m
Seventy-Sixth Year
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ROGER RAPOPORT:
A/siwaiting the Ver"dict
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4ere Opinill AreFre420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truth Wil Prevail
NEws PHONE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 15, 1967
NIGHT EDITOR: DAVID KNOKE
ANOTHER OPINION:
'Their Master's Voice',
THEINSTITUTIONS of higher learn-
ing in America, which have been avid
in the pursuit of "free" federal money, can
hear an impartial threat to the existence
of all of them in the peremptory warning
addressed to the University of Michigan
by a government bureaucrat.
Walter Greene, acting regional direc-
tor of the Defense Department's contract
compliance division, has told the Univer-
sity that it must hire more Negroes for
Jobs on the campus and recruit more Ne-
gro faculty members and students or
face the possibility that any or all of the
federal research contracts at the Univer-
sity will be withdrawn on grounds that
the University is engaged in discrimina-
tory practices.
Greene said that he looked to the
administration to "set a proper example
for the University and the general pub-
lic." Greene promised to review the Uni-
versity's performance at a future date to
ascertain whether it has satisfied his re-
quirements. In addition to insisting on
higher Negro quotas for employes, facul-
ty and students, he directed the Ann Ar-
bor institution to establish an office of
civil rights to "assume responsibility for
implementing and carrying out equal em-
ployment opportunity practices."
THE UNIVERSITY of Michigan states
that, of its 12,000 employes, 10 per
cent are Negroes and 6 per cent are from
other minority groups. There are about
1800 Negroes in the student body of 36,-
000.
(EDITOR'S NOTE: The number of Ne-
groes is actually 450.)
Greene has not disclosed what propor-
tion of Negroes and others he would con-
sider to be appropriate, and apparently
has not considered the difficulty of find-
ing qualified minority representatives for
jobs, faculty positions and the student
body. He simply orders the University to
go out and beat the bushes until it finds
them or lose its federal support.
Federal handouts represent tax reve-
nue taken from the taxpayers of Michigan
as well as all other states. They are of-
fered no opportunity to be heard on how
their money is to be allocated or the con-
ditions which control its use. The federal
hierarchy takes care of that.
THE HIGH HANDED command to the
University of Michigan serves as a re-
minder of how the universities and col-
leges of the United States have passed
under the federal yoke when they are re-
duced to dependence on federal funds.
Many of them, both private and public,
look to Washington for as much as half
the money they budget. As the number
and variety of federal programs ear-
marked for "education" grow, so does
the control of the federal government ex-
pand over all of these institutions.
Some trustees have warned against the
threat to independence arising from ac-
ceptance of government handouts. Some
trustees have had the courage to reg-
ister their protest by resigning. Some
private institutions have insisted on go-
ing their own independent way, refusing
federal funds of any sort. One example
in this area is Rockford College, which
has a development program restricted to
private support.
IT IS STRANGE that a community of
administrators and scholars forever
talking about "academic freedom" finds
no threat to that freedom when govern-
ment coercion is exerted in its most nak-
ed form for sociological purposes which
have little or nothing to do with the dis-
covery and growth of knowledge.
We are learning the truth of the Su-
preme Court dictum of 25 years ago, "It
is hardly lack of due process for the gov-
ernment to regulate that which it sub-
sidizes." The fiat to the University of
Michigan verifies a self-evident fact.
-CHICAGO TRIBUNE
Editorial Page
March 14, 1967
DESPITE THE FACT that the administration building
is located a mere block from one of the world's great
natural deposits of legal aptitude, the University Law
School, administrators here continue to pursue a curious
path on touchy legal issues.
The current case in point is President Harlan
Hatcher. He will probably be forced to resign his direc-
torship of three Michigan corporations when State At-
torney General Frank Kelley hands down a landmark
opinion on the state's new conflict of interest law, by
the end of the month.
Unsolicited advice from this corner is seldom valued
in the administration building. But a sense of obligation
to the University's image makes it imperative to suggest
that Hatcher move before he becomes immortalized on
inky headlines and video tape over the conflict of interest
question.
Hatcher would be wise to follow the sensible lead
taken last week by Michigan State University President
John Hannah who said "if there is any possible conflict
I would, of course resign from the boards."
By following this course Hatcher would be able to
give up his private posts (including a $9,300 directorship
of Detroit Edison Co.) with a minimum of adverse pub-
licity.
Hatcher's failure to act so far on this delicate ques-
tion falls into a pattern that has cost the University
and its image dearly in recent years.
FOR EXAMPLE, a member of the University's own
legal staff had been suggesting to Vice-President Pier-
pont for years that then Regent Eugene B. Power's busi-
ness relationship to the University library system could
be in conflict of interest.
But the lawyer's suggestions for a review of the
relationship (which had grown tremendously since the
State Attorney General's office said all was legal in
a 1956 letter opinion) was ignored.
But on October 23, 1965, when the Daily reported
details of the relationship between Power, who was presi-
dent (now chairman) of University Microfilms Inc. and
the library, Power himself asked the University to in-
vestigate. President Hatcher immediately "honored" the
request. ,
THE ADMINISTRATION decided not to use its own
legal staff (which had voiced doubts about the legality
of the relationship) but went to its general legal counsel,
the Detroit law firm of Butzel, Eaman, Long, Gust, and
Kennedy.
The law firm's opinion was written by Thomas Long,
a board member of the Detroit Public Library. Through
his library work Mr. Long had become familiar with
UMI, which provides microfilm and facsimile reprints
of newspapers, magazines, books and many other items.
"I think University Microfilms does very good work,"
Mr. Long said in a phone interview yesterday.
In his opinion released at the December 1965 Regents
meeting Mr. Long wrote, "It cannot be fairly . . . said
that Regent Eugene B. Power at the present time has or,
during the period of his holding the office since Jan. 1
1956, had a 'conflict of interest.'
Privately Mr. Long gave the administration a specific
set of recommendations on Power. According to Executive
Vice-President Marvin Niehuss, the recommendations set
"forth a course of action and suggested) procedures
designed to prevent the possibility of any reasonable
criticism in the future."
BUT ON MARCH 11, 1966, Attorney General Frank
Kelley declared Power's relationship in "substantial con-
flict of interest" and Power resigned. Lansing sources
indicate that the Attorney General's office informally
indicated to Power that he could stay on the board if
he altered the questionable relationship.
But as Power explained on resigning, he could not
keep both posts "in view of the plans for increased par-
ticipation in the field of education by both University
Microfilms and Xerox Corp., of which I am a director."
Following Power's resignation, Kelley asked the State
Legislature to clarify the state constitution on conflict
of interest. A new law was passed last summer, and Kel-
ley's impending opinion on that law is the one that may
soon plague the officers of state-supported schools.
.IGNORING LOCAL lawyers has cost the admin-
istration dearly on other occasions too. A case in point
is the University's deliberations last August that led to
a decision to send in the names of 65 students and fac-
ulty members associated with three campus groups to the
House Un-American Activities Committee.
As the Senate Advisory Committee on University
Affairs investigation into the disclosure reported in
October, "Although the subpoena was served on August 4,
legal advice was not sought until August 10, when, Prof.
Kauper of the Law School was asked to provide informal
background.
"He was not asked for, nor was he given time to
prepare a formal legal memorandum. Neither he nor
Vice-President Smith, recently dean of the Law School,
was present on August 11 when the decision to comply
was made. There was no attempt at any time to obtain
legal advice from other attorneys with a special com-
petence in such cases, although the University often ob-
tains legal opinions from outside counsel in other
matters."
It is not unlikely that more intensive legal advice
may have given the administration the perfect way out
of the dilemma-publicize receipt of the subpoena so
that the studens involved could bring suit to enjoin the
school from turning in the names. Then the school would
have avoided turning in the names and still not have
risked being in contempt of congress.
While notifying the students that their names had
just been sent to HUAC, the idea of publicizing the sub-
poena oceurred to two University vice-presidents. Why
didn't they think of publicizing the subpoena before it
was to late? "We were just stupid," confesses one vice-
president.
BRIGHT LAWYERS often give their advice to the
University. But often it is ignored. For example, Governor
Romney's Advisory Committee on Public Employe Rela-
tions urged the University on Feb. 18 to recognize the
right of its employes to organize labor unions and bar-
gain collectively. The chairman of the distinguished
five-man panel is Prof. Russell A. Smith of the Law
School. The University has not replied to the report.
\The University, is currently challenging State Public
Act 379, which would require the school to bargain
collectively with unions. The administration contends the
law infringes on its autonomy, although most major
state schools honor Act 379.
Nonetheless, continued refusal to bargain with the
union could conceivably prompt a local version of the
current strike that has paralyzed Ohio University and
forced it to begin spring vacation three weeks early.
NO ONE is suggesting that the administration must
take the advice of Prof. Smith's panel on P.A. 379 or that
President Hatcher has to listen to this column on con-
flict of interest. But the Eugene Power affair and the
HUAC debacle offer ample warning.
Al
American Liberalism and Black Power
Scholars and Numbers
NUMBERS-especially grade-points-are
useful because they can explain so
many complex, important concepts.
One such concept is scholarship.
The Office of the Registrar has re-
leased its "scholarship report"' for the
fall-1966 trimester. The report stated, for
example, that the grade point average for
senior women was 3.08; for all freshmen,
2.60; for all men, 2.68; for independent
men, 2.68, and for general fraternities,
2.67.
It indicated that the average grade-
points of 109 men counted in Winchell
House rated the bottom place on the
residence hall list with a 2.45. Osterweil
Women's Co-op had the highest group
grade-point average, a 3.30.
Three fraternities, Sigma Alpha Mu, Pi
Lambda Phi and Zeta Beta Tau, were tied
for third place with 2.96 averages. Too
bad that one of the houses couldn't have
inspired their fellow workers to do a
little better and boost the average to 2.97.
"CONGRATULATIONS to all of you who
have helped your group earn a place
of honor," Registrar Edward Groesbeck
said in a letter to members of Univer-
sity student groups.
"You who have not succeeded as well
academically as you expected are urged to
take advantage of the University coun-
seling services in order that you may im-
prove."
It must be disheartening when one's
sorority or dorm house doesn't come
through with a good grade-point average.
Regardless of what he is reading, writ-
ing, studying or thinking about, how can
a Michigan man feel part of a community
of scholars when his housing unit ranks
in the bottom 10 on the list?
-NEAL BRUSS
By CAROLE KAPLAN
Associate Magazine Editor
'THE CENTRAL tendencies of
the Black Power movement
mark a triumph rather than
a failure of American liberalism,"
says Prof. Arnold S. Kaufman of
the Philosophy Dept. in descrip-
tion and justification of some of
the recent developments in the
civil rights movement.
Kaufman presented "American
Liberalism and Black Power," a
chapter of his forthcoming book,
over Spring Vacation at the Con-
ference on Human Rights spon-
sored by the American Philosoph-
ical Association. He previously
spent the '65-'66 school year as an
exchange teacher at Tuskegee In-
stitute, Ala., and has written a
number of articles and papers on
the problems of the civil rights
movement.
Kaufman observes the civil
rights movement from an interest-
ing and fruitful angle, discussing
the social and historical origins
of Black Power, and showing that
the philosophical bases and final
goals of certain militant leaders,
notably Stokely Carmichael, are
the same as those of their liberal
critics-in particular, those "'rad-
ical liberals," both white and
black, who have been involved in
the civil rights struggle for many
years.
The basic objectives of the
"movement" -- communal self-
determination, equality, and the
dignity of all men-are among
the traditional goals of American
liberalism, although some Black
Power advocates have perhaps
taken these goals more seriously
than their liberal predecessors in-
tended.
TO THE DEFENDERS of "Black
Power," the slogan means the
economic power which Negroes
need to live their own lives in their
own way, and the political power
to protect their interests in a sys-
tem based on interaction between
conflicting interests.
Floyd McKissick, national di-
rector of the Congress of Racial
Equality, writes, "When we say
'Black Power' we mean that black
people must decide for themselves
what they want and must plan
and organize themselves to secure
the necessary power to change
their lives."
Kaufman points out that the
eventual goal of integration is
furthered by the Black Power
movement, even by its separatist
factions. Once equality and self-
determination are realities for the
Negro, the foundation for mean-
ingful social integration will have
been created, whether or not this
was the intention of those who
brought it about.
Because the civil rights move-
ment to date has affected primari-
ly a minority of the Negro popu-
lation, those who are capable of
"moving up," and has done little
to alleviate the problems of pover-
ty and despair in the ghettos, it
is not surprising that many Ne-
groes find Black Power an appeal-
ing alternative to the status quo.
However, the militant aspects of
the movement and its insistence
on independence from white in-
fluence and supervision raise is-
sues "about which men of equally
good will may reasonably differ."
ACCORDING TO Kaufman,
these issues must be viewed in
the context of "psychological in-
equality" before the Black Power
movement can be understood and
appreciated. Four centuries of op-
pression have caused the Negroes
in American ghettos not only to
be inferior in wealth and status,
but also, as a result, to feel in-
ferior.
Often, they lack the self-esteem
and confidence to take control,
even when there iskopportunity
to do so. Unable to overcome this
psychological inequality, they re-
treat into self-deception and jeal-
ousy of other, more successful Ne-
groes, which only serves to ag-
gravate the problem.
Opportunity for advancement is
not enough - the psychological
barrier must be surmounted; and
as this begins to occur, the grow-
ing differences between expecta-
tion and reality are bound to pro-
duce frustration and anger, which
can lead to violence.
Kaufman says that the tendency
towards violence is becoming more
apparent, not only in organiza-
tions normally associated with
Black Power, like SNCC and CORE,
but in other major civil rights
groups, such as the NAACP and
the Southern Leadership Council.
IF THE PHILOSOPHIES and
goals of American liberalism and
the Black Power movement are
so similar, if it is agreed that feel-
ings of inferiority must be reduced
Prof. Arnold Kaufman of the Philosophy Dept.
Powell and Due Process
before real progress can be made,
and if it is recognized by both
groups that some violence is in-
evitable, even politically effective,
during the transition period, what
then are thesources of conflict
between the two groups?
According to Kaufman, the dis-
agreements are strategic rather
than philosophical, and center
around the desirability of inte-
gration as an immediate objective,
the meaning and advisability of
violence, and the effectiveness of
coalition and political compromise
in achieving their common goals.
* INTEGRATION. Kaufman
supports the advocates of Black
Power in their contention that in-
tegration should not be the pri-
mary goal of the civil rights move-
ment. Liberals say that only by
living together will whites and
blacks understand each other;
however, in some cases meaning-
ful integration must wait until the
conditions of "psychological in-
equality" have been corrected.
The cultural and emotional gap
between many Negroes and white
society can, on close contact, serve
to strengthen the white's sense of
superiority and the Negro's sense
of inadequacy. For the same rea-
son, the presence of whites as
key leaders in the civil rights
movement may do more harm
than good. By adding to the image
of white dominance and greater
capability, white allies' of the
"movement" may unintentionally
hinder rather than help the strug-
gle for equality.
It is sometimes wrong, then, to
force integration on a disadvant-
aged ghetto population; once Ne-
groes, have achieved psycholo-
gical equality," integration may
well occur as a natural process,
despite the present intent of some
Black Power leaders.
This does not mean, Kaufman
points out, that any individual
Negro who wishes to live or work
with whites should not have the
opportunity to do so. Only that
the social consequences of imme-
diate and general integration
might be bad.
* VIOLENCE. Kaufman pre-
sents a penetrating analysis of
violence in the ghettos, showing
that the advocates of Black Power,
by associating themselves in a
positive way with open demonstra-
tions of anger, put themselves in
a position to channel the anger
into constructive projects.
Even liberal leaders who pub-
licly condemn disruption are aware
of its roots in extreme frustration,
its potential for getting results;
and some are privately sympathe-
tic. Yet, by speaking against it
(even as they make use of it polit-
ically), they can lose the loyalties
and trust of the ghettos, and fail
to reach an important portion of
the Negro population.
More militant civil rights lead-
ers, by uniting the ghetto inhabi-
tants, can work with them and
influence them, possibly reducing
the chance of future violence.
"- COALITION. Black Power
leaders 'claim that moderates, in
their attempts to work within the
present political structure, aban-
don the real goals of civil rights
in order to gain minor concessions
from theestablishment. Many
liberals, on the other hand, say
that by alienating white allies in
their attempt to reach the poor,
militant leaders do their cause
serious damage.
Which way' is right? Kaufman
says both. His immediate solution
is for some to exploit the possibili-
ties of coalition politics, while
others organize the ghettos. There
is much to be done on both counts;
both in promoting communal par-
ticipation among the poor, and in
working for better housing, more
employment, and better poverty
programs.
FINALLY, KAUFMAN brings
some criticism to bear on the
Black Power movement-not for
its basic principles, but for the
demagoguery of some of its lead-
ers, and for its tendency to con-
demn those who do not share its
militant outlook. This condemna-
tion "defeats" the very aims the
Black Power movement purports
to serve by supposing that there
is only one true way." And it is
logical for the movement to work
for Negro political power in the
future, while blaming those who
are trying to gain political in-
fluence right now.
The area where white liberals
can be most helpful, Kaufman
says, is the operation of govern-
ment programs in housing, educa-
tion, employment, etc. Coupled
with projects designed to increase
Negro self-government and self-
esteeem in the ghettos, these com-
pensatory programs can begin to
right the wrongs of the past four
centuries.
'4
-4
THE DENIAL of appeal right to Adam
Clayton Powell by a New York Apel-
late Court yesterday was another link
In the ever-lengthening chain of circum-
stances that have been unjustly stacking
up against the Harlem preacher. Sadly,
we can't help but agree with the ex-con-
gressman's violent assertions that the
actions are-at least partially-based on
Powell's "Negro-ness": no other possible
justifications are evident.
Premising their verdict on the conclu-
sion that Powell's fear of arrest-which
has kept him away from New York for
months-is evidence of Powell's lack of
"sincerity" in regard to his pending ap-
peal, the three-judge majority is thereby
refusing to hear the appeal that the ex-
congressman has filed for.
The lone dissenting judge voiced the
most rational argument when he affirm-
ed that the court is putting its pride
above its feelings for justice. There is no
reason for Powell not to fear arrest-just
the existence of arrest on his public rec-
ord, even without conviction, would only
add fuel to anti-Powell, anti-Negro fires.
FOR THE HONORABLE members of
that court to place the stipulation on
his right to appeal that Powell must sub-
mit to arrest is to deny him of his right
to due process.
For Powell, the arrest would be surely
a social, even though not a legal, convic-
tion. For the court, this denial of Powell's
constitutional right of due process reveals
the judges' distortion of justice.
-DAN OKRENT
Christmas
IT WOULD BE NICE if Santa Claus drop-
ped into town this week and surprised
$
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Letters: White Views of the Negro World
To the Editor:
REGARDING Mr. Knox Tull, I
should like an opportunity to
remind Mr. Tull of some things
that he knows but appears to
find people enjoying there. Setting
up a "mainstream white Ameri-
ca" to reject out of hand is on a
direct par with setting up "the
great culturally deprived" for the
you on what I take to be your
effort to elucidate the delicate
structures of feeling, perspective
and attitude that inform life in
our many-cultured society - for
does he once again find himself in
somebody else's football game?
-Louise PaIayola
neck bones and turnip 'greens,
that's fine, that's part of your
culture, but if you call being
drunk, sitting all day doing noth-