Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

U.S. Asia Policy: History of Moralism

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. Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints.

3AY, OCTOBER 28, I965

NIGHT EDITOR: BRUCE WASSERSTEIN

The New York Mayoral Election
A Key to the GOP's Future

N LESS THAN A WEEK, New Yorkers
will head to the polls to choose a new
ayor and most indicators point to one
of the closest races in recent history.
However, the national political ramifica-
tions of the outcome next Tuesday bear
close examination since they may prove
indicative of future national trends.
The three principal candidates are:
--John V. Lindsay, young, 'dynamic
congressional representative of Manhat-
tan's "silk-stocking" district, endorsed by
the Republican and Liberal parties. Lind-
say has based his campaign on impassion-
ed calls for action on critical problems
facing the city as well as frequent at-
tacks at his opponents for yielding to
"bossism" or for McCarthylte tact4cs.
-Abraham Beame, veteran of the ad-
ministration of current Mayor Robert
Wagner, enldorsed by the Democratic par-
ty and by major old-line party bosses. Lib-.
eral Democrats fear he would present no
dynamic solutions to the city's problems
and that he would be dominated by the
party bosses. However, he has a respect-
able record as city controller, vast knowl-
edge and experience in city government,
and the support of President Johnson,
Vice-President Humphrey, Sen. Robert
Kennedy and some reform Democrats.
-William F. Buckley, Conservative can-
didate, the urbane, pseudo-intellectual
editor of the right-wing National Review,
whose appeal is to Goldwater-type' Re-
publicans, anti-integrationists, and con-
servatives of all political stripes. He has
attacked both Lindsay and Beame but
has saved his most vituperative slashes
for Lindsay, whom he scores for "desert-
ing" the "Republican party during _its,
Goldwater days and proclaiming a bi-
partisan, liberal stance in city politics.
iE MAIN ISSUES in the campaign are
shaping up as the unpopular four per
cent sales tax; crime in the streets, edu-
cation, housing and job opportunities.
Lindsay has indicted city hospitals for
negligence and lack of modern equip-
ment and had condemned citizen apathy
in the face of an increasing city-wide
crime wave,
Lindsay links the shortcomings of the
Is Hoimecoming
A Pio Outfit?
SEN. THOMAS DODD, one of the Sen-
ate's 'foremost champions of safe
causes as well as one of its weakest minds,
and President Johnson's second choice
attorney general, Nicholas deB. Katzen-
bach, are hunting for Communists, whom
they believe have infiltrated the activist
Students for a Democratic Society. The
SDS people, at least- here at the Uni-
versity, probably couldn't be happier at
this latest display of vestigial McCarthy-
ism, for their membership has more than
doubled over the past week with students
sympathetic to their plight.
If SDS, relatively intellectual and high-
brow among campus groups, can get this
kind of response, imagine what could
happen if the Justice Department start-
ed charging that Homecoming or Winter
Weekend were skillfully disguised Com-
'nunist cell-blocs masked as innocuous
student diversions. And a good, stiff Red-
scare might be just what the sorority
system needs to get it back on its feet
and out of its spiritual if not financial
debt.
Indeed, much to their own surprise,
amazement and befuddlement, Katzen-
bach and Dodd may be spearheading a
new movement which will result in a

massive student awakening, upsetting the
comfortable if apathetic current campus
equilibrium.
WHO ARE THEY to presume that they
can personally change the entire at-
mosphere of a great university? Who is
going to subject their activity to the
scrutiny of justice?
-NEIL SHISTER
x r'gHt ; ,

Wagner administration to Beame while
the Democratic candidate attempts to
take credit for that administration's lib-
eral accomplishments. Beame also charges
that Lindsay is "ignorant and inexper-
ienced" in city government, while Lind-
say is seeking to convince the voters that
a vote for him would result in moving
forward with a liberal, youthful, dynamic
and erudite candidate while a vote for
Beame would mean a return to old-style
machine politics.
Beame takes a serious, almost under-
stated approach to the campaign. The
purpose of his campaign is to portray
himself as a man of experience, integrity
and solid Democratic backing battling a
nationwide R e p u bli c a n resurgence
through the capture of City Hall.
Lindsay is using his Liberal party en-
dorsement and the backing of some re-
form Democrats to demonstrate that he,
rather than Beame, is a true liberal. Lind-
say also has the backing of the influen-
tial New York Times and the Herald-
Tribune.
Meanwhile, Buckley is appealing to the
angry, frustrated city dwellers who fear
further school integration and resent high
taxes and welfare programs. Surveys in-
dicate that hearly 80 per cent of Buck-
ley's support is coming from Catholic
voters who are in tune with his violent
anti-Communism and his daily proclama-
tion of the importance of simple virtues
and "goodness." In addition, two-thirds
of Buckley supporters are said to be those
who voted for Goldwater and are seeking
revenge against what they consider to be
Lindsay's disloyalty to the Republican
party.
TWO NEWSPAPERS, the Daily News and
the Herald-Tribune, are conducting
straw polls to determine basic voter
trends. Not surprisingly, the polls dis-
agree, one giving Beame a 44 to 36 per
cent lead over Lindsay, the other putting
Lindsay in the lead by a closer margin.
Both polls report that Buckley has the
support of 12 to 15 per cent of the voters.
Political analysts agree that Lindsay
may be facing defeat because of Buckley's
somewhat surprising strength. New York
City, which has a 3 to 1 preponderance
of Democratic registrations, is seeing a
bad split in Republican ranks while Dem-
ocratic forces solidify their support for
Beame.
Buckley has made inroads on poten-
tial sources of strength for Lindsay and
some estimates indicate that Lindsay
may lose almost half of the normal Re-
publican vote in the city. The chances
of his picking up enough Democrats and
independents to offset this loss are slight,
especially since the city's large, liberally-
oriented Jewish minority is split down the
,middle between Beame and Lindsay.
One currently popular theory revolves
around the influence exerted by the wide-
ly-reported newspaper sample polls. The
main points in this theory are:
-If the -final polls show that Lindsay
might have won a two-man contest with
Beame, the Republican candidate will be
strengthened.-
-Many Democrats may resent Beame's
criticism of Wagner's administration and
may swing to Lindsay if the polls indi-
cate he would win were it not for Buck-
ley's candidacy.
-On the other hand, if the final news-
paper polls indicate a strong margin of
victory for Beame, a bandwagon effect
might be created in which doubtful sup-
porters would be psychologically induced
to vote for the apparent winner.
HE NATIONAL political effects of the
final outcome focus on the future di-

rection of the Republican party. A Lind-
say defeat and a heavy Republican defec-
tion to Buckley would indicate that GOP
voters would not be amenable to attempts
to transform the party. into a mnore lib-
eral political force. At the same time, it
would suggest that the Republican split
throughout the country is much deeper
than GOP leaders realize and may take
many years to heal. In this case, the Re-
publican party might well cease to be a
significant national political force in fu-
ture presidential elections.
However, a Lindsay victory against
overwhelming odds would not only estab-

By JACK MEYER
THE CONTRADICTION between
ostensible moral purpose and
real politico-economic motivation
that clouds current U.S. policy in
Viet Nam can betviewed as the
logical, albeit unfortunate, ex-
tension of a general hypocrisy
that has characterized U.S. Asian
policy throughout the twentieth
century..
The real reason for the U.S.
role in the Viet Nam war--desire
to contain if not halt the swelling
tide of Communism-is often ob-
scured by a flood of platitudes
alluding to a commitment to "free-
dom" and "the dignity of all
men."
A BACKWARD GLANCE at U.S.
history reveals a consistent lack
of honesty concerning U.S. motives
in Asia throughout the twentieth
century. History makes Lyndon
Johnson a bizarre reincarnation
of William McKinley; Dean Rusk,
the ghost of John "Open Door"
Hay; and, Robert McNamara, a
modern version of Theodore
Roosevelt, McKinley's Secretary of
War.
In 1898 the names of the leaders
were different, the stakes, per-
haps smaller, and the Asian map,
perhaps more vague; nevertheless,
the deception was of the same
variety.
The U.S. acquisition of the
Philippines and the simultaneous
development of American con-
cern for the integrity of China
ushered in a new era of U.S. In-
volvement in the affairs of Asia
and Europe.
The possession of the Philip-
pines meant new opportunities for
American business in China; it
also meant new American concern
with the affairs of Asia that now
more directly affected vital U.S.
interests.
THE REAL American motives in
1898 were to safeguard U.S.. Pa-
cific (possessions political) and to
obtain equal oportunity to trade
with China (economic). However,
in attempting to convince Con-
gress and the . American people of
the soundness of its expansionist
policy, the McKinley administra-
tion reverted to moral arguments
not dissimilar in tone or sub-

stance to the pleas of the John-
son administration.
In the name of Duty, in the
name of Manifest Destiny, in the
name of Freedom, McKinley
Roosevelt and their cohorts ex-
horted reluctant senators and
citizens to support intervention
in the affairs of Asia and the
Pacific.
Then, as now, national leaders
belied true motives to rally, or
perhaps we should say cajol, the
nation into active support.
The leaders of the expansionist
movement, from the mild-man-
nered McKinley to the histrionic
Henry Cabot Lodge, all emphasiz-
ed a U.S. moral obligation to
spread the "American way of life"
to the less fortunate "barbarians"
of the world. Moreover, in the
doctrine of Manifest Destiny they
had a demonstration of the in-
evitability of expanded U.S. in-
volvement.
IN A FAMOUS interview, Presi-
dent McKinley revealed howl he
reached the important decision to
annex the Philippines. "I walked
the floor of the White House
night after night until midnight,
and I am not ashamed to tell you,
gentelmen,; that I went down on
my knees and prayed Almighty
God for light and guidance more
than one night.
"And one night late it came to
me this way-I don't knewv how it
was, but it came: .. . that theite
was nothing left for as to do but
to take them all, and to educate
the Philippinos, and uplift and
Christianize them, and by God's
grace do he very best we could
by them, as our fellow men for
whom Christ also died."
Let us now hear from Senator
Henry Cabot Lodge, addressing
the Senate on the same question.
"Thus, Mr. President, I have
shown that duty and interest
alike, duty of the highest kind,
and interest of the highest and
best kind, impose upon us the re-
tention of the Philippines, the
development of the islands, and
the expansion of our Eastern com-
merce. All these things, in my
belief, will come to pass, whatever
the divisions of the present mo-
ment; for no people who have ever
come under our flag have ever

sought to leave it . . . All our
vast growth and expansion have
been due to the spirit of our race,
and have been guided by the in-
stinct of the American people,
which in all great crises has proved
wiser than any reasoning."
There they stood, steeped in
pride and enamored of heritage,
the self-appointed spokesmen of
the human race, beckoning their
fellow Americans to heed the fab-
ricated pleas of the poor, un-
civilized masses, whose only hope
was the American flag. They ped-
dled their self-delusions, sprung
from ethnocentrism, to the Amer-
ican people. Who appointed them
spokesmen? Who solicited their
aid?
THE ANSWER IS no one. The
Philippinos rioted and fought bit-
terly for over three years against
American occupation before suc-
cumbing. The humanitarian justi-
fications spewed forth by the ex-
pansionists ring with irony in U.S.
ears today.
The dawn of the twentieth cen-
tury brought with it a new prac-
tical concern for the United States
government-the potential menace
of Japanese imperialism. The ag-
gressiveness of a fast-growing Ja-
pan was to find its outlet in North
China. A new, and very real threat
was being posed to U.S. Pacific
possessions and politico-economic
interests in Cmina.
Thehistory of U.S. responses, to
the impending Japanese threat is
a series of practical diplomatic
policies - bluffs, investments,
power plays, admonitions,, and
threats. Many of these pragmatic
maneuvers, however, were dis-
guised by the invocation of mean-
ingless moralisms.
By raising the hue and cry of
Chinese integrity, the U.S. was
able to justify to itself and to the
world its involvement with the
problems of Europe and Asia.
Theodore Roosevelt sent the U.S.
Navy on a "cruise" around the
world, and Japan got the hint.
President Taft tried through
"Dollar Diplomacy" to strengthen
the American interests in North
China vis a vis Japan. Wilson,
his successor, sent troops to Si-
beria to avoid a Japanese take-
over of Russian possessions.

THESE MOVES were not solely
motivated by a desire to vrotect
anyone's territorial integrity. They
were executed primarily to oon-
tain or halt the threat of Japan-
ese aggression.
Stopping Japanese aggression
was a role that the U.S. delegated
to itself. Yet the U.S. shrank from
the responsibilities of assumed
leadership by superimposing above
the realities of the situation a
moral fabric that would shield it
from criticism and and establish
with finality the legitimacy of its
endeavors.
An analysis of Wilson's Siberian
intervention again manifests the
discrepancy between avowed pur-
pose and underlying design. In
June of 1918 the Allied situation
on the Western front was critical.
To release pressure on the'West-
ern front, a group of Czechosla-
vakian troops attempted an ex-
pedition westward from Vladivos-
tok to join up with their western
units.
Trapped in Siberia, the Czechs
appealed to the Allies for rear-
guard aid. The United States, un-
der Wilson, vacillated. Finally the
President decided to contribute
American support.
The important factor that in-
fluenced the chief executive was
his fear that Japan would gain
sole control of the expedition,
exclude the other powers, and
establish itself in Siberia.
However, rather thencandidly
admit his intentions and motives,
Wilson concealed his action be-
hind a highly humanitarian cause
-the desire to protect the poor,
helpless Czechs.
Wilson declared, ". . . the pres-
ent situation of the Czecho-
Slovaks requires this government
to make an effort to aid those
at Vladivostok in forming a junc-
tion with their. compatriots in
Western Siberia; and that" this
g o.ve r n me n t on sentimental
grounds. and because of the effect
on friendly Slays everywhere
would be subject to criticism if it
did not make this effort...".
Such failures of American lead-
ers to genuinely reveal our motives
evoked claims of hypocrisy and
duplicity.
AN,ENDLESS series of examples

could be cited, forming a chain of
hypocrisy that would ink together
the fragments of twentieth-cen-
tury American policy in the Far
East. But space precludes more
than mere mention of such cru-
cial crises as the Korean conflict,
in which the real aim of the U.S.
government-to halt the spread
of Communism-often took a back
seat to appeals to uphold the
territorial integrity and freedom
of the South Koreans.
Thus we see that the history of
American Far Eastern policy is
a history of contradiction. U.S.
talk has repeatedly been on one
plane, U.S. action, on another.
Not infrequently U.S. talk of mo-
rality and mission makes our ac-
tions appear hypocritical.
President Johnson, in true tra-
dition, is utilizing arguments on
the moral plane to rally support
for his Viet Nam policy. He claims
that the U.S. is in Viet Nam to
preserve the freedom ofthe South
Vietnamese. Who is not ;in favor
of their freedom? He claims that
the, U.S. is defending their right
to choose. Who would not be glad
to defend such a noble institution?
In short, he appeals to time-
honored rights about which there
can be no disagreement.
Moreover, he has repeatedly at-
temp~ted to stifle 'opposition to
his policies. When emotional ap-
peals fall, he cajoles, arm twists,
and occasionally threatens. This
creates anatmosphere that is
highly unfavorable to the rational
formulation of foreign policy. For
effective policy is developed not
through forced agreement, but
through the reconciliation of di-
verse and often conflicting view-
points.
THE TIME has come when the
U.S. must start being honest with
itself. Rationally, practically the
U.S. must analyze the pros and
cons of Asian involvement and
disregard the phony justifications
and rationalizations that flood
one's eardrums. Only by using
valid, relevant criteria to deter-
mine its position can the U.S.
be truly fair to the millions of
Asians who will be affected by its
decisions.

41

Snarks-a Perennial Campus Hazaird

By ED SCHWARTZ
Collegiate Press Service
J HERE IS a peculiar breed of,
synthetic human being, found
in alarmingly large herds on cam-
puses across the country, which I
would call the Snark. He exists on
both the undergraduate and grad-
uate level; he attends both liberal
arts and technical schools; he can
major in any department.
By and large, he is a profession-
al follower, even when placed in
a leadership position. His goal is
an assiduous cultivation of in-
activity. This he achieves in the
following ways:
1) He is a leading proponent of
indirection. If male, education is
the road to "a good job." It does
not make any difference what kind
of job, as long as it is "a good
job." If female, education is -the
road to "a husband." It doesn't

make any difference wnat kind of
husband, as long as it is "a
husband."
2) He opposes thinking. Think-
ing, in this case, means any in-
tellectual process which varies
from material contained in class
notes and assigned reading. A
synonym for thinking is "having
ideas," of which the Snark pos-
sesses few, if any.
3) He opposes change. This does
not mean that the Sn4rk is poli-
tically conservative. Indeed, in the
era of the Johnsonian consensus,
he may well be a Democrat. Above
all, he is "middle of the road,"
although he may not know what
"the road" is. He also deems him-
self "responsible," although to.
whom or what is often unclear.
4). He exalts competence. Note
that competence is not brilliance,
which often generates direction,
ideas, change, social upheaval, and

psychological instability. Com-
petence embodies the efficient ad-
ministration of somebody else's
programs; the ability to blend in
any surrounding; the art of being
"well groomed."
5) His motto is "Speak softly
and carry a small stick."
THE FRATERNITY is the Tam-
many Hall of the Snark. It pro-
vides him with institutional recog-
nition for successful memorization
in the classroom; a social milieu
with which he can harmonize eas-
ily; an occasional position to de-
velop his administrative talents;
and of course, other Snarks.
It, also enables him to partici-
pate in the politics of non-
ideology-a school of in fighting
which relies on the successful ex-
posure of individual idiosyncracies
which deviate from the ideals of
Snarkdom, to achieve personal

power over an empire of trivia.
The sophisticated Snark spends
years developing such talents.f
Snarks rarely organize for any-
thing, save an occasional "service"
project, such as tea for-the incom-
ing freshman class. Their main
talent lies in opposition. The
Snark is the one who attacks a
college film reviewer who ques-
tions the value of James Bond.
He is a stern critic of undergrad-
uate literary magazines, which he
finds "phony and depressing." He's
against liberal arts requirements'
-"useless"; and class discussion
-"bull."
He's the first to brand' a poli-
tical group "irresponsible," and
the last to express a political
opinion himself. Whenever orig-
inality threatens to rear its ugly
head, the Snark is always around,
to' suppress it.

TO BE SURE, a Snark is not
useless to a college community.
He's quiet, for one thing, w.ich
makes it easier to study in crowd-
ed dormitories. Aside from per-
iodic panty raids-the Snark's
exercise in institutionalized brav-
ado-he rarely causes a university
administration any trouble, par-
ticularly in raising funds. Some
professors may like him, since he
rarely disagrees with what he's
told on examinations and papers.
No-it's difficult to image how
a university would survive with-
out a healthy proportion of stu-
dent Snarks.
And a healthy proportion there
is. Just look around the student
union sometime. Or try talking
about classroom material. Or gaze
in your mirror one morning.
Snarks.

4

Letters: Were Protests Foolish? Misgided? Justified?

To the Editor:
JEROME MILEUR, Grad, makes
the point. In his letter he
calls the Viet Nam protest
movement "intellectually fatuous"
and "tactically foolish." He calls
for "facts" and "realism."
The fact is that a U.S. de-
parture from Viet Nam would cost
the U.S. the etremely rich raw
material resources of most of
Southeast Asia. The vast markets
for surplus commodities would be
lost. This is what is under the
ideological cover.
The countries of Southeast Asia
would fall into the "Communist"
China economic orbit. The U.S.
economic system would probably
not survive such an event.
Social
Justice?
T HE FOLLOWING LETTER,
dated July'19, 1965, was sent by
the County Prosecuting Attorney
of Clarksville, Mississippi, Thomas
H. Pearson, to Vergia Mae Smith
of the same town:
"Vergia Mae:
"Please make arrangements for
the care of .your children so you
can report for trial on the charge
of having an illegitimate child 'on
Monday, August 2, 1965. I will
recommend to the court that you
be sentenced to serve 30 days in
the county jail, but the Court has
the power to sentence you up to
90 days in jail or a $250.00 fine.
41T _ -All vrt + +-o. vn -irernn

Realism, then, demands the un-
derstanding that the U.S. govern-
ment will not withdraw or con-
clude an economically unfavor-
able peace under any circum-
stances.
THIS LEADS US into the area
of tactics. The naive protest move-
ment can be ignored by the gov-
ernment as long as it confines it-
self to the harmless teach-in ac-
tivities.
As soon, however, as it begins
to challenge the legal apparatus
and indulge in civil disobedience,
in view of the impossibility of
withdrawal from Viet Nam,-it
sets in motion the repression that
seems to have surprised and of-
fended the movement.
If the protest movement con-
tinues in its present direction, the
repression will become more se-
vere.
THE MOVEMENT is intellec-
tually shallow and tactically naive.
Since it is the economic base that
is causing the tragedies, realism
dictates that the analysis should
begin in that area.
Since it is the economic system
that makes Viet Nam necessary,
realism dictates that any meaning-
ful tactical program will have to
be directed against this 'system,
not its national political mana-
gers-the U.S. government.
-Robert V. Gray, '62Spec
To the Editor:
UNLIKE the vociferous, mis-
guided Viet Nam protestors, I
am not ashamed to be an'Ameri-
a 'n ,n T am willing to die fiaht-

limited the use of its military
might. The actions of the Viet
Cong are more to 1ie likened to.
those of the Nazis and Bolsheviks
-the execution of the village
leaaers and a terroristic campaign
which will not allow the Vietna-
mese people to enjoy their justly
deserved right to peace and lib-
erty.
INDIA, RUSSIA, Algeria, Bu-
rundi and innumerable other na-
tions have realized the treachery
of expansion-minded Red China.
Why must the United States join
Albania as being the only coun-
tries blind to the dangers that are
inherent in an isolationistic pol-
icy? Has nothing been learned at
Munich and Pearl Harbor? Must
we learn the futility of appease-
ment at San Francisco, New York,
or even Ann Arbor? As the hero,
of the pacificists, Marshal Lin
Piao, has stated two months ago
in Peking newspapers, "We know
that war brings destruction, sac-
rifice, on the people. But the de-
struction, sacrifice and suffering
will be much greater if no resist-
ence is offere'd to imperialist arm-
ed aggressionsand the people be-
come willing slaves."
-Lance Gerowin,'66M
To the Editor: r
A FEW SHORT years ago, Presi-
dent Eisenhower warned
Americans against a growing and
dangerous "military - industrial
complex." Today, President Eisen-
hower chastises those who protest
the dangerous actions which are
being taken by the government
at the behest of that same capi-
taist-nawned "military-indust-

even more harm to the "image" of
an America which is basically
dedicated to the protection of life,
liberty, and the pursuit of hap-
piness than those who, irrational-
ly, expect that protests, alone,
will end the un-American actions
dictated by the "military-indust-
rial complex."
THE SOCIALIST Labor Party
has ceaselessly pointed out that
a government which represents,
the interests and, desires of the
majority of Americans no longer
exists in the United States. The
government of the United ,States,
now represents the interests of a
small minority of Americans, the
employing class of America, the
economic interests of which out-
weigh the welfare of the majority.
Despite the pretence of popu-
lar representation which general
elections provide, "the men who

have the biggest stake," the cap-
italists are "the men really con-
sulted" by the government accord-
ing to Woodrow Wilson and many
others who have been accepted as
authorities on the government of
the United States.
Until Americans accept the fact
that governments wear out or
become obsolete as Mark Twain
said and unless Americans are
willing to remake society and
government to best serve the in-
terests of the working class ma-
jority as provided by the U.S.
Constitution and the program of
the Socialist Labor Party, the
"military-industrial complex" will
cast off all democratic pretenses
and we will witness an enslave-
ment of Americans by Americans
which will make the slavery im-
posed on their subjects by Russian
and Chinese despots look tame.
-Ralph Munoy

{

li

Schuze 's- Corner:
U' Is Famous NOW

k _

LAST WEEKEND it was neces-
sary for me to ride the Grey-
hound into Detroit. Somewhere in
Dearborn, a. middle-aged man
boarded the bus and took the seat
next to me.
We talked for a while until we'
had established that he was a
machinery salesman of some kind,
and that I was a college student
of some kind.
He congratulated me on being
a college student and expressed
his hearty approval of young

cigar fell from his mouth.
"Michigan?" he whispeted in
shock.
"Yes," I agreed, "Michigan."
"That . . . that means," he
stammered with genuine sym-
pathy, "that you're a commie-
beatnik - dope - addict-Viet-Cong-
homosexual."
"Dammit," I smuttered bitterly
to myself." I knew there was
something wrong." He nodded yes,
his eyes wide open with compas-