i

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

The Loss of Direction in the Protests

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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 2,1965 NIGHT EDITOR: LAUREN BAHR

Solid Criticism, Not Moralism
Needed on Viet Nam

FOU THE FIRST TIME, and in large part
due to previous protests, the country
is now ready to listen to careful, purpose-
ful criticism of tbe war in Viet Nam. U.S.
policy has already changed greatly since
the New York Times has noted, due in
March of this year, as James Reston of
part to the previous protests.'
But at the same time, to judge from
their demonstrations last month, the cur-
rent protestors are unprepared or unwill-
ing to offer such constructive criticism.
Certainly, a broadside from the Ann
Arbor protestors in October proposed that
the United States should recognize Com-
munist China, immediately cease its
fide Draft:
A PrivIlege?
DATING BACK to the time of the no-
madic German war-bands, there has
been a long-standing conception of mili-
tary service as a right and privilege con-
ferred upon all free men. That concep-
tion has come down to us today in the
verywording of the Selective Service act
passed by Congress on June 24, 1947 Ti-
tle I, Se. 1, paragraph C):
"The Congress further declares that in
a free society the obligation and privilege
of serving in the armed forces and reserve
components thereof should be shared
generally, in accordance with a system
of selection which is'fair and just ...
Recently,' charges of conspiratorial
and un-American' behavior during the
Viet Nam protest demonstrations have
emanated from high quarters. Students
arrested for protesting the draft by a
sit-in at the Selectice Service Bureau in
Ann Arbor face an investigation. The pos-
sible outcome of this investigation could
be loss of the students' draft deferments
if their local draft boards classify them
"delinquent."
SHOULD THIS HAPPEN, the inducted
protestors may feel that they are being
punished for their political actions. How-
ever, in such a case, the protestors can
console themselves with the knowledge
that their "punishment" of two years
service in the armed forces is in reality a
privilege traditionally conferred upon our
best citizens as an honorable duty.
-DAVE KNOKE
Editorial Staff
ROBERT JOHNSTON, Editor
LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM JEFFREY GOODMAN
Managing Editor Editorial Director
JUDITH FIELDS ................Personnel Director
LAUREN BAHIt..........Associate Managing Editor
JUDITH WARREN ........ Assistant Managing Editor
ROBERT RIPPLER......Associate Editorial Director
GAIL BLUMBERG ...............Magazine Editor
LLOYD GRAFF............. Acting Sports Editor
SHELDON DAVIS ............. Acting Photo Editor
NIGHT EDITORS: Robert Carney, Clarence Fanto,
Mark R. "Kilingsworth, John Meredith, Leonard
Pratt, Peter sarasohn, Bruce Wasserstein.,
Business Staff
CY WELLMAN, Business Manager
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JOYCE FEINBERG............Finance Manager
SUSAN CRAWFORD .....Associate Business Manager
Subscription rate: $4.50 semester by carrier ($5 by
mail); $8 yearly by carrier ($9 by mail).
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich.

bombingof the North, and, also immedi-
ately, withdraw its troops. But at no
time during the protest did the protestors
themselves bother to discuss their own
proposals.
INSTEAD, their protests were coercive,
simplistic, emotional and negative in
character-so much that one doubts they
are sincere when they claim they want to
change U.S. policy at all.
Indeed, much of the protest against
U.S. policy has always been of such a na-
ture. "I can't give you any facts," I have
been told by a protestor friend, "but I can
give you the moral arguments against
the war." The value of this "expertise"-
knowing what moral behavior is without
knowing who is displaying it-to the con-
duct of foreign policy only marginally
exceeds that of prayer or necromancy.
CAUGHT UP by their emotions, the pro-
testors have evidently ignored the
fact, as neutralist Laotian Premier Sou-
vanna Phouma said here, that the North
Vietnamese are working to subvert both
Laos and South Viet Nam.
Caught up by their emotions, the pro-
testors are evidentlyo blivious to the fact
that, as the :group of South Vietnamese
students who visited here noted, many
South Vietnamese who oppose the Sai-
gon government-and some of these stu-
dents have been jailed for opposing it-
have absolutely no faith in or support for
the National Liberation Front.
And, caught up in their protest, those
who oppose U.S. Viet Nam policy have
apparently, failed to read Sen. Mansfield's
major policy speech of Sept. 1. The ma-
jority leader, speaking with the approval
and advance knowledge of the White
House, summarized U.S. conditions for a
solution as follows: Free elections in
South Viet Nam to determine that na-
tion's future "either in independence or
as part of a unified Viet Nam"; "in gen-
eral accord with the Geneva agreements";
"a withdrawal of all foreign forces and
bases throughout Viet Nam, north and
south," after peace and adequate boun-
dary agreements in Indochina are se-
cured; "a secure amnesty for those in-
volved in the struggle on all sides in Viet
Nam"; and, finally, "a cease-fire and
standfast throughout all Viet Nam which
might well coincide with the initiation of
negotiations."
It is this policy-not the best way to
avoid the draft or the thoughtlessness
of Ann Arbor's police in not building a
jail designed to accommodate 39 protes-
tors at once-which should be the focal
point of discussion and political activity.
The petition drive to put the Viet Nam
issue on the Nov. 17 Student Government
Council ballot is an opportunity to return
discussion of the issue to a more rational
plane.
BUT IN VIEW of the nature of the Octo-
ber Viet Nam "protest," it almost seems
that some of the opponents of the war
will finally begin to understand the re-
lationship between political action and
political goals only after they have lost
all the moral authority and all the politi-
cal influence requisite for successful par-
ticipation in the political process.
-MARK R. ILLINGSWORTH

THE VIET NAM protestors don't
seem to know it yet, but in
their chess game with the State
Department, they've managed to
muff the battle and are seriously
weakening their long-run strength
in the war.,
What they are seeking is a
major readjustment of and re-
orientation in the conduct and
execution of U.S. foreign policy.
This is a big order, certainly, and
it involves rearrangements of
power that those holding power
are not likely to accept gracefully.
The protestors organized their
opposition to some of the current
assumptions of the foreign policy-
makers around an attack on mani-
festations of this policy in Viet
Nam and used the teach-in move-
ment as a vehicle for their discon-
tent.I
Needless to say, they weren't
very successful in getting to the
heart of the problem, since it is
1) Held in the hands of a few
men and 2) Is much too far away
from any domestic political situ-
ations to make it possible to put
together any real domestic sup-
port.
THIS STATE of affairs is re-
flected by that wonderful scene
in which the nation's governors,
meeting in Minnesota, started
worrying out loud about admin-
istration Viet Nam policy. Presi-
dent Johnson whisked them to
Washington to set them straight.
Opposition melted. One can
imagine the President pointing out
the irrelevancy of their opposition
to any of their political fences at
home-in his own homespun man-
mer, of course. The governors,
with no political constituencies
with vested interests in changes
in Viet Nam policy, must have
been putty in McGeorge Bundy's
hands.

In any case, the protestors, con-
centrated in "intellectual" circles,
failed with the teach ins to put
together any kind of movement
for Viet Nam. They found no poli-
tical basis for support, and they
found no vested interests on their
side.
So, as nothing happened in spite
of their best efforts, when, in fact,
Johnson stepped up the bombings
and reiterated in his decisions all
those aspects of his policy that
people most objected to, the pro-
testors came (and this happened
late in the summer) to a crucial
decision point.
EITHER THEY COULD go
ahead as they had been, and
watch everything slowly melt out
from under them as the pro-
administration movement coopted
their "discussion" techniques with
predictable success (predictable
because of the monopoly on "le-
gitimate" Viet Nam information
and news among administration
people).;
Or they could continue to try
to develop new techniques for
mustering support, for dissem-
inating their essential complaints
about our conduct of international
affairs in general and Viet Nam
affairs in particular among an
apathetic public and work to think
up new innovations such as the
teach in in an attempt to get
at or undermine the power group
now responsible, for the policies
they dislike;
:Or they can do what they have
now apparently ended up doing,
making their protest into one bas-
ed not on political maneuvering
and influencing with a thought-
through approach to what they
are trying to get done, but on blind
ideological commitment to a series
of "given" beliefs comparable to
a religious commitment.

Michigan MAD
By ROBERT JOHNSTON
This sort of commitment has
been used all along to some ex-
tent in the civil rights movement;
the singing, the marching, smacks
of nothing so much as a Southern
Baptist revival with its high emo-_
tional content.
BUT THE Viet Nam protestors
have adopted all this parapher-
nalia without several essential in-
gredients of the civil rights suc-
cess: a nationwide and potentially
sympathetic audience for their
work in the South; an easy-to-
articulate commitment to a cause,
the rights of the Negro in Amer-
ica; a means of direct involve-
ment to dramatize the problems.
Viet Nam, however, is, part of
a large, complex problem in inter-
national relations that is extreme-
ly difficult to articulate, let alone
pinpoint the "causes" in, and
there can be no nationwide tele-
vision audience of confrontations
on the scene.
The protestors, unable to gather
necessary support, have there-
fore tended to isolate themselves
in their own emotionally charged
outlook. (The Homecoming float
looked like something out of the
bloody shirt days of the Civil
War reconstruction and was about
as relevant to the issues involved.
The "memorial service" explicitly
drew on religious emotionalism to
try to rally support and provoked,
naturally, only wonderment.)
As one liberal observer has put
it, the students have gotten them-
selves "hung up" on Viet Nam.
Their courses of action need con-
siderable rethinking.

THE FIRST QUESTION in such
a re-examination must be what
is being sought. Floats and march-
es and signs aside, the thrust of
the effort must be toward a com-
plete re-examination of foreign
policy in the light of a whole new
series of international develop-
ments.
-This country has never de-
cided what to do about nationalism
even as this fever has swept the
"emerging" world: should we ig-
nore it, abet it, fight it, or direct
it and why?
-Our conduct and formulation
of foreign policy is totally out of
date in a world as small as this
one, and will become more so as
communicationshdevelopments
continue to take hold' with great
rapidity; and as, further, the U.S.
intellectuals take more and more
of an interest in international af-
fairs because of their travels hav-
ing accomplished, as Leslie Dun-
bar has pointed out, just about
everything there is. to be done at
home;
-Neither has the U.S. formu-,
lated a positive attitude .toward
its place in the international game
of economic development. Given
that the U.S. is pre-eminent in
the world in its store of technical
and intellectual resources and com-
parable only to the Soviet Union
in its store of natural resources,
what is done .with these resources
in the course of world develop-
ment is going to have considerable
effects on what the world thinks
of us and how its development
occurs.
In planning how to have any
real effect on the Establishment
that now makes and implements
foreign policy the protestors have
-utterly failed. There may be some
long-run changes but only as
other, less emotionally-based

groups translate their slogans and
dogma into ideas and alternatives
and political power sufficient to
either undermine or replace or
coopt the Establishment.
GIVEN THESE three ways of
getting at the problem, under-
mining, replacing or coopting
those who now hold power, there
are several rational but difficult
ways of getting something done.
-Find responsive groups in
Washington and use them either
openly or at cocktails to under-
mine the President's position. The
Peace Corps is one such group;
Continue to build on the teach-
in movement with relentless dis-
cussion and propagation of intel-
ligent ideas on the problems, at
hand;
-Try to form a hard-core clus-
ter of university intellectuals that
can use its brains and influence
to spread its contacts and hence
its influence throughout the in-
tellectual establishment in such
a way that Johnson eventually be-
gins to feel a little alienated at
the same time as ,possible alter-
nativesnbegin toappear, so that
his hand will unconsciously be
guidtd to choosing them;s
-Refrain from nonsensical
alienation of potential public sup-
port in the interests of cultivating
such support. When publisher
John Knight of the Free Press is
as close to advocating subtle
changes in Viet Nam policy as he
is, emotional, self-righteous slo-
ganeering is hardly going to win
him over.
THE PROTESTORS should quit
marching and floating and dicker-
ing with local police or local draft
boards (those are, after all, en-
tirely separate issues), and get
back to work on the problems at
hand.

Letters: Evils of Growth

Some Gripes About
The Teaching Here

And Debate on the

War

To the Editor:
HERE ARE many raspects of
university life about which one
may feel like protesting; that is,
perhaps, only to be expected.
There is, however, one basic cause
of many of the unfortunate con-
ditions here: it is the University's'
wholehearted acceptance of the
notion that as many people as
possible should receive an educa-
tion, and that, therefore, the uni-
versity must expand.
There are at least five unfor-
tunate consequences of expansion:
1) The yearly schedule has been
changed to the "trimester"; so
that vacations, semester breaks,
reasonable exam schedules, rea-
sonable dates of starting the term,
and a relaxed atmosphere have
been eliminated.
2) The daily schedule has had to
be stretched ridiculously; many
classes are forced to meet at 12
noon and late in the afternoon
and evening.,
3) Classrooms, counseling serv-
ices, libraries, dormitories and the
campus in general have become
intolerably crowded. Ann Arbor, no
longer a peaceful, attractive
"town," is becoming a cheap,
noisy, and ugly city. All of these
consequences of expansion con-
tribute to the tension, the atmos-
phere almost of frenzy which one
senses among many students and
members of the faculty.
4) The physical expansion of the
university, while it may or may
not relieve overcrowding, will not.
eliminate the tension and the
ugliness of the university. Classes
for most students will be spread
over a wider area, more cold and
ugly buildings will be erected, and
the complexity of this already too-
complicated institution will be in-
creased.
5) Finally, there is : the most
basic consequence of expansion:

the inescapable; sacrifice of edu-
cational quality. We have been
told by a professor who 'knows"
that "the university" thinks a
lecture to 300 students is the
equivalent of a lecture to 30.
Ridiculous as that attitude may
be it is only a small part of the
trouble: the more students there
are the more teachers there must
be, and when so many more teach-
ers are hired the general standard
of teaching must (and does) drop.
Furthermore, one excellent pro-
fessor has told us of his vexation
at having to face classes of blank
faces, students who are not stu-
dents, and who are not interested
in being students.
The argument that the exposure
of a maximum number of people
to "university life" will "convert"
an occasional student but it with-
ers the general spirit of education..
IF TI.S SITUATION is not
changed it is hard to conceive how
much the quality of education and
living will continue to deteriorate
at the university, and how little
the BA will come to mean. The
only hope is that those who govern
this institution will realize before
it is too late that such exp'ansion
as is contemplated is incompatible
with a high standard of educa-
tion.
-Linda Neuberger, '66
Roy Neuberger, Grad
As 1ayer Sees It
To the Editor:
THOSE WHO DEPLORE the
1existence of protest against the
fighting in Viet Nam (or else-
where) may have overlooked the
fact that for many, at least, of
the protestors the question is not
so much an unwillingness to die
for one's country as an unwilling-

ness to kill for one's country.
The issue has been so aptly
expressed by Milton Mayer in an
essay on "The Duty of Freedom"
(in his recent book, What Can a
Man Do?), that I am compelled to
share this quotation from him:
"I do not have either the knowl-
edge or the power to solve the
East-West problem, nor have I
seen anyone who has. But as a
sovereign citizen, and a sovereign
citizen by virtue of my relation to
Gdd, I do have to try to solve the
problem of living and dying as
God wants me to. This problem,
and this problem alone, is within
my power. This power no man
and no government can ever take
from me. Any government can kill
me-so can any streetcar-but no
government can make me kill. Any
government can oppress me, but
no government can make an op-
pressor of me. Any government
can treat me godlessly, but no
government can make me godless.
Only I can do that."
IF WE BELIEVE that freedom
entails responsibility, t h e s e
thoughts on ultimate responsibility
are worthy of contemplation even
by those who do not claim to. be
conscientious objectors.
-Edward G. Voss,
Department of Botany
An Opent'Letter
To the Editor:
AN OPEN LETTER to Atty. Gen.
Nicholas Katzenbach:
The Associated Press on Oct. 18.
1965, stated, concerning the dem-
onstrations, speeches and teach
insagainst our war in Viet Nam,
that you had said:
"Whenever you have a situation
in which people are saying things
similar to what is being said by
Peking, you are likely to find
some Communists involved in it."
If so, they appear in good com-
pany. Many American citizens ab-
hor our part in the war in Viet
Nam and participated in the re-
cent demonstrations sponsored by
Students for a Democratic Society
(SDS). Yes, Mr. Katzenbach, there
may have been some Communists
and some Socialists involved; also
some Catholics, some Jews and
some Protestants and some min-
isters, some priests and some
rabbis may have been involved.
Also besides students and pro-
fessors, you may be very likely to
find that some pastry cooks and
some chefs, some alcoholics and
some teetotalers, some sinners and
some immaculates, some Negroes
and some whites, some scabs and
some organized workers, some pol-
troons and some without fear and
others have been involved with
SDS in demanding the end of the
war in Viet Nam.
HAPPILY, Mr. Katzenbach, ci-

So What?
by sarasohn
SOME OF THE marking devices
used in the English and other
departments sure bug me and
would completely frustrate any
student who seriously writes a
paper for his professor.
If you take your education ser-
iously, you spend two or three
years at the University searching
out good professors in your con-
centration so that you can bene-
f it from their knowledge, approach
to the material and, even, person-
ality.
What's the result? You end up
in a class of 50 students (if you
are lucky, it, won't be more) of
which, perhaps, 15 to 20 are grad-
uate students.
The topics for the first paper
are completely "canned and you
feel challenged. Keeping the pro-
fessor's approach to the course in
mind, you proceed to either at-
tack his approach, support it or
ignore it-within the limits of
the question posed for the paper.
YOU FEEL really fired up for
this paper and your, excitement
accidently results in a slightly
longer paper than advised by the
professor. But, you feel he won't
mind because of the obvious sin-
cere enthusiasm that literally
drips from the pages of the fin-
ished work. Further, you write
specifically for and to the pro-
fessor.
On the morning'the paper is
due, you show up in class un-
shaven with the same wrinkled
shirt you've worn for three days.
Clearly, the sign of a scholar in
love with his work.
A smile, content yet firm, greets
the professor as you hand him
your masterpiece at the end of
the class hour. You've missed class
because of the final finishing
touches you felt necessary. But
you are sure the professor will un-
derstand.,
One month or so later, the
papers are returned by the grad-
uate student marker. You sud-,
denly realize your efforts have
been in vain.

THE PROFESSOR hasn't even
seen your paper. It has been mark-
ed by a student who isn't even a
teaching fellow; a student who
very often stops reading your
paper at the first misspelled word
or misplaced comma; a .student
who doesn't realize that-granted
structure and language arevery
important-that the course is not
one of composition alone; a stu-
dent who doesn't realize that there
might be real discoveries behind
those misplaced words that don't
originate in the worn out source
books in the Graduate Library
that everyone has seen and used;
a student who believes its suffi-
cient to reward the writer with
three sentences which sum up
nothing of importance except
"Your ideas seem interesting, ex-
cept you are very vague."
If this sounds bitter, it should,
for after a student has lasted until
the third or fourth year, he should
be allowed at least to have his
work appraised by his professor
and not by a graduate student
alone who might be competent yet
has definitely not had the ex-
perience with the subject that a
professor has had.
That the size of the classes
should be .smaller is obvious, but
impractical. Perhaps, however, the
professor can mark the papers of
concentrators and graduate stu-
dents in the course and leave the
rest to the marker.
Another solution 'would be to
just require one long paper in
the middle of the semester, in-
stead of two or, three or, even,
four that some professors require.
This would allow him time enough
to mark' most of the papers him-
self, which would be an advantage
to the student.
IF YOU THINK the reason for
this feature is that I received a
paper today, you are right! Yet,
I was lucky! to have a thinking
professor who feels it's valuable to
read most of his students' papers
before they are returned, mine
included.
This doesn't always happen,
however. It's frustrating and very
often less rewarding to the student
-whether he be in English, his-
tory, political science or what-
ever-to write for a specific pro-
fessor and not have it even seen
by him.

J



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Schuze 's Corner:
True Patroitism

C.

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I~1b IT
%JAk

t ,r~~te 0 fa l4 I ?r

AVU -
-O

TAKE6 -HE

tDOVE

IC) A WAR
1DIKE THIS
WHRE
Ef ECA.,

PEOPLE SHOULD BE patriotic.
People should be even more
patriotic during time of war.
People haven't been being as'
patriotic as they should be. People
have been carrying signs and
sending unadulterated medical

and only the godd people will be
left.
The editors of the Free Press
are very good patriotic people. The
good patriotic editors accused
Stanley Nadel of treason. The
editors should also have accused
Stanley Nadel of wearing a beret.



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