Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

iet Conference: A New Movement


Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MIcH.
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: SUSAN COLLINS

India-Pakistan War Points
To Mistaken U.S. Policies

THE SHOOTING WAR between India
and . Pakistan, growing in intensity
daily and seemingly impervious to the
condemnation of world opinion and the
efforts of UN Secretary-General U Thant
to mediate it, illustrates the bankruptcy
of American foreign policy in the Far
East.
Since the end of World War II, the
United States has clearly recognized the
importance of winning influence in the
populous Asian subcontinent. In order to
woo India and Pakistan, the U.S. has
lavished billions of dollars of economic
and military aid upon the two rival na-
tions.
During the stewardship of Secretary of
State John Foster Dulles, the doctrine of
containment became the focus for most
American foreign policy efforts in the
Far East, just as it had in Europe, where
it got generally positive results.
Containment as a policy consisted of
an avowed dedication to oppose all ef-
forts of Communist expansion in Asia,
regardless of the consequences of such
single-minded devotion to an essentially
defensive posture.
TO DULLES, India's foreign policy was
immoral, since Prime Minister Nehru
insisted on strict neutrality in interna-
tional affairs. Neutrality in what Dulles
saw as an almost religious struggle be-
tween Communism and Western democ-
racy was unthinkable to the American
government. How can anyone be neutral
in a struggle between good and evil, black
and white? That, only slightly exaggerat-
ed, was the basic position adopted by
Dulles.
In Pakistan, the U.S. discovered a po-
tential ally. President Ayub Khan wel-
comed the opportunity for economic aid
to build up his impoverished nation, and
for military aid to strengthen Pakistan.
The U.S. believed that the military aid
would be used by Pakistan to bolster her
defenses against Communist encroach-
ment from China or elsewhere.
But President Ayub believed that the
military aid would be used to strengthen
Pakistan against what seemed to him to
be a far more dangerous adversary than
Communism-namely, India. Ayub fur-
ther believed that, in a final showdown,
the U.S. would support Pakistan against
India. Tragically, both the U.S. and Paki-
stan miscalculated-thus contributing to
the present hostilities on the subconti-
nent.
The U.S. did not begin supplying India
with military aid until 1963, after the
brief Chinese Communist incursion into
the disputed northeast border region.
However, always ready to respond to the
clarion call of anti-Communism, the U.S.
helped to arm India to the teeth, care-
fully stipulating that the arms must
Convincing
AT YESTERDAY'S opening session of
the International Conference on Al-
ternative Perspectives on Viet Nam, the
speakers blasted the American govern-
ment's policy of controlling and censor-
ing news of the war.
Meanwhile, one of the coordinators of
the program announced that all speakers
at the conference should not give any
reporters interviews or talk about their
closed door meetings until Friday.
ALWAYS DID LIKE men who practice
what they preach.
-BRUCE WASSERSTEIN

Editorial Staff
ROBERT JOHNSTON, Editor
LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM JEFFREY GOODMAN
Managing Editor Editorial Director
JUDITH FIELDS.................. Personnel Director
LAUREN BAHR..........Associate Managing Editor
JUDITH WARREN....... Assistant Managing Editor
ROBERT HIPPLER........Associate Editorial Director
GAIL BLUMBERG.................. Magazine Editor
LLOYDGRAFF................Acting Sports Editor
NIGHT EDITORS: Susan Collins, John Meredith,
Leonard Pratt, Peter Sarasohn, Bruce Wasserstein.
DAY EDITORS: Robert Carney, Clarence Fanto, Mark
Killingsworth, Robert Moore, Marvey Wasserman,
Dick Wingfield.
ASSISTANT NIGHT EDITORS: Alice Bloch, Mere-
dith Eiker, Merle Jacob, Carole Kaplan, Robert
Kl'ivans., . Lvnn Metz. ~rRoger Rapoport, Neil Shis-

not be used against Pakistan. Predictably,
when faced with a Pakistani guerrilla in-
vasion of the coveted and disputed Vale
of Kashmir, India ignored U.S. stipula-
tions and proceeded to use American
planes, guns and ammunition against
Pakistan.
THUS, A WAR which might easily have
been contained within several days is
now threatening to continue for months,
thanks to the American role as wholesale
arms dealer to India, Pakistan and half a
dozen other Asian nations. As has fre-
quently happened in the past, the U.S., by
its blind dedication to the role of mes-
sianic savidr of the world's people against
Communism, socialism, or any other poli-
tical ideology which fails to fall within
the U.S. "national interest," has exacer-
bated world tensions.
Presumably, one would hope that
fascism would also fall in this category,
but a quick survey of the regimes backed
by American aid (Spain, Portugal, South
Africa, Haiti, and others) shows that this
is not the case. The prime criterion for
a U.S. ally is fervent anti-Communism.
The nature of a country's form of gov-
ernment seems to matter little to the
Washington decision makers.
We are beginning to see the same, proc-
ess at work in South Viet Nam, where the
U.S. military is undertaking to determine
for the people whether they shall be
dead or Red. Not surprisingly, morality
and logic are thrown to the wind, since
the U.S. is engaged in a battle against
the Red Devil. This nation is pleased by
the news of heavy Viet Cong casualties,
failing to recognize that most of the Viet
Cong are Vietnamese peasants, often as
young as 15 years old, who know little of
political ideology but realize the corrup-
tion of the Saigon regime and the eco-
nomic squalor throughout the land.
By destroying the Viet Cong, the U.S.
is also destroying the fathers and hus-
bands of thousands of South Vietnamese
civilians. In this context, the war to win
the minds and hearts of the South Viet-
namese people become meaningless.
Bombing thousands of civilians out of
their homes will never breed friendship
for the U.S., and may well help convert
many to the Communist cause.
IT IS HIGH TIME that the U.S. begins
to combat all forms of totalitarianism
-whether they be left-wing or right-wing
-by political, diplomatic and economic
methods, rather than by wholesale, un-
controlled violence.
The steadily worsening dispute between
Russia and Communist China offers an
excellent opportunity for the U.S. to seek
further accommodations with Moscow in
an effort to politically isolate Peking. A
halt in the bombing of North Viet Nam
and redoubled efforts to induce Hanoi
to enter into negotiations might well help
restore the atmosphere of detente be-
tween this country and Russia.
Once this is accomplished, the united
strength of the U.S., Russia, and the
rest of the world community would be
sufficient to ensure that Communist
China's aggressive designs on her neigh-
bors to the south and west would re-
main unfulfilled.
As for the conflict between India and
Pakistan, there is little the U.S. can do
at this point except learn from its mis-
takes, the worst of which is the mis-
guided belief that American military pow-
er can contain Communism without run-
ning severe risks to world peace.
WHAT IS NEEDED to combat human
deprivation in the world's underdev-
oped areas is wholehearted American sup-

port for democratic social revolutions,
even if they are socialist in nature and
willing to accept aid from the Commu-
nist world.
The United States must recognize that
it cannot enlist such governments in the
crusade against Communism, since the
most pressing concern of any underdevel-
oped nation is significant economic, so-
cial and political progress. The U.S. must
be willing to accept a neutralist stance
on world affairs in these nations, or even
lack of enthusiasm for the U.S. foreign

MANY PEOPLE criticize the In-
ternational Conference on
Alternative Perspectives for Viet
Nam which began here yesterday
at least partly on the grounds
that the conference is not "of-
ficial" enough.
Critics say there are spokesmen
from neither the United States
government nor the South Viet-
namese government; the gather-
ing and its debate have not been
"sanctioned" by "responsible"
public officials as within the al-
lowable pale of "democratic dis-
course" (as those officials define
that pale, of course); and it is
somehow not right to challenge
the policies of a great nation im-
mediately engaged in an external
confrontation and in light of
which internal disunities should
expediently be forgotten.
To my mind, however (admit-
tedly for quite different reasons),
it is precisely this unofficialness
which is the most important as-
pect of the whole affair. For what
the conference represents is a
political effort-and undoubtedly
also a political movement--which
is almost completely independent
of and a substitute for the clogged
mechanisms of "democratic" pro-
cess.
LIKE THE TEACH-INS which
gave it birth, this conference is
the slow, self-conscious awaken-
ing of a class of persons who have
previously been all too little self-
conscious of themselves-the tra-
ditional intelligentsia. There have
been too many years of no motion
and of the positive intimidation of
motion during the McCarthy era.
Finally this diffuse, eccentric and
too-easily-bought class is attempt-
ing to galvanize itself towards the
political and social ends which
have always followed logically
from its characteristics.
The whole series of Viet Nam
gatherings over the past six
months is nothing less than the
reordering of priorities for this
intelligentsia-the placing of in-
dividual and class integrity before
the "necessities" of operating in
a social system whose'preoccupa-
tion with smoothness dictates the
smothering of basic differences.
THE IDEOLOGY of this pecu-
liar movement (one which has, so
far, only an intellectual leader-
ship and precious little "mass"
base) focuses just as importantly
on procedures as upon actual, sub-
stantive beliefs. At one level, the
procedures are those of the classi-
cal scholar who, owing allegiance
to no person or interest group,
probes fact and theory without
mercy, and it is the purpose of
this movement to reassert (if
nothing else) the respectability
and authoritativesness of men en-

gaged in this process. Strategy at
this level is the continual exercise,
individually and in concert, of this
prerogative of the intellectuals.
At another level, the procedures
are certain ways of conducting
foreign policy. Those procedures
are to be general guidelines for
problems dealing with such issues
as self-determination, s o c i a 1
change, democratic revolution,
morality in war and, most basical-
ly, the proper actions of a great
world power. The strategy for
creating acceptance for these
guidelines is to explore and formu-
late them through the processes
of the scholar and to express them
with that insistence on speaking
what he believes which is also the
scholar's peculiar quality.
THE SUBSTANCE of this move-
ment's ideology is, of course, a
set of specific actions to be taken
by specific world powers in the
specific instance of the Viet Nam
war. In all aspects, the movement
is characteristically a mobilization
of large numbers of men seeking
similar goals which are based on
similar assumptions. Members re-
cruit new members and attempt
to persuade outsiders that their
direction should be followed, their
"program" implemented.
It must not be forgotten, how-
ever, that this movement is less
than six months old, and in the
beginnings of movements there
are certain felt requirements
among the members. If these re-
quirements do not wholly justify
the exclusion of "official" govern-
ment spokesmen which is their
immediate consequence, perhaps
they do at least explain.
THE FIRST ESSENTIAL point
is that the conference is far more
important for its participants
than for the public. At least its
explicit_ purpose is to provide op-
portunities for a newly self-con-
scious group to feel itself out, to
discover on what dimensions and
at what points it possesses unity.
Thus the main program of the
conference is a series of closed
workshops-followed by the inter-
change of reports from those
groups. Hopefully this discourse
will produce both an increase in
knowledge for the participants
and a more enlightened and co-
herent set of alternatives to bes
presented to the leaders of gov-
ernment.
Self-consciously, the conference
participants find its necessary
that there be few superfluous dis-
tractions as they determine exact-
ly the nature of their goals and
exactly how and why these differ,
from the administration's. Noth-
ing ought 'to violate this pains-
taking process of self-definition

WHY NOT?
By JEFFREY GOODMAN
and self-discovery. In the move-
ment's present infant stage, this
process is too vital and already
difficult enough.
THE NATURE of this particular
movement, , moreover, introduces
another purpose for the con-
ference-and another explanation
of why it must be "closed." As
with most infant movements-and
with ones of this general political
persuasion in particular-there is
a necessity to polarize the values
of the dissenters with respect to
those of the larger, currently "re-
spectable" social system, the ne-
cessity of strengthening the in-
tegrity of the dissenters' set-off
position.
In this respect, the most basic
questions at hand do not relate
to differences over the methods
for obtaining the same goals in
Viet Nam as the government seeks
or even differing perceptions of
reality in Viet Nam. Rather, the
differences are as fundamental
as the very goals which are being
pursued (and these goals, of
course, partially determine one's
perseptual set for defining real-
ity).
Just why this polarization of
values is a good thing relates to
more general theories of social
organization and social change.
Specifically, two factors emerge:
1) TO THE EXTENT that basic
differences in values and goals are
ignored in the interest of achiev-
ing short-run unity and harmony,
there 'can be little freedom in a
society. The methods used to
achieve consensus are inevitably
heavyhanded (witness Lyndon
Johnson's handling of the threat-
ening steel strike, of opposition to
his Viet Nam policies, of countless
other "top-priority" measures
passed by the 89th Congress).
In order to erase those dif-
ferences which might disrupt the
consensus, pressure and manipula-
tive propaganda must be employ-
ed, and these positively limit one's
ability to choose freely. Whatever
consensus emerges will almost
certainly not be natural.
If interest groups must con-
stantly battle on the terms of
whichever one of them currently
dominates, and if the weaker
group can be pressured by the
dominant group into compromis-
ing its defining values, then issues
will be decided by power instead
of merit. There is little chance
for 'the meaningful compromises

which depend upon reciprocal re-
spect among protagonists and up-
on each having to regard the other
as an equal in terms of integrity.
2) Given the desire to create
consensus in order to solve social
problems, there is always the ten-
dency for the social system to
stagnate. The system as a whole
lacks fresh challenges and the
creative tensions which come from
sharply stated alternative posi-
tions and demands. Issues are set-
tled according to the least com-
mon denominator which can be
exploited for smoothness. Inquis-
itiveness and integrity are de-
graded, and with them ultimately
goes the confrontation of ideas
and forces out of which yield
progress.
PERHAPS A THIRD reason for
this conference being conducted
as it is, is the fact that the Viet
Nam protest movement-and the
broader movement of perceptive
intelligentsia in general-is con-
ceived essentially as wholly in-
dependent from the existing chan-
nels of "democratic" discussion
and participation. Informing this
separateness is the assumption
that substitute, counter institu-
tions and processes must be es-
tablished in this country in order
to preserve and properly utilize
the basic procedures of democracy,
procedures which our present in-
stitutions too-often emasculate.
In this regard, the teach-in
movement is similar to two other
"radical" endeavors elsewhere in
the nation. One is the Freedom
Democratic Party which is now
recruiting Mississippi Negroes into
a political institution with wholly
different aims and methods of
operation than exist in either
major party. The FDP provides
the only real institutional oppor-
tunities in Mississippi for the
exercise of basic citizen rights
and needs.
Instead of attempting the fu-
tile process of restructuring exist-
ing parties in Mississippi, its mem-
bers hope they will eventually be-
come strong enough to wholly
supplant those parties. Then they
could undertake the reorganiza-
tion of other facets of the Mis-
sissippi system, in ways which
would always have been frustrated
by working with institutions whose
basic interests are different and
essentially undemocratic.
THE OTHER endeavor is the
Economic Research and Action
Project of Students for a Demo-
cratic Society. ERAP consists of
small numbers of college students
living in nearly 10 northern urban
ghettoes and attempting to or-
ganize the urban poor into an
autonomous political force within
their cities. Again the purpose is
Does IQ
A 'Snpren
To the Editor:
IN THE SEPTEMBER eighth is-
sue of the Daily, Mark Rosen-
berg, '69, urges "an election to
clear the air" concerning the po-
sition of Mr. Hornberger as Pres-
ident of Inter-Quadrangle Coun-
cil. While ideally this may seem
a good idea, what is to prevent a
future IQC President from re-
neging on his campaign promises
and creating the same situation
that exists today?
What IQC really needs is an
effective judiciary branch added
to its constitution to prevent the
squabbles and arguments.
THIS JUDICIARY branch would
consist of three impartial judges
(ideally at least) to preside over
matters in which the meaning of
the constitution needs to be clari-
fied.
Chosen through a council elec-

tion of representatives and presi-
dents, the three would be mem-
bers of the council and automa-
tically lose their seats when
chosen. This would prevent the
involvement of the judges (again,
at least ideally) from taking an
active position toward one can-
didate or the other.
AS TO Mr. Hornberger, if the
council presidents (meaning the
respective houses) were naive
enough to believe that Hornberger

to apply pressure from a position
of independent power-power
which is gained through mobilizing
the poor around basic economic
and political grievances.
Confrontations can be under-
taken without the need to com-
promise the basic interests of the
poor and with an eye to con-
vincing existing power structures
to yield some of their authority to
groups which are wholly composed
of and governed by those affected.
To the extent that the teach-
in movement is similar to these
other two, it, too, must retain its
separation from the influence and
dilutions of those representing
the institutions it would hope-
fully supplant. The teach-nsmust
pursue their debates on foreign
policy on their own terms and for
their own purposes. Hopefully
they will emerge as an Indepen-
dent focus for decsionmaking,
and on the basis of this Indepen-
dence they will be able to present
their differences and demands
with more effect.
FOR THE TEACH-IN movement
itself, however, all ofuthis even-
tually creates a painful paradox.
On the one hand there is need for
independence and unpollutedness,
for consolidation of a position and
the solitary process of self-discov-
ery.
On the other hand, the peculiar
characteristics of the intelligentsia
who compose this movement re-
quire absolutely free debate. For
the time being there is ample
excuse for refusing such debate,
but then no revolutionary social
movement has realized its goals if
it has operated or been organized
as a mere reflection of. the meth-
ods used in the larger system it
would alter.
If a movement believes its claim
that the organization and pro-
cedures which it would establish
will better fulfill human needs
than those which exist, then it
must adopt these methods from
the beginning. Otherwise, there is
merely a change in the persons
holding power but no change in
the basic relationships which de-
fine the system which is now con-
trolled. If new methods are not
adopted and inculcated from the
start, there is little hope-as the
model of Russia so amply illus-
trates-that the temptations of
actually holding power can be
withstood and new arrangements
established.
WITHIN A VERY short time,
the teach-in movement will have
to face up to this necessity-and
to the dictates of its collective
conscience as Well.
'C Need
re Court'?
would automatically step down if
Eadie resigned, they should be
made to swallow their pride and
let Hornberger rule for the rest
of Eade's term. Even if Horn-
berger makes a bad president, IQ
can do no worse than it is doing
now.
-Drew Bogema,'69
Education
By PETER R. SARASOHN
SUPPOSEDLY, every student or-
ganization exists under Re-
gent's Bylaw 2.14 which states in
effect that there will be no dis-
crimination in the University. Of
some 49 fraternities at the Uni-
versity, only five emphasize in
"Fraternities at Michigan" (a
rushing booklet published by In-

terfraternity Council) that they
choose members without regard to
race or religion. The small num-
ber doing this was unfortunate. It
is noteworthy to point.out that of
the five top executive officers of
IFC, four are not from those five
fraternities.
Fraternity life affects many stu-
dents. It is necessary that this
part of the educating process at
the University succeed better than
it has so far or else small bits of
America will truly sink.

Language Laboratory: A Log

By ROGER RAPOPORT
A S EVERY beginning foreign
language student knows, the
language laboratory is an essential
part of learning a foreign tongue.
The language laboratory offers
an opportunity for the student to
study his grammer, drill on his
accent, and improve his conser-
sational ability.
The 'other day I went to the
language laboratory in Mason
Hall. In order to illustrate how
the lab works here is a true record
of my experience there:
9 p.m.-I arrive at the language
lab and punch in at the time
clock.
9:10 p.m.-I finally find a booth
that works.
9:11 p.m.-I discover a schedule
that cover's next week's lessons.
9:12 p.m.-Since I need this
week's lessons, I signal for the
attendant.
9:14 p.m.-The attendant, in
trying to make contact with me,
accidentally wakes four students
in other booths out of a sound
sleep.
9:15 p.m.-Attendant succeeds
in making contact. "Vhat you
vant," he asks. "Sir could you
give me the number to dial for

lesson 16 in Active Review of
French by Politzer and Hagi-
wara?" I ask.
9:16 p.m.-Forgive please," says
the attendant, "Me no speka da
very gud Engleesh, repeet please."
I repeat my request.
9:19 p.m. - After thumbing
through catalogue the attendant
looks up and announces, "Senor
you try numero 33."
9:20 p.m.-I dail number 33.
"Llaaaa pplluuummmee dddeee
mmaaaahhhhh ttaaannnntttt ees-
ssstt ssuuurrr lllaaa tt aabbllleee,"
If you're looking for a review,
turn to page two. All reviews
are now appearing there.
begins a deep nasal baritone voice.
9:22 p.m.-"OOOuuuu esssstt
llaaa sssaaalllleeee dddeee bbaaa-
ain?" the deep nasal baritone con-
tinues.
9:23-I contact the attendant
and explain that tape is playing
at half speed. "So sorry Senor, I
gave you wrong numero, you try
69 deeze time," says the attendant.
9:24-I dial 69. "Pronunciation:
Nasal vowels," says a voice.

9:25 p.m.-Realizing that 69 was
the wrong lesson I decide to try
33 again. "Aaaalllloooonnnsss eee-
nnnffffaaannttt dddeee lllaaa
pppaaatttrrriiieee," continues the
deep nasal baritone.
9:26 p.m.-I signal for the at-
tendant. "Vhat ees eet deeze time
Senor," he asks. I explain that 69
was the wrong lesson. "Veil you
try 34 then," says the attendant.
9:27-I -try 34 to get a French
lesson from last year.
9:28 p.m.-I explain to the at-
tendant that 34 is not right. "Vell
dat's the number I have here, you
wait, I check with downstairs."
9:30 p.m.-I dail 34 and hear
the attendant yelling, "Hey Car-
los can't you feexe eet?"
9:34 p.m.-Dial 34, and hear
new tape, in Spanish.
9:36 p.m.-Attendant breaks in,
"Senor vhat language you study."
"Why, French," I reply. "Veech
French?" asks the attendant.
"Why French 232."
9:37 p.m.-"Hmmmm," says the
attendant "French 232, 232, vell
let me see, oh but senor there
are no tapes for French 232."
9:38-I punch out of the lan-
guage laboratory.
Prestige
THE PRESTIGE of a nation is
not determined by the success
or failure of a particular opera-
tion at a particular moment in
history. Quite the contrary, it re-
flects the sum of a nation's quali-
ties and actions, of its successes
and failures, of its historic mem-
ories and aspirations. The pages
of history record many examples
of nations which, secure in their
possession of great power and
recognized as such by their peers,
have suffered defeat or retreated
from exposed positions without
suffering a loss in prestige.
When was the prestige of
France higher: when it fought
wars in Indochina and Algeria
which it could neither win nor
thought it could afford to lose, or
after it had liquidated these los-
ing enterprises? And how much
did American prestige suffer in

"But TheyAll End Up The Same Way 
He Got The Job"
04
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Through The Looking-Glass
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