be:
It's one for you and nineteen for me.
Cause I'm the taxman, yeah I'm the
taxman.
Should SIX per cent seem too small,
Be thankful I don't take it all..
Cause I'm the taxman, yeah I'm the
taxman.
-From "Taxman" by the Beatles,
With proposed amendments
EVERYBODY KNOWS a honeymoon has
to end sometime.
The United States has been experienc-
ing the longest sustained growth in its
economic history--almost six years of un-
precedented steady rise in gross national
product. But if the Viet Nam casualties
and the sordid exposure of poverty in the
midst of plenty has not taken the edge
off the affluent society, President John-
son delivered the coup de grace Tuesday
night.
In his State of the Union address, the
President requested a six per cent "sur-
charge" tax to finance war on two fronts:
Viet Nam and poverty.
IN ATTEMPTING to "cool off" an over-.
heated economy, the administration
still seems to be fumbling in the dark.
Last fall, Johnson asked a suspension of
the seven per cent investment tax credit.
Along with the Federal Reserve Board's
actions in raising the prime interest rates
to discourage construction, the credit sus-
pension was supposed to reduce the vol-
umn of business investments which were
leading the economy into a potentially in-
flationary spiral.
But neither policy did much to discour-
age investment by the megalithic cor-
porations capable of financing their ex-
pansion investments with retained earn-
ings. While the surtax can conceivably
cut into retained earnings of the large
corporations, it will also strike another
blow at the small investors who for six,
months have found loans very scarce.
If Congress enacts Johnson's tax rise,
it must also loosen the money marget,

both as an opportunity overdue to the
small investor and homebuyer, and as a
check against the drastic curtailment of.
spending that could send the national
output down to recession levels.
THE WISDOM of Johnson's proposal is
also to be questioned, coming as it did
at the beginning of labor's big year for
contract negotiations. With over 700 ma-
jor contracts coming up for renewal, the
surtax will add to union pressure for con-
tracts sufficient to keep real wage in-
creases ahead of inflationary pressure.
Republicans were not pleased with the
new proposal. Neither were many profes-
sional economists.
Many experts felt Johnson blew his cues
on the tax hike. Walter Heller and John
Galbraith urged him to do it a year ago
to hedge rising outputs and prices. Al-
though they supported the belated move,
many other economists, notably Paul
Samuelson, prophesied that a rise at pres-
ent would cool off the boom already los-
ing steam and cast the economy into a
recession.
THERE ARE ALSO political questions to
be raised before the Congress gets a
'chance to debate and vote on the propos-
al. The President ignored his advisors' re-
quest for an earlier tax rise. He then de-
layed giving any indication that he would
propose one until long after the Novem-
ber election.
The tax rise is expected to bring $4.5
billion to the coffers in the first year,
leaving a budget deficit of $8.1 billion in
fiscal 1968. The "mean little war" in Viet
Nam is running over $1 billion a fort-
night and the povertyp rograms are be-
ing pared to the bone. Yet the taxpay-
ers are being expected to carry the bur-
den of both wars.,
WHEN THE POCKETBOOK is pinched,
the reaction from the public may
come soon. The question is, against what?
-DAVID KNOKE

0NE OF OUR most pressing
domestic problems is the an-
achronistic political structure of
our metropolitan communities.
Recently a group of mayors and
governors warned that unless cit-
ies and states took a more creative
approach to the solution of urban
problems, the balance of functions
that exists between the federal
government and local units would
be lost.
The essence of the problem,
however, is not that local gov-
ernment is inherently impractical,
rather, that our specific system of
municipal government is not suit-
ed to the needs of the times. This
holds true both for the relation-
ship of the central city to the
metropolitan community and for
the internal administrative struc-
ture of the metropolis itself.
BECAUSE the confines of most
political systems were defined
years before modern transporta-
tion created truly metropolitan
communities, they can not meet
the challenges posed by the rise
of suburbia and the automobile.
Although communities lying on
the fringe of the cities used to be
quite anxious to be incorporated
into city limits to share the serv-
ice facilities of the metropolis,
suburbs today avoid governmental
contact with the central city. As a
result the administrative process
in terms of financing and imple-
menting policy programs within
the metropolitan communities
have become chaotic.

For example, contemporary New
york City came into being in the
1890's by the merger of the old
New York with the relatively new
suburban city of Brooklyn. Today,
however, there are over 1400 gov-
ernment sin the New York metro-
politan area-each trying to pre-
serve its independence.
THUS, THE CENTRAL CITY
must meet today's demands with
a political structure which is gen-
erally unchanged since the early
part of the century.
The emphasis in our political
system on the primary role of the
state rather than that of the city
exacerbates these administrative
problems. For example, even New
York, a city of 8 million people,
can not subsidize its own transpor-
tation system and raise certain
types of taxes without express per-
mission of the legislature.
This absence of strong home rule
provisions inhibits city govern-
ment from tackling urban prob-
lems.
It seems rather ludicrous to re-
quire a city like New York to get
enabling legislation from the state
legislature to pass income tax reg-
ulations affecting the residents of
Connecticut and New Jersey who
work in the city.
AS ALTERNATIVES to the
present state of chaos, the three
following models could bring a
sense of political sovereignty and
effectiveness to the urban cores:
-Enlarging the scope of cities

by adding suburbs and making
them metropolitan political com-
munities. Suburban governments
are generally opposed to this con-
cept, however, and since the early
fifties, the only areas which have
followed this course of action have
been Toronto and Miami.
-Setting up more regional
agencies which supersede local
governmental units. Such agen-
cies, although becoming increas-
ingly popular, tend to castrate
the other organs of municipal gov-
ernment, thus making their ap-
proval very difficult.
-Allocating more power to the
central city through stronger
home rule provisions. If the cen-
tral cities had more taxing pow-
ers, they could make suburbanites
pay a greater share of the city s
upkeep.
It is perhaps indicative of a
trend that both New York and De-
troit have imposed an income tax
on commuters. However, the rates
are still relatively paltry.
It appears, however, that strong-
er municipal taxing power is the
national trend. This method
seems to allow cities the most in-
dependence in determining needs'
without becoming involved in
structural entanglements with
other governmental units.
BUT DIFFICULTIES in the
governmental relationship be-
tween the urban core and its en-
virons comprise only part of the
problem. There is also the seri-
ous question of internal political

structure within the city.
Scott Greer has written that one
of the prime attractions of subur-
bia is the ability of the citizen to
identify with the political process
as contrasted to his feeling of
anonymity in the central city.
This feeling of non-identifica-
tion with the politics of the cen-
tral city has resulted in several de-
leterious consequences. Not only
do alienated people move to the
suburbs and many capable indi-
viduals fail to lend their talents to
combating urban problems, but al-
so effective decision making is im-
paired.
For example, centralized gov-
ernment agencies tend to impose
on unique neighborhoods pro-
grams based on stereotypes.
Whether it be imposing traffic
patterns premised on a grid pat-
tern layout in an area like Green-
wich Village or tearing down a
slum in the West End of Boston
which really wasn't a slum, the
problems with too much central-
ized decision-making are obvious.
ON THE OTHER HAND, of
course, the localization of certain
municipal functions would result
in urban anarchy. Thus, the truly
difficult task is in striking a mean
between these structural patterns.
Some of the concepts which at-
tempt to alleviate this problem are
community planning boards, neigh-
borhood poverty councils, and lo-
cal city halls. The general diffi-
culty with these attempts is that
frustrating experience teaches the

participants that their local insti-
tution has little powe rto influence
city hall's decisions.
All too often, for example, proj-
ects which are opposed by commu-
nity planning boards and the ma-
jority of citizens at hearings of
bodies such as New York's Board
of Estimate are approved never-
theless.
PERHAPS RATHER than mere-
ly granting advisory roles to com-
munity groups, municipal gov-
erinment could create something
of a bicameral decison making
process.
As before, all projects and pro-
grams would have to be approved
by the centralized political body
of the city. But added to this
structure would be a series of lo-
cal governmental units with
structural power. Thus for ex-
ample, a project could be approved
either if it passed both levels of
municipal government or if the
disapproval of the local body was
overriden by a two thirds majority
vote in the city council.
Regardless of the specifics, it is
clear that some new structural de-
vices are needed to bring more de-
cisions to the neighborhood levels.
As Jane Jacobs points out in
her Life and Death of the Great
American Cities, the creative dy-
namism of the urban community
slows down when centralized de-
cision - making imposes sterile
standardization on unique areas.

A

4

'i

Letters: Criticism of "U'

Building Policy

To the Editor:
RECENT ARTICLE in The
Daily concerning the Universi-
ty's non-compliance with Public
Act 124 of the State Legislature is
another fine example of the ad-
ministration's service to the stu-
dents and faculty of this institu-
tion. While $28 million worth of
possible construction is being held
up, the students and faculty must
operate in crowded, old buildings.
Some examples of these build-
ings are: Angell Hall-1924, Tap-
pan Hall-1893, Architecture -
1928, University High-1923, West
Engineering-1904, East Engineer-
ing-1923, Economics-1856, Wat-
erman-1894, Natural Resources--
1903, Natural Science - 1915,
Chemistry-1910, Randall Lab. -
1924, General Library-1920,;North
U. Bldg.-1914, and Frieze-1909
(which untli the University up-
gated the plumbing, painted it,
and put in false ceilings was ready
for the wrecking crew).
These 15 buildings comprise the
majority of classroom space for
the student body. Economics has
passed its 110th birthday. Eight
others have passed the 50 year
mark while the remaining six are
over 40 years old. The $28 mil-
lion in question could help al-
leviate some of the strain in the
overcrowded classrooms.
I AGREE that it is not the build-
ing that counts but the teachers
and students within them that
make a great university. Since
this money has been allocated for
construction and not for faculty
raises (which are needed also) let's
give the students and faculty the
next best thing - some decent
classrooms and laboratories,
As far as your article was con-
cerned, the only reason that the
money is not being accepted is
because the administration does
not want the state to interfere

with the planning of the build-
ings. Although North Campus is
well planned, there is nothing to
be proud about as far as the cen-
tral campus is concerned.
The choice of architecture and
planning in respect, to the main
campus is certainly an architec-
tural failure. I have never heard
anyone call our campus attractice.
The charm it once had was not
lost because of the city growing
too rapidly. It was because the ad-
ministration had not planned well.
Streets cut every - which - way
through the campus with heavy
traffic which the students must
dodge every time they go to class.
The towering elms that are in-
fected are given way to the saw.
and never replaced. The .absence
of pines in the winter makes the
campus even more stark. All these
can be accredited to the poor plan-
ning of the administration. Since
they have failed so greatly, let's
give the state a chance. Maybe
they can make a campus out of
what's left. Aren't some buildings,
even state-planned ones better
than old crowded ones?
The other state schools that
have complied with this act seem
to be in good shape.
NEXT YEAR, the administra-
tion will move into a new build-
ing. They will give the "orange
blockhouse" to the literary college.
Orange is certainly a "unique"
color for a building and no one
can deny that it doesn't stand
out. Since the administration is
"unique" and "outstanding" not to
mention the fact that they ap-
proved the construction of such
a monstrosity, why don't they stay,
there? It will certainly cost to re-
model the building to suit the
classroom needs of the Lit. School.
I can't believe that the admin-
istration would act in such a man-
ner under the assumption that

they fear what the state will plan
with state money. I think it would
be most acceptable for V-P Pier-
pont to make the administration's
views clear in regards to Public
Act 124 and so some of the areas
mentioned in this letter. What is'
the present outlook for the stu-
dents and faculty in obtaining up-
to-date facilities?
-Dave Johnson
Figures
To the Editor:
A question, please? Then a cou-
ple of observations.
Question: How did anyone come
up with such an exact figure for
the percentage of Negro students
enrolled at Michigan-as published
in The Daily and elsewhere?
The Defense Department, the
press, the NAACP and others seem
to have accepted the figure with-
out question. And yet I believe that
the University long since dropped
from its application all reference
to race-nor is the applicant's
photograph requested. So whence
came the figure?
NEXT, The Daily once was a
carefully edited paper. Recent is-
sues, however, have included some
alarmingly sloppy writing, or copy
desk work, or both. Examples from
your December 7, 1966, edition
(with the goofs in boldface type):
Page 2 streamer: "Musket Set-
ting It's Sights . .
Page 4: In his editorial, the As-
sociate Managing Editor spells the
world "disasterous."
Page 4: The Editor writes: ".. .
but how it affects his chances are
unimportant..."
Remedial English anyone?
Finally, re the ranking or grad-
ing controversy: Presumably you
are in college to get an education
and make the best grades you can.
You're no better and no worse

than many young males who for
various reasons (financial and aca-
demic, to name two) cannot attend
college and who thus find them-
selves in uniform or subject to call.
(This is an unfair situation to be-
gin with.)
Many of them object as strong-
ly as you to the Viet Nam war,
conscription, and the rest. If you
who are privileged to study have
any guts, you'll take your finals
and take your chances. If you do
get drafted, you can always come
on as a sincere conscientious ob-
jector.
MEANWHILE, by cracking a
book now and then, and knocking
off the paranoia, you'll get Tong.
You have no right to run every-
thing you get yourselves involved
In.
From experience, I know that
college students-particularly edi-
tors--consider themselves to be
very sage types. They rarely are
so. Neither are teaching fellows
as a group endowed with omnis-
cense.
If' there'sn o pleasing you at
Michigan, short of turning the
University over to you, for the love
of God go elsewhere.
-Whit Hillyer, '33
(University officials provided
The Daily with an estimated
number of Negro students of 350
or less.-M.R.K.)
Fiedler
To the Editor:
LESLIE FIEDLER, despite both
the broad generalizations which
he tends to employ, and his ex-
cessively charming style, embodies
certain precepts of educational
and intellectual activity found only
sparingly on this campus.
It seems that this man, along
with other exciting individuals
who are considered the present-

day intellectuals, has found faith
in opposing the traditions and
stagnancy of our society and has,
in addition, found the courage to
express his views without fear of
criticism.
There is certainly no doubt, as
pointed out by Mr. Lugg in his
analysis of Fiedler's Friday night
address at Rackham, that Dr.
Fiedler is often lacking a defin-
itive analytic approach to the
current social trends.
BUT THE TYPE of intellectual
analysis which Fiedler is present-
ing to the student body is notice-
ably absent at other times during
the academic year.
I question, in particular, why =a
University with resources as di-
verse as Michigan's should satisfy
itself with the pedantic calibre of
scholarship which it presently ex-
hibits.
ONE CANNOT DENY that there
are several excellent men at the
University who have involved
themselves in many of the imme-
diate intellectual crises of our
time; they are however seldom
presented to the student body in
such excitingly accessible situa-
tions as afforded by the Writer in
Residence Program.
ON THE WHOLE, the intellec-
tual activity represented by Fied-
ler's credo is simply not usually
present on this campus. The Uni-
versity of Michigan is steeped in
tradition and bureacracy as the
recent student protests have so
distinctly emphasized.
Is it not time that something is
done to improve this situation?
There is absolutely no rationale
for undertaking a program of
study in an intellectual climate as
outdated as that offered by this
University.
-Robert A. Winfield, '67

'we"

+
V

New Cycle Ordinance

'HE MEN who race motorcycles agree
that helmets are essential. It's a little
harder to convince the average cyclist
who does his driving on the road rather
than on the track.
Ann Arbor's City Council decided not
to wait until everyone was convinced,
and recently put into effect a cycle safe-
ty ordinance.
A reasonable ordinance, it puts minimal
restrictions on the student cyclist, but in-
cludes provisions which should help to
reduce the high injury rate among cycl-
ists.
BESIDES THE HELMET requirement for
the driver, the law lists the following
provisions for the operation of motor-
cycles (defined as vehicles with an en-
gine capacity of 45 cc. or greater):
-Passengers are required to wear hel-
mets.
-Neither driver or passenger may car-
ry anything which would stop them from
holding on with,both hands.
-Cycles are restricted to areas specif-
ically designed for motorcycles and/or
motor vehicles. Driving on sidewalks,
parks, etc. is forbidden.
-Cycle lighting must conform to the
state code.
-Cycles must stay in the line of traf-
fic; passing cars stopped at an intersec-
tion, except where allowed, is illegal.
Owners of scooters, such as Vespa's and
Lambretta's should note that their engine
size may put them in the motorcycle
class, and subject them to the restric-.
tions therein.
Thi Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
Collegiate Press Service.
Subscription rate: $4.50 semester by carrier ($5 by
mail; $8 yearly by carrier ($9 by mal).
Published at 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.,
48104.
Owner-Board in Control of Student Publications,
420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104.
Bond or Stockholders-None.
Average press run--8100.

FOR MOTOR-DRIVEN CYCLES, vehicles
of engine capacity of less than 45 cc.,
the only restrictions apply under state
law: such a vehicle needs a police permit
for night operation, and may not carry
riders.
To motorcyclists, the passing prohibi-
tion will likely be the hardest to accept.
Although dangerous, such passing makes
trips much faster.
Many oth reprovisions initially consid-
ered for the ordinance were dropped. For
example, mandatory eye protection was
dropped as undefinable. But cold weather
has caused a resurgence of bubble face
shields, which are adequate for the pur-
pose.
ANN ARBOR has written a reasonable
and sound ordinance. It incorporates
many provisions of the state law, which
goes into effect April 1, but enacts them
now.
Furthermore, the council solicited the
opinion of cyclsist before approving the
ordinance--through public hearings and
an open discussion with the ordinance's
author.
Hopefully, future legislation affecting
students will include similar consulta-
tion, and exhibit the thoroughness this
ordinance does.
-ROBERT BENDELOW
Give!
CANTERBURY HOUSE, working with the
National Council of Churches' Delta
Ministry Project, is collecting food and
clothing this week for people in poor areas
of Mississippi.
The families and individuals who will
receive this aid are living in tents with
little food or clothing. The Ministry
Project was organized on a national lev-
el to help them by distributing basic nec-
essities.
Poverty in America is something no one
"likes," but everyone seems to tolerate,
esnecially when the direct effects of an-

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*i

By STEPHEN FIRSHEIN
L AST JANUARY, President John-
son pledged in his State of
the Union message:
-To carry forward health and
education programs enacted the
previous year;
-To provide funds to "prosecute
with vigor and determination the
war on poverty;
-To take a "new and daring"
direction in the foreign policy
program;,
-To make it possible to expand
trade between the United States
and Russia and Eastern Europe;
-To rebuild on unprecedented
scale slum areas of several cities;
-To attack poisoning of rivers
and to clean completely entire
large river basis;
-To meet the growing menace
of crime in the streets;
-To take steps to insure non-
discriminatory justice to all peo-
ple;
-To pursue the war to an hon-
orable end.
The outgoing 89th Congress
achieved a notable record in pass-
ing a good number of President
Johnson's top-priority bills-the
model cities measure, aid to edu-
cation, medicare, creation of a
Denartment of Transportation,

In addition to the comprehen-
sive list presented to 'the 89th
Congress, he included an anti-
wiretap bill,, a proposal to con-
solidate the Departments of Com-
merce and Labor, a new civil
rights law, and a tax increase to
help finance the Great Society.
The goals were the same. But
it was clear from the tone of the
President's speech and from the
reception to it that the mood in
Congress had changed drastically.
Several new proposals, in addition,
could make it extremely rough
sailing for the Administration
through the stubborn waters of
the 90th Congress.
INDEED, THE MOOD of the
entire nation has changed-due
to the President's failure to bring
the Viet Nam conflict any nearer
to a conclusion; to the widening
gap between the poor of the ghet-
tos and the well-to-do in the sub-
urbs; to careless handling of
Great Society programs; and to
inflationary pressures in the econ-
omy.
Johnson'se speech came on the
heels of the massive repudiation of
his domestic policies in the No-
vember elections, and at a time
when his popularity is at an all-

appropriaton. There was the usual
promse to do something about
crime and education.
A unique feature, however, was
his promise to canvass the panoply
of existing Great Society pro-
grams to insure that they are
working efficiently- and effect-
ively.
This may be a gesture to Senate
Majority leader Mansfield, and a
host of peeved Democratic gov-
ernors, who last month castigated
the Administration for its hand-
ling of medicare and the war on
poverty.
FOR CONGRESS is in more of
a mood to canvass than to ap-
propriate; in more of a mood to
cut non-military government ex-
penditures than to raise taxes.
Predictably, Senate Minority
leader Dirksen and House Minor-
ity. leader Foid expressed skep-
ticism over the wisdom of the
proposed $135 billion budget, with
its concomitant $9.7 billion deficit.
But even Sen. Russell Long (D-
La.), the chairman of the Senate
Finance Committee, was critical
of the tax hike needed to effect
such a spending level. Senators
Anderson and Hartke, both Dem-
ocratic members of the Commit-

The international focus of the
President's message can be viewed
as a continuing attempt to recon-
cile foreign policy anomalies. Of
the breakdown of barries to the
Soviet Union, which is supplying
North Viet Nam with SAM mis-
siles and MIG fighter planes,
while simultaneously pursuing the
war its end.
Of trying to cool off the Middle
East boiling pot, while sending
weapons to both Jordan and Is-
rael in order to cement alliances.
Of tenedering offers of good will
to Communist China, while en-
forcing on her an inflexible isola-
tion. And of forging partnerships
between America and Asian na-
tions long accustomed to hating
one another,
IN SUM the President's address
and the reaction to it typify his
quandry.
Quite aware of the multitude
of social ills plaguing the country,
he finds himself unable to carry
out the necessary reforms. The
best he can hope for is patience
by the afflicted members of his
society, while he attempts to
wrangle himself out of his pre-
dicament in Asia.
Attacked from all sides for half-

PRESIDENT JOHNSON
flict with its human and financial
attrition comes to an end.
There were, of course, the refer-
ences to domestic "wars" that
we've have become so used to
hearing in the last few years. The
President talked- about "attack-
ing," "rescuing," "combatting,"
"menace," "crime and violence"
-terms that relate not to military

4