Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS The University: Past and Present Opi ions Are Free.420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. L~bWI revail NEws PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints. SUNDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN MEREDITH TODAY AND TOMORROW U.S. Viet Nam Policy: ,An Expensive Stalemate By WALTER LIPPMANN .THE SUCCESS of the American buildup in South Viet Nam has been, very considerable when we measure it by what so many informed people eared last June. The Viet Cong has not been able to smash the Saigonese army, to cut the country in half, and in this military dis- aster to bring about the overthrow of the government in Saigon. There is reason to think that the size and power of the American forces has discouraged or prevented the Viet Cong from mounting big enough battles to win a victory over the Saigonese. 'Yet, things have not come out as the administration spokesmen hoped they would. They allowed themselves to think that a demonstration of our ability to build up a great American force which could not be defeated would compel or persuade the Viet Cong and Hanoi to agree to a negotiated settlement. Quite the contrary has happened. The position of the Viet Cong and Hanoi to- day is even harder than it was last spring. WHY? Why, as we have put more and more of the best troops we have into South Viet Nam, as we have escalated the violence of our attacks, have our adversaries become everamore scornful of our proposals to negotiate? My own belief is that they are con- vinced that, while the Americans can- not,be defeated, the Americans cannot, win the ;war pn the ground. This, how- ever, is where the war has to be won, in the villages of South Viet Nam, The essential fact, which is beginning to seep through the dispatches of some of the American correspondents, is that while- the Americans can seize almost any place they choose to attack, the Viet Cong will almost surely come back once the Americans leave. The war in Viet Nam is like punching a tub full of water. We can make a hole with our powerful fist wherever we punch' the water. But once we pull back our hand, possibly to punch another hole in the water, the first hole disappears. In theory, the Saigonese army ought to fill the hole, ought to occupy and paci- fy the places we seize. But the Saigon- ese army is not able to do this because It is too small and too war-weary. It is too small because the villages, which are the reservoirs of available manpower, are for the most part Viet Cong in their sympathies or are terroriz- ed by the Viet Cong. The Saigonese army is too disillusioned and has too little morale to occupy territory which the Americans have seized. What remains of the Saigonese army has little enthusiasm for the revolving politicians in Saigon. THERE ARE SOME Republican politi- clans who think that this mess can be disentangled or ended by bombing the industrial, and therefore populated, centers of Hanoi and Haiphong. The President, fortunately, has resisted the temptation to make the war a total war and thus to make it a general Asian war. In any event, our adversaries in the Viet Cong and in Hanoi show no signs of being intimidated by the possibility of total war. The Viet Cong in the South are already receiving the full treatment of total war by our area bombing, and the North Vietnamese do not value their material possessions, which are few, nor even their lives, which are short and unhappy, as do the people of a country who have much to lose and much to -live for. Our adversaries, moreover, have time to wait, 'time to retreat, to hide and to live to fight another day. So we shall be forced to face the fact that in order to win the war in South Viet Nam we shall have to occupy South Viet Nam with American troops. A few months ago Mr. Hanson Bald- win, the military correspondent of the New York Times, called for a million men for Viet Nam. It sounded fantastic at the time in light of what President John- son was saying about not wanting a wider war. But it is beginning to look very much as if Mr. Baldwin had made an informed and realistic estimate of what a military solution would require. THE SITUATION has become so tan- sled that no clear and decisive solu- tion is for the present conceivable. The President is no nearer the negotiated settlement which he has hoped to bring about.. Failing the prospect of a settlement, the President has managed to obtain the assent of most of the country to the kind of war we are fighting-a sporadic, low- grade war carried on chiefly by a pro- fessional American army. There is no immediate prospect of big battles with big casualties because the Viet Cong, so it would seem, has withdrawn into guer- rilla warfare. Against the kind of force we have in Viet Nam, guerrilla warfare cannot win a victory. But neither can the guerrillas be defeated decisively and put out of business. IF WE CANNOT or will not escalate the war until we have an enormous army which can occupy the country, our best course is to dig in along the coast and begin to discuss with the Vietnamese politicians the formation of a govern- ment in Saigon which can negotiate a truce in the civil war. This course will not please the majority of the President's current advisers. But with all due respect to them, how do they propose to win this war, specif- ically, what size of American army are they prepared to draft and put into Indo- China? For the war is not going to be won by punching the water. (c), 1965, The Washington Post Co. The function of administra- tion is to expedite the essential academic business of teaching and learning, e.g., as secretary and janitor; and protectively to represent the academic com- munity in its external relations, e.g., in court or as a fund- raiser. When administration be- comes the dominant force in the community, however, it is a sign that extra-mural powers are in control-State"~Church or Economy-and the admin- istration is their agent. Notor- iously, image-burnishing and fund-raising disregard or even prevent teaching and learning. --Paul Goodman "Thoughts on Berkeley" MY THOUGHTS for this, week were focused on things liter- ary. I had hoped I might talk about Katherine Anne Porter's stories and the short story as art- form. But the events of the week have made this impossible. When Regent Irene Murphy asks what possible business of anyone's a gift of one million dollars is, I find myself enraged that one of the controller's of this University's fate thinks its students so stupid, that they cannot see the hand- writing on the wall. Political power, Mrs. Murphy, often follows economic power. And one million dollars, whether given across a conference table in dirty Detroit or the opulent granite expanse of the Regent's room, in the Administration Building in Ann Arbor, is one helluva lot of economic power. In short, it com- mits the University in ways that perhaps it shouldn't be committed. But that is pulling the trigger without a hearing. What I should like to do, what I have done as a result of the horsetrading, stock-trading, integrity-trading that has gone on this week, is ask: What is the idea of a uni- versity? How has it changed from say, John Henry Newman to Clark Kerr? What is the function/end of the contemporary university (if indeed, anyone is willing to admit to any)? What must students ac- cept; what can they change? And finally, what are the specific cor- respondences between the Uni- versity of Michigan and the prob- lems universites as a whole face? (Space demands that this last question be answered next week.) I INITIALLY, the university was conceived of as a place in which students could gain wisdom. There was no guarantee that they would come away with wisdom-in-hand,' but at the very least, they would. have some knowledge. The uni- versity was not a knowledge- factory, except indirectly; that is, as people could "use" their wis- dom in life. The university was set apart from society. It was not "integrat- ed" into it, often did not share either its values or goals, often operated in terms of its own ends. The university was not the problem-solver for society, not the oracle where a distraught people could run for aid, after the Temple had failed. The uni- versity could and did decide its operation and goals. It had a head as well as a body. Of central importance was the Weltanschaung. There was order and it did not have to be con- tinuously justified. The university was a total way of life. It en- compassed all facets of existence. Its order had traditional, ethnic, sacred, basis. The ends were con- sidered understood; there was no need to waste, time in definition. II OUR PROBLEM today is that the "order" is no longer there. Tradition and sacrements have been exorcised. The ends are no longer blithely considered "under- stood." How and why a university functions is a matter of justifica- tion apart from the traditional foundations, epoch-counterparts, like the Greek Polis or the medie- val Guild. John Henry Newman was able to isolate the idea of a university because some of the sense of order still remained. The university still In Parenthesis By GEORGE ABBOTT WHITE stood apart from society, still sat upon the hill. Newman's idea of a university was intimately tied to a Church counterpart, the parish, where people lived and the church- functioned, close together. The parish concept as applied to the university was viable, but only because it operated before auto- mobiles, commuter trains, indus- trial parks, telephones. What we have seen today, what with state- wide campuses and bussing-for- students, is a disintegration of the parish. Students, faculty, admin- istrators, no longer live contigu- ously. There is no university com- munity. III YET MUCH of our pr'esent idea of a university is built upon that cliche "community of scholars." Our question thus becomes, in a burgeoning Technopolitan society, in a nation committed to the edu- cation of all its able young-what ideals are valid? What can we reclaim from the past, make oper- ative-without the use of myth or' intellectual fallacy? Mr. Clark Kerr, in his book, "The Uses of the University," would have us believe that he truly "understands" contemporary society. According to Kerr, the university Newman extolled has become fragmented into a maze of disparate and specialized fac- ulties seldom in communication, with each other and more involved in research than teaching. Fur-, ther, it has not only become enormous-both in physical size and scope-but, become totally in- tegrated into society. It no longer sits on the hill; it has become the center of the revolution in knowl- edge,- the crux of the knowledge- industry. What this means to the tradi- tional idea of a university, Kerr makes clear: society needs knowl- edge and knowledgable people to run it. The university, the "multi- versity," provides them. It is not that Kerr sees the uni- versity as directionless, or that the administrators are the center of the "system" and firmly in con- trol of all decisions, but that for justification of the university's function and end, he reverts to an epoch-correspondence, the uni- versity as Big Business. Repulsive as it seems, the notion cannot easily be refuted. Our own University costs millions to run, has millions tied up in property, millions invested in business and industry. Why shouldn't Kerr use Big Business, when our own Uni- versity is tied hand-and-foot to government projects at North Campus or Willow Run and huck- ster-fashion, scurries after more? Kerr's reasoning, which is really acute, hinges upon the fact that the university is no longer "apart" from society, no longer sets its own goals and follows them. In- dustry, government, societal in- terests, are no longer out. Pre- cisely because the contemporary university needs money, they are very much in. But the idea of the university as Big Business prevents any of the useful aspects of the past from being used. It is this idea of order, thissubstitution of bureau- cratic organization for educational values, that must be refuted. Why should the University adapt quickly? Why should the university relinquish its tradition- al (and valued) role of leader for Kerr's contempora'ry idea of "me- diator?" Why should the univer- sity be a knowledge factory, an assembly-line where intellectual flunkies bolt and weld together products that a public has been brainwashed into buying. IV IT TAKES- more than anger to confront Kerr's idea, for Kerr is riding the crest of historical analysis. Kerr undestands history and his prophetic statements are not to be questioned. You do not approve his policies, you merely submit to them. This "inevitable" interpretation of history denies freedom of the will in a subtle manner: to protest, to oppose, to struggle is not simply bad taste, but meaningless. This, Kerr as- sures us, is the way it is. Accept. We must say once and for all, that Big Business is not the idea of a university. The idea of a university is a center for teachers and students, for clashing ideas, for leadership. Pluralism, contrary to the practice of Kerr, is not a marsh devoid of values. A univer- sity can have a brain as well as a body if its president wishes to work to make certain it does. Decisions can be made by the exercise of thought and imagina- tion, not left to the equilibrium of forces. We are told and are well aware of the growth and power of the contemporary university, yet noth- ing of its direction. "The -ends are there," says Mr. Kerr. Yet are they? What are their justifica- tion? Who does the justifying? The major component of the university-which is missing in Kerr's analysis--is the traditional purpose of the university which can be reclaimed from the past: to inform, to enlighten, to enrich. And this means more than ad- copy editorials, more than U.S. Information Agency glossing over truth, more than two cars and a dishwasher for every American. It means once and for all, that the university is, like the artist and poet, apart from its society. It is upon that hill no matter how shiny the library doors, how fluorescent the classroom lights. It is not anyone's tool, not any government's puppet, not any ideology's vessel. IN THE END, what saves a uni- versity from becoming a training institute or society's research cen- ter, is the student body. The mark of a true university, one that "sits on a hill," is whether or not it takes its students seriously. 0 Flint College: The Necessary Compromise EDITOR'S NOTE: Several months ago, the University plans to expand its two-year Flint College branch by adding freshman and sophomore classes ran head-on into opposition from the governor, the Legisla- ture and the State Board of Education. In April, the state board not only ruled against expansion but advised that the branch be replaced by a new, autonomous, tax-supported col- lege; its sole concession was that a freshman class could be enrolled at Flint College this fall. Although the dispute has been out of the news for five months, it still has not been settled and now threatens again to cause trouble for the Univer- sity. This article is the last in a three-part series outlining the issues behind the Flint contro- versy and explaining their rel- evance to the total picture of higher education in Michigan. By JOHN MEREDITH 0 THIS POINT, higher educa- tion in Michigan has not been planned in terms of integrating the programs of each tax-support- ed institution into one over-all. concept; rather, higher education has just happened, sometimes for better, sometimes for worse. Now, for the first time, there seems to be hope that a storm of centralized direction relatively free from the whims of politicians can be attained. The potential in- strument of central guidance is the new State Board of Educa- tion, an as-yet-untried advisory body which hopefully can be built into a prestigious ally of the in- dividual colleges and universities without becoming involved in the petty squabbles which heretofore have distorted educator's vision. This hope still has a tenuous basis; numerous factors, from resistance to change within the academic community to over- exuberance and pettiness of Lan- sing, may yet undermine the pos- sible emergence of a sane system of central direction. THE ISSUE of Flint College expansion has the potential to ac- tivate these disruptive forces. It has already aggravated several eager, ill-informed legislators and provoked special interest-oriented resistance in the Flint community. If another public hassle develops over the Flint branch, the con- troversy could easily expand to encompass such far-ranging issues as the constitutional autonomy of state schools and the proper rela- tionship between the new state board and the Legislature. Almost inevitably this would further entrench the academic community in its traditionalism and inspire the politicians to try to take a more active part in high- er education. An equitable settlement to the their commitment to maintaining a four-year program at Flint Col- lege until the state provides for a new school all dictate this course of action. The money which is appropriat- ed will not, however, be clearly designated for Flint expansion. The request forms -which must be sent to the state budget office do not require that thetUniversity specify' the amount of money it intends to allocate for Flint Col- lege. Instead, money for another freshman class at the Flint branch can be included in the broad category of support for increased enrollment. THIS ELIMINATES the need for the University to publicly re- affirm its commitment to Flint expansion and thus provides time for it to work with the state board toward a compromise, which hope- fully would also be acceptable to other interested parties in Flint and Lansing. Such a compromise need not sacrifice Flint College to a vague hope for coordination of higher education in the future. Indeed, the ideal solution for Flint's sys- tem of education lies roughly half way between the University's present position and the board's stance. University officials have gone on record as philosophically sup- porting branch expansion and have been critical of some of the study reports attacking the use- fulness of branches. President Harlan Hatcher has said, however, that in deference to the state board the University will not commit itself to further branch expansion until and unless branches are sanctioned by the long-awaited master plan for higher education, something which the board has vowed to start work on as soon as possible. Still, the University has pledged to maintain Flint College as a four-year branch until the master plan is completed, and this will not be fore some time. THE UNIVERSITY'S. position is unfortunate in that it creates the impression-probably an incorrect one-that the University has no intention of ever pulling out of Flint and that, in vowing to co- operate with the board, it is mere- ly stalling for time. This impres- sion is strengthened by past his- tory plus a predisposition by some legislators and educators to be against the University. The historical part is represent- ed by the Delta College expansion ,dispute of 1962-63, incidents of inter-institutional bickering dur- ing the past few years and the University's admitted preference for the branch system. The more nebulous aspect of anti-University sentiment is de- rived from this historical context in combination with two other factors: first, the University's re- Flint branch-underenrollment, an inbred atmosphere and alleged awkwardness in the branch's re- lations with Flint Junior College --have prevented the institution from fulfilling its potential. Moreover, several of the criti- cisms often leveled at branches in general are applicable to Flint. For example, the fact that branches typically have close ties with local interest groups has been attacked as a potential threat to their efficiency. In Flint, private intrests, not- ably the Mott Foundation, have been intimately involved with Flint College from its inception; private involvement at Flint has at nobtime been tainted by scan- dal, but it has undeniably play- ed a crucial role in the branch's development and is a force to be reckoned with in determining fu- ture policy. IN VIEW of these factors, re- placement of the branch by an independent school, as recom- mended by the state board, would not significantly lower the qual- ity of Flint education. Although a new school would inevitably havedifficulty attracting a stu- dent body and a competent fac- ulty, the Flint branch itself is hardly a first-rate college. While Flint's strongman in Lansing, Sen. Garland Lane, may avow that he cannot envision a school in Flint "without the name and tradition of the University of Michigan behind it," Flint Col- lege lacks the diversity, high quality faculty and superior fa- cilities of its Ann Arbor parent. Moreover, it is apparent from independent studies conducted during the last few years that autonomous schools, not branch- es, will be consistent with the master plan when it does appear. WITH ALL its shortcomings, however, the branch still offers a foundation onwhich to build an institution. The task ahead, then, is to engineer a smooth transition from branch to auton- omous institution so that the new school can take advantage of this foundation. If for no other reason than that it would put the University in an untenable public position, the board's recommendation that the branch immediately revert to a two-year institution is not the best plan for Flint. In addition, continuation for the immediate future of a four-year rather than a two-year program would leave a better foundation for the new school. The only advantage of the two- year plan is that it lessens chanc- es of the board being accused of permitting the University to stall in hopes of being able to main- tain the branch permanently. But, Both the board and the Uni- versity probably would like to see such a solution. The board is eager to avoid any open contro- versy which would have detri- mental repercussions for the over- all state education picture; fur- thermore, in a detailed statement on Flint last May, ; President Thomas Brennan emphasized his 'interest in ensuring continuity in the transition from branch to new school. And University officials, about to submit a record budget re- quest to the temperamental Leg- islature and keenly aware of the potential for trouble in another Flint controversy, are equally eager to reach an acceptable com- promise. OBSTACLES to such a settle- ment, if they appeared, would emanate from the Flint commu- nity and the Legislature. Private interests in Flint, notably the Mott Foundation, seem intent on having Flint College maintain its association with the University, and their opinion is of import- ance because of their political influence, their close relationship to the Flint branch and their ac- tual potential financial support for the University. An incident last week, how- ever, gave some indication that the Mott Foundation might be amenable toscompromise. The in- dication was an announcement that bids were about to be given out to contractors for construc- tion of an addition to the Mott Memorial Building, the main classroom facility at Flint Col- lege. Last December, the Mott Foun- dation announced a $2.4 million grant to go for construction of the addition, However, it reveal- ed in April that it would rescind its offer unless the building was to be occupied by a University branch, not an independent school. Admittedly, this could mean many things, including an un- announced reassertion by the University of its commitment to stay in Flint. Hopefully, though, It points to a conciliatory atti- tude on the part of the founda- tion. THE SECOND potential source of trouble for an agreement on Flint College is the Legislature, in particular, a group of its younger Democratic members. En- rollment pressure, greater finan- cial demands from state schools and perhaps the recent publicity received by campus activists have all served to intensify the law- makers' interest in education. Their stronger interest has manifested itself in a variety of ways. For example: Although political maneuvering unrelated to the University was Involved, some dissatisfaction with the University showed through, 'most obviously in remarks by Rep. George F. Montgomery (D- Detroit), who singled out Flint branch expansion as an ill-advised University policy. -Last summer's tuition hike inspired some of the same Ways and Means Committee members to begin an audit of the Univer- sity's books. Results of the audit are expected to be announced shortly. .THE POLITICIANS, in short, are eager to become involved in higher education. Their exuber- ance makes the process of work- ing out a compromise on Flint College expansion more difficult in that the'y are a diverse, tem- peramental interest group which must be pacified; equally impor- tant, failure to reach a compro- mise on -the Flint issue would be an open invitation for legisla- tors to plunge into and thus ag- gravate a public h~assle. Such a dispute at this time could disastrously damage not only the University's position but could also upset the stability of the higher education picture in Michigan. And only with stability is it reasonable to hope that the state board will develop into a prestig- ious instrument for providing the central guidance needed if Mich- igan is to have an enlightened system of higher education. Viet Nam, 1965 By PETER McDONOUGH Grad, Political Science Not even the homes or the trees are old: Only the families and the soldiers Waiting, lost at last, In the paddy, In the rabid Jungle: these innocent misers. Behind the wind, above the . clouds And the hungry songless hawks, louder Than birth-a bottomless sea, rare dice, Neutral bones: an innocent sacrifice. Be careful, it says. Be careful With me. Threats, pleas. Care. The fathers hide by themselves, And the sons cry out in their funny clothes: Chapter Advisors FRATERNITY PRESIDENTS made an addition to the Interfraternity Coun- cil bylaws Thursday night by requiring each fraternity chapter to have an ac- tive advisor. The reasoning behind the new bylaw stems from evidence that fra- ternities with effective advisors consist- ently profit from the contact. The intent of IFC and the fraternity presidents is to insure each chapter of these benefits, which are expected to include a mature continuity in leader- ship and in standards of conduct among fraternities. A similar function is supposedly now fulfilled by the -present chaperon re- quirement "enforced" by the Office of Student Affairs (two married couples, 26 years of age or older, to make sure fraternity men behave like sober gen- tlemen at their parties). This require- ment is intended to bring fraternities into closer contact with parents; alum- ni and faculty, to improve relations in these areas and to provide a mature, old- d. 4-v in Ili'n-.. an 4',n .P'. :tctrrwifv 't..,. .ar by Mr. Swoverland, fraternity investi- gator for the OSA, is decreased. This is the double standard in the Greek society. When Swoverland does visit, he is informed that the chaperons were unable to come at the last minute or that they had a flat tire and it was too late to call off the party. IFC is attempting to prevent a recur- rence of this situation-chapter advisors who exist in name only-by requiring monthly reports on the activities and ac- complishments of the advisors. However, these reports are to be filled out by chapter presidents, and only the signa- ture, of the advisor is required. Thus the validity of the reports will often be ques- tionable; fraternity presidents will be virtually as free to forge the advisors' names as they are to forge the names of their chaperons. THE IDEA of chapter advisors is a good one, and its benefits are easily dem- onstrated. The OSA is aware of the bene-