Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Is the Game

Worth the Candle?

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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
SATURDAY, JANUARY 15, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT CARNEY

Tuition Tax Credits:
University Support Is Wrong

SEN. ABRAHAM RIBICOFF'S (D-Conn)
plan to offer "tax credits" to parents
supporting a child in college - a plan
which has been, in effect, supported by
the University's administration - will
probably come out of the Senate Finance
Committee for a vote in this session of
Congress.
Although Ribicoff may be excused for
wanting to niake political hay by propos-
ing what appears to be a helpful meas-
ure, there is no reason for the University
to be offering support for it. For in the
long run such a program can only be
harmful to American education.
In principle a program of tax credits is
quite simple and sounds quite desirable.
Like many things, however, when one
goes below the surface things are much
different from first appearances.
Tax credit laws would essentially re-
duce the amount of tax which a parent
must pay while also paying for the ex-
penses of a college student. Credits would
provide for net deductions from the per-
son's total income tax bill.
CREDITS WOULD BE awarded on a per-
centage basis. For the first $200 paid
to support a student, 75 per cent of that,
amount could be deducted from one's in-
come tax. For the next $300 of tuition
paid, 25 per cent of it would be deductible
from taxes. Only 10 per cent could be de-
ducted from the last $1000. No deduc-
tions would .be allowed over $325.
At first this sounds good. But when it is
figured out, two figures are paramount.
The first figure is that 62 per cent of
the bill's dollar benefits would go to f am-
ilies with incomes, between $3000 and $10,-
000 per Year. Second, the total cost of the
bill's programs would, when fully imple-
mented, come to )some $1.25 billion per
year.
Everyone must realize that many mid-
dle-class families do suffer a good deal

of financial strain, especially if several
children are in school at one time. But if
the nation is to spend $1.25 billion on
education assistance yearly, those most
clearly in need should be the ones to
receive it. They are the children of poor
families, those making below the $3000
yearly. They are clearly discriminated
against by the high cost of modern higher
education; to increase their disadvantage
by providing middle-class students with
even more money, and thus colleges with
the rationale for raising tuition, is ab-
surd.
CLEARLY, those who would propose
spending $1.25 billion yearly on stu-
dents who are not in great need of the
aid are proposing a good deal of waste.
It has been calculated that it would cost
less money to give every American col-
lege student $200 per year than it would
be to finance the tax credit program.
All this to no greater goal than help
people who do not need it, while the
poor, who could well use $1.25 billion to
send their children to college-but who.
pay no taxes and so do not qualify for
such tax credit aids-go ignored.
For these reasons and others, the Na-
tional Association of State Universities,
and Land Grant Colleges, the nation's
maj or organization of large public col-
leges, has been long opposed to the bill.
At its meeting last spring the association
voted 96-1 to censure the proposal.
The lone holdout was the University.
THIS SIMPLY should not be. Ribicoff's
proposal has been shown to have a
good deal of potential for becoming an
educational and economic disaster.
There is no reason for the University's
administration to give it this de facto
backing.
-LEONARD PRATT

"A DISTINQUISHED, recognized
and well-trained scholar.
"An educational statesman.
"A person of integrity.
"A person with high-level ad-
ministrative experience.
"Executive and business ability.
"Able to get money out of legis-
lators, Washington and alumni.
"Prepared to meet political re-
sponsibilities.
"Socially skillful.
"Skilled in public relations and
public communications.
"Healthy.
"Thirty to fifty-five years old.
"Possessing an understanding of
the region's culture."
THE AMERICAN Council on
Education's booklet "How College
Presidents Are Chosen" is, at best,
a guide for how not to do it.
While it offers a few suggestions
for improving the process, they
are either too picayune (how to
conduct a presidential interview)
or too generalized ("analyze the
president's role") to be of any
more use than a beginner's book
on golfing.
The booklet prints the list of
qualifications given above as an
example of where not'to start, but
offers no concrete alternatives for
boards of trustees that don't even
know enough about what they are
doing to be able to compile quickly
and efficiently a good list of the
best possibilities for a president.
Put bluntly and specifically, this
university'ssBoard of Regents
needs to assemble, within the next
month or two at the latest, a
series of organizational mechan-
isms for gathering, sifting and
preparing in useful form the vol-
umes of information= and ideas
that should have a bearing on the
selection of the University's next
President.
First of all the Regents have
got to have a thorough analysis
prepared on the present state of
the , University. Such an analysis
would mainly consist of complete
statistical and factual information
on the University at a chosen
point of time, say last fall. Given
the state of the University's in-
ternal information systems, this
will be no simple task.

THIS COMPLETE information
must be collected and sorted into
comprehensible tables, charts and
graphs on such matters of major
concern to the future of the Uni-
versity as:
-Enrollment, by schools, col-
leges, departments, graduate pro-
grams, year, sources and extent of
financial support, living condi-
tions, family background, career
interests, levels of aspiration and
educational background;
-Faculty and research person-
nel; how many there are by
schools, colleges, departments and
graduate programs and in centers
and institutes; the extent, level
and continuity of their many dif-
ferent sources of support; and the
level and extent of their activities
in teaching, research, consulting,
etc.;
-Administrative personnel and
supporting staff, by areas, types
and extent of responsibilities,
salaries, lines of authority and or-
ganization and tasks performed by
various administrative units;
-Physical facilities by cost, ex-
tent of occupancy, and by various
activities, size and accessibility;
-Academic and research activi-
ties, number of students taught,
size of classes, credit hours taught,
extent of research and sources of
support, all broken down by
schools, colleges, departments, cen-
ters and institutes; and
-Miscellaneous activities (ath-
letics, publications, student activi-
ties, for example) by type, costs,
functions performed, sources of
support and means of administra-
tion.
All this information is essential
to gaining an understanding of
how well the University is func-
tioning now, and what, in fact, it
is accomplishing; yet, at best, only
about 20 per cent of it is available
in tabulated form, little better
than 50 is available at all through
regular administrative s o u r c e s.
The rest will have to be put to-
gether through surveys, cost an-
alyses, and myriad scattered rec-
ords and interviews.
ONCE THIS initial "where we
are 'now" job is done, the analysts
will have to start gathering infor-

Michigani MAt)
By ROBERT JOHNSTON
mation farther back in time as
well as the most recent available
in order to get an idea of what
trends are developing. Combined
with enrollment needs based on
national trends in percentage of
certain age groups in college and
population figures and predictions
for Michigan, one can begin to
spot the needs that are going to
have to be met and the resources
the University now has for meet-
ing them.
Of most interest will be avail-
ability of faculty; space needs for
housing, research labs, class-
rooms and offices and libraries;
plus an analysis of the ability of
presently existing administrative
organizations to cope with rising
demands.
At this point someone has to
start to make decisions. How fast
do we want to grow? Which needs
and programs should get first
priority (quality vs. quanity vs.
research vs. administrative staff
and so on) and which second and
so on down the line?
THIS UNIVERSITY'S adminis-
tration' has long "mixed and
blended resources" (to use one of
P r e s i'd e n t Hatcher's favorite
terms), but this process has with-
in the last five-ten years reached
a level of complexity far beyond
what can be successfully dealt
with on an intuitive basis within
a context of very limited resources.
Once the trends, potential re-
sources, present strengths and po-
tential problems have been care-
fully laid out and stripped bare of
irrelevant data and considerations,
Regents, administrative officers,
deans, students and faculty can
start trying to arrive at rational
and acceptable decisions at all
levels within the University.
Discussion can proceed on the
basis. of what is possible, not on
the basis of what is desirable or
may be possible, but no one is

sure of these, or of exactly what
the associated costs are.
This is all somewhat idsalistic,
unfortunately, because only a bare
min'rium of this sort of work can
be done before the next President
must be chosen, but at least the
outlines can be sketched in, or it
will be impossible to make any in-
telligent and informed selection of
a President.
Within two months at a maxi-
mum the Regents need to design,
announce and set in motion the
processes leading to the selection
of a President to succeed Presi-
dent Hatcher in the fall of 1967.
They are going to have to design
an especially efficient and effec-
tive system of consultation and
information gathering because of
the distractions many of them
must contend with.
Regent Goebel has a full-time
job coordinating' the fund drive,
which also makes considerable de-
mands on the time of the other
Regents as well as on the admin-
istrative officers, especially Presi-
dent Hatcher, all of whom will
thus be able to play more limited
roles in this process than would
otherwise be advisable.
Two others, Regents Brablec and
Murphy, are up for re-election in
November 1966, which will be
time-consuming and disruptive at
best, and they may choose either
not to run or be defeated. And a
fourth, Regent Sorenson, has been
overseas for a year and will be out
of touch with University affairs
when he returns next summer.
THIS LEAVES several other
sources of information, ideas and
advice to be tapped in the follow-
ing possible ways:
--Faculty: Since faculty partic-
ipation in the process is tradi-
tional anyway, a -faculty advisory
group should be set up immediate-
ly by the Regents to assist them
and work with them. It would be
a simple matter to have the Sen-
ate University Advisory Committee
on University Affairs recommend
15 or so excellent candidates from
among whom the Regents could
select their advisory "committee;
-The.Academic Affairs Advisory
Committee: Instituted by Heyns
in 1962 and continued by Vice-

President Smith, this group in-
cludes Smith, all the deans, the
directors of ISR and IST and the
head librarian. It constitutes by
far the most concentrated avail-
able source of knowledge, exper-
ience and insight into University
affairs. Informal Regents - AAAC
contacts should be encouraged and
means worked out for the Regents
to call on these people (and pro-
vide them personnel) to conduct
the kind of internal evaluation
and information gathering so im-
poratnt in assessing the present
state of the University and its
potential problems and prospects;
-Students: Participation here
is difficult to institutionalize effec-
tively, but Vice-President for Stu-
dent Affairs Cutler has had a suf-
ficient working experience with
large numbers of students to be
able to suggest several to the Re-
gents who could serve very profit-
ably on the faculty advisory com-
mittee and, at a minimum, dis-
cuss with them tleir perspectives
and ideas on the University:
-Outside consultation: At a
minimum the Regents should
make independent help available
to administrative officers at all
levels of whom they ask informa-
mation. Ideally, they would build
up working staff of the quality of
the Byrne committee at the Uni-
versity of California which could
put together for them the needed
information analyses with the ob-
pectivity that only outside consul-
tation can provide. It is assumed
that informal contacts with prom-
inent figures in higher education
throughout the country will be
sought to provide outside perspec-
tive and overview.
Deciding who the University's
next President will be must simply
be the end result of a whole series
of decisions on policy, direction
and means of implementation.
UNLESS THE Regents are able
to set the processes of informa-
tion gathering and discussion into
motion immediately using all the
resources available, the end pro-
duct, the selection of the Presi-
dent and the state of the Univer-
sity that he assumes control of,
won't be worth the paper the
appointment is printed on.

Johnson Must Prove His'Intentions

Hopwood Participation:
Where Are the Artists?

THE 25TH ANNUAL Hopwood writing
contest. for freshmen has come and
gone, passing unnoticed by many fresh-
men in the class of '69 who were poten-
tial winners. This year's contest was not-
ably lacking in entrants, barely two doz-
en students entering manuscripts for
judging in three categories - fiction,
essay, and poetry. While the poetry divi-
sion received the most attention, the
other categories had such meager compe-
tition that not all the place wards were
given..
Presumably this contest is one of the
most prestigious on campus; why then
this lack of interest and participation?
The Hopwood freshman contest's lucra-
tive upperclass counterpart is fiercely
contended, yet one cannot believe the
small financial reward is the reason for
apathy among freshmen. The contest is
open to any freshman enrolled in an
English or Great Books course; this
should mean 100 per cent eligibility of
the class.
Pow er:,Problems
In Traverse City
DETROIT MAYOR Jerome Cavanagh's
refusal to cross a picket line has call-
ed to public attention the labor troubles
of Regent Eugene Power's Park Place Mo-
tor Inn in Traverse City.
Power serves in his capacity of Regent
as a Democrat. The Michigan Democrat-
ic party is not an organization, which in
recent years, has shown great antagon-
ism to the cause of organized labor.
Cavanagh, a potential candidate for
Democratic state or national office, seems
to pay greater attention to the implicit
tenets of being a Democrat in Michigan.
Power has received much unfavorable
publicity regarding his business transac-
tions with the University, and should be
wary of inviting more of the same.
-STEVE WILDSTROM
[1 f s11+1t ' t ,14 Et tt

Presumably the teaching assistants
have acquainted their sections with the
contest and urged students to submit
material for judging. But perhaps the
Hopwood Committee has not been aggres-
sive enough in prostelytizing their event.
Novice students, those just developing
the mechanics of written language, are
often shy and quick to feel discouraged
from making a serious effort at crea-
tive writing.
The sad prevailing attitude among stu-
dents "doing time" in freshman composi-
tion seems to be that EngUsh is "drudge-
work" to be done hastily, handed in, and
soon forgotten.
jDEALLY, an atmosphere should exist
in which the literate arts are held in
great esteem, where the science student
is not adverse to dabbling in poetry nor
the engineer in writing short stories for
fun. Surely quantity increases the prob-
ability of quality outcome.
Yet this golden age of belles lettres is
improbable, and more's the pity; for the
majority of students, whatever their aca-
demic orientation, are generally unaware
of just how integrally the art of lan-
guage is bound up with their lives.
There is nothing more to the art of
writing than communication. Communi-
cation pure and simple, the best use of
words to communicate emotion, feeling,
gossip and instruction. Language mas-
tery is necessary for any human to func-
tion effectively in his society; one should.
always be trying to improve his mastery
of that tool which sets him above the
dumb brutes.
Mastery comes through cpntinual prac-
tice, the discipline molding character in-
to succeeding attempts. Everyone is a
potential poet; listen to one who knew the
agony of inarticulate silence:
But if he could describe it all
He would be an artist.
But if he were an artist there would
be deeper wounds
Which he could not describe.
WHERE IS THE COMMUNITY of artists
and writers that the American edu-
cation was supposed to produce? Gone

EDITOR'S NOTE: How do
the Chinese and North Viet-
namese regimes regard the war
in Viet Nam, and United States
and Soviet intentions? Do the
Chinese or the North Vietnam-
ese-believe the Americans have
any chance of winning the war?
Jean Chauvel, a French diplo-
mat who has the title of Am-
bassador of France, journeyed
last month to China, North Viet
Nam, Laos and Cambodia as a
member of the French delegation
to a Peking trade fair. He car-
ried no other official status.
He talked with leaders and pub-
lished his findings in the Paris
newspaper Figaro. French off i-
cials say they regard his as-
sessment as accurate and in-
formative.
Chauvel evidently intended in
his article to transmit not/his
own views of the situation but
the views expressed from the
viewpoints of Peking and Hanoi,
so that these might be seen in
clearer perspective in the west.
Following are translated ex-
cerpts from his article.
By JEAN CHAUVEL
SOME PEOPLE are concluding
that President Johnson seeks a
route that could lead to negotia-
tion, and some are concluding
that there is a sensitivity in Hanoi
and the National Liberation Front,
(the political arm of the Viet
Cong) to the direct or indirect
overtures that have been made to
them.
If the subject is approached
from Peking it soon appears from
there that the real conflict at
the present stage is not at all
between Saigon and the NLF nor,
through extension, between the
American command and Hanoi. It
is really a question of a confronta-
tion between Washington and
Peking.
It should be noted at the same
time that while Washington is
physically engaged in the battle
-and more and more deeply-
Peking is not, at all. This does
not prevent the Chinese govern-
ment from expressing the most
categorical views on the conflict
and its possible outcome.
Anyone speaking with the Chi-
nese notes clearly, at once, that
in this affair the last word belongs
to those who are fighting, that is,
the government of Hanoi and the
NLF. Allowing for this observa-
tion, the exposition of purely
Chinese views is straight for-
ward. These views are positively
stated. They implicate, directly
and sharply, Moscow as well as
Washington.
THE TERMS are not surprising.
They are to be found in the in-

government did not subscribe to
the 1954 Geneva declaration which
partitioned Viet Nam, that it vio-
lated the declaration, first by en-
couraging the Diem government
to refuse to hold general elections
fixed by that declaration for 1956,
and then by moving military per-
sonnel and equipment into South
Viet Nam, forbidden by that same
text.
Peking does not think that
Washington, which is now known
to be proceeding with considerable
installations in South Viet Nam,
has the least intention of dis-
mantling them.
A DIPLOMATIC discussion im-
plies a will to agree among the
various partners involved. Such
was the case of the French after
Dien Bien Phu; of the Americans
after failure of their undertaking
in North Korea. A disposition of
this kind does not exist now in the
United States.
Offers of negotiation which ap-
pear from time to time in various
forms have no other object than
to have an international decision*
confirm what is at present a
violation by one side.
The question thus is not ripe.
It can be taken up usefully, only
when the Americans admit that
the operations they have under-
taken are in vain.,
They cannot win this war. No
matter how far into the future
they try, they will lose it. This
moment must be awaited, no mat-
ter how long it takes and no
matter what devastation occurs.
THIS BEING the view that is
held in Peking of the conflict and
its effects, it is inscribed in a
broader perspective, which takes
in the whole world.
It is taken for granted in Pe-

king that the policy of the U.S.,
described as aggressive, is the
expression of a will for world
hegemony. This same will, it is
said, exists in Moscow.-
Consequently, the U.S. and the
Soviet Union are, it is said, in
the process of splitting up the
elements of the mastery they
would exercise jointly. Even now
the effects of this policy are show-
ing up in India, where the two
associated powers support enter-
prises fomented against China.
This can be translated, with
respect to Viet Nam, by the sup-
port Moscow gives to efforts made
to orient the Vietnamese affair
toward so-called, peaceful nego-
tiations.
IT IS CLEAR, from this view-
point, that Viet Nam is just a
place where there is now a major
conflict, in which the Vietnamese
affairs is only the original cause,
or the pretext.
Quite naturally, these extended
views are not found in Hanoi,
where the Vietnamese problem is
considered by itself, and where,
on the question of the war, a
distinction is made between North
and South. But leaving asiderthese
particular aspects of things, the
basic sentiment is the same:' com-
plete mistrust with regard to
American intentions.
One observes that peaceful over-
tures, or what are purported to be
such, are habitually followed in
a very short time by the landing
of new American units or the
bombing of an electric power
plant.
The conclusion is reached-as
in Peking-on the necessity to
force Washington to see for itself,
the vainness of its efforts, what-

ever form the war takes, and even
if the experience must go on for
a long time.
IT SEEMS that this sentiment
is shared by the NLF, whose forces
in combat, combining surprise,
handto-hand fighting and rapid
dispersion, are clinging to the
Americans as poisonous and te-
nacious parasites would.
From this quick review of the
Vietnamese affair as, it is pre-
sented in Peking and Hanoi an
overall conclusion can be drawn
which is that the current conflict,
which remained within limits of
a local affair until the American,
escalation, has gone beyond q
regional one and become, in fact,
opposition between the U.S. and
China.
The U.S. is making the most
. of a need facing an aware
and organized West to counter
the menace represented by Com-
munist China before it is too late.
In all this, there is no longer any
question of Viet Nam itself.
Risks involved in the process
now fermenting are incalculable.
To stop it before it gets out of
control, thisemistrust which pre-
vents a useful search' for' an
agreement must first of all be
vanquished. ,This mistrust is real,
but those who feel it are exploit-
ing it for their own purposes.
IT IS TOWARD this, no doubt,
that the spectacular efforts of
W. Averell Harriman and Arthur;
Goldberg are intended. Ambassa-
dor Goldberg visited foreign capi-
tals in the U.S. diplomatic offen-
sive.
The announcement is made
simultaneously of the arrival at
Pleiku of the first elements of
new reinforcements destined to

bring effectives of the American
expeditionary force to 200,006.'It
is not known if this coincidence
was calculated, but it can be said
that in the eyes of the people of
the Far East it probably appears
as a new example of procedures
which have affected the credi-
bility of previous peace overtures
Present-day China teaches
that imperialism generally spreads
a "peace curtain" when it pre-
pares to extend a war. To'reverse
such a judgment, there must be
a believable demonstration.
To demonstrate the reality of
a political position, the position
must exist and be defined pre-
cisely.
DOES THE U.S. now have a
short, medium and long term
policy? Certain American com-
mentators openly doubt it. Does
the Washington government in the
present case accept the conse-
quences of a peace such as could
now be negotiated?
The peace offensive in progress
can be the materialization of a
methodically prepared plan, in
which case great results could
follow. If it is otherwise, it can
be feared, on the contrary, that
it will lead only to a new depar-
ture in escalation which, on one
side 'and the other, would, in-
fluence thehdefinition of objec-
tives.
A threatening mechanism would
continue to build up, beyond con-
trol of the best of wills. Thus, it
is necessary to bring to the work
of peace great patience, much
modesty, and if possible a little
human sympathy for this Viet-
namese people who, in a far cor-
ner of the world, are kept in un-
happiness by forces which are
beyond it.

The U.S., Gand the Facts of Life

DEATH CAME to Prime Minis-
ter Shastri at a high moment
in his life, and the grief which is
world wide is therefore lighted
with the poetic grandeur of the
circumstances.
He did his best day's work and
died in the evening when he had
completed it. The world is the
better for what was done in Tash-
kent. For mankind has needed
badly to be shown that it is still
possible to get on top of the in-
tractable violence of human af-
fairs.
None will suppose that peace
has now been established. No
doubt the way ahead will be full
of trouble. Nevertheless, we have
:seen at 'a c.hlrnt at leas~t 2 a~

Today
an(
Tomorrow
By WALTER LIPPMANN
directly concerned are those who
are nearest to the conflict-Paki-
stan, India and the Soviet Union.
KOSYGIN WAS ABLE to do
what neither Harold Wilson nor
Lyndon Johnson could have done.
That is not because he is cleverer
than they, but, in the last analy-
sis, because he is nearer.

Asian frontier of thousands of
miles.
I have come increasingly to
think that the cardinal defect of
our own foreign policy in this cen-
tury of the wars and disappoint-
ments and frustrations has been
the pursuit of idealism separated
from the geography of the world.
The American globalist school of
thought has dominated American
strategic and diplomatic policy
since 1917.
IN THAT TIME we have fought
and won two world wars and have
been unable to make peace after
either of them. The globalists have
always been too high-minded to
make the compromises and con-

our business to define our vital
interests and defend them. As
against the gross self-delusion of
globalism there is the traditional
realism which holds that a sound
foreign policy is based on a care-
ful and constant study of the
geography of the world. This lends
to the realization that American
power cannot be equally effective
all over the globe.
A full understanding of this
simple, self-evident, profound
truth is the beginning of wisdom
in foreign affairs.
GLOBALISM is the thinking of
those who have not learned the
facts of life. They include the
zealots of the "world revolution"