Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS U.S. Foreign Policy To Be Dissected Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MIcH. Truth Will Prevail NEws PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: JUDITH WARREN A Remnder for LBJ: Freedom rIs Part of Any Great Soiet' ALTHOUGH THE AIMS of the Great Society may be laudable, a large ques- tion remains as to the feasibility of real- izing this society by President Johnson's present methods. From all that can be discerned, the Great Society is supposed to be a place where men can live and develop freely, without the fears of poverty, discrimina- tion and destruction constantly present. But a contradiction seems to exist be- tween these goals and the means being used to achieve them. The President seems to be working under the assump- Roek N Rolle Propaganda, Possibilities THE ROLLING STONES and even the Beatles are being displaced by Barry McGuire and Bob Dylan as the leaders on national pop record surveys. Although some people claim that social protest singers who transform themselves from folk to rock and roll style are pros- tituting themselves, the singers' rise in popularity will also touch off a higher degree of social consciousness among the masses of America. For example, think of local teenagers in Oshkosh, Wis., walking down the street in their customary flying wedge formation singing McGuire's hit, "Eve of Destruction." Although one can claim that their degree of social consciousness does not attain very much depth from the song, it does espouse them very bas- ically to some pressing issues. ENTAILED IN THE SONG for instance are such issues as atomic warfare, civil rights, and bigotry. After chanting its lines as a kid, it would be sort of hard for an adult several years from now to vote for a Goldwater type candidate or endorse Dulles type brinksmanship. Taking another example, "Home of the Brave" emphasizes the problems of non- conformity. With the punch line, "Why can't you let him be what he wants to be," it makes the listener conscious of the artificiality of prejudice based on appearance and the necessity of toler- ance. For those people who wish to trans- form America into the homeland of those noble ideals which seem to be lacking here but which are espoused verbally as our basic philosophy, rock and roll rec- ords are a valuable propaganda technique. Prejudice and bigotry are a product of one's environment. It is possible that mu- sic blammed into teenagers' ears for hours on end will be able to partially off- set the effects of the notions of parents. RECORDS CAN IN FACT be a more for- midable influence on public opinion than any teach-in, sleep-in, sit-in or ar- ticle in periodicals such as Dissent. If one wishes the American public-not the aristocracy of intellectuals but the broad mass of the people-to exert the latent pressure of their votes to bring about needed reforms and to change their atti- tudes on certain social issues, rock and roll is the most accessible and one of the most effective media available. BESIDES, I never liked Herman and the Hermits- -BRUCE WASSERSTEIN . Editorial Staff ROBERT JOHNSTON, Editor LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM JEFFREY GOODMAN Managing Editor Editorial Director JUDITH FIELDS......... Acting Personnel Director LAUREN BAHR.......... Associate Managing Editor JUDITH WARREN .. Acting Assistant Managing Editor ROBERT HIPPLER .......Associate Editorial Director GAIL BLUMBERG................Magazine Editor LLOYD GRAFF................Acting Sports Editor NIGHT EDITORS: Susan Collins, John Meredith, Leonard Pratt, Peter Sarasohn, Bruce Wasserstein. ASSISTANT NIGHT EDITORS: Michael Badamno, Clarence Fanto, Mark Killingsworth, Robert Moore, Dick Wingfield. Business Staff tion that only he and his staff are com- petent and knowledgeable enough to put the Great Society in working order. Every- one else-congressmen, labor leaders, big businessmen, professional men and com- mon laborers-are to be pushed and forc- ed into doing what is ultimately good for them. THE EXTENT of Lyndon Johnson's ma- nipulations of Congress, the press and the nation at large will perhaps never be known, but the observable manipulations are too blatant to be overlooked. The recent settlement of a possible steel strike was a direct result of presidential interference. The White House negotia- tions clearly indicated the President's de- termination to avoid a strike at any cost. It will never be known whether repeal of Section 14B of the Taft-Hartley Act was fentioned to the union leaders, or wheth- er, perhaps, juicy government contracts were dangled in front of the industries' negotiators. The fact that a major steel strike would not have been in the best national inter- est economically is not to be questioned. The President, however, might have re- stricted himself to the issuance of an executive statement appealing to the un- ion and management for a settlement. If there were still no response and a strike developed, it would have been far better for the conflict to be settled by an un- flinching confrontation of the basic is- sues and basic differences of opinion than for the contending sides to be ma- nipulated, as if there were no real differ- ences, and forced by a "superior" author- ity to accept a superficial compromise. AND ALTHOUGH FEW involved would call the President's actions concern- ing the District of Columbia's home rule bill arm-twisting, there is strong evidence Johnson pulled out the stops in the game of political favor swapping. Rep. H. R. Gross (R-Iowa) sail of a petition circulated by Johnson support- ing the DC home rule bill, "There had to be a lot of wheeling and dealing to get this job done. It was the kind of pressure you don't often see out in the open." Another example of Johnsonian tactics was his order to Bill Moyers, presiden- tial press secretary, to "fix" a televised press conference - adding fuel to the many current charges of press control. Only those reporters were asked whose questions could be answered by prepared answers that would show the administra- tion in its best light. Most newsmen asked complied, hoping perhaps for later presi- dential favoritism. News released to the public concerning the war in Viet Nam is often misleading, ambiguous and contradictory. The Amer- ican public has not; for instance, been given any indication of the number of American casualties in the war since early July. How well can a war be going if the government is afraid to release casualty figures? IN ALL, the American public is left in the dark about too many issues vital to its existence as an informed, rational citizenry, and it is fed easily-digestible presidential pablum on too many others. What will the finished product of the Great Society look like if it continuestto be built on such foundations? In the first place, the Great Society can never be realized in its entirety be- cause it depends at least partially on in- dividuals' freedom of choice. One cannot make any sort of free choice if the alter- natives available are limited and confused by a governmental agency. Under such a system there would be only one choice- any others would be considered unpatri- otic. The form which the Great Society would take-granted the elimination of poverty, ignorance, sickness, blight, dis- crimination and even, perhaps, the threat of nuclear destruction - would have Americans pursuing little more than sens- ual satisfaction, gratification and physi- cal comfort. Without freedom of choice, there could be little of those goals en- visioned by Thomas Jefferson when hi spoke of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." The tme has cnme for Americans to say By ROGER RAPOPORT , THE TEACH-IN will return to its birthplace next week, and many professors here must feel a sensehof satisfaction over what they have wrought. Beginning Tuesday, Ann Arbor will host a four-day International Conference on Alternative Per- spectives on Viet Nam. Present from a score of countries will be notables ranging from Arthur Miller to a Japanese Buddhist Monk. Since the first teach-in here in Ann Arbor last March, the revo- lutionary concept has spread throughout the nation and the world. The message is simply that some Americans believe there must be a better way to resolve the conflict in South Viet Nam. IRONICALLY, much of the credit for the teach-in must go to the Michigan State legislature, for the "teach-in" was conceived out of necessity. Last winter a small group of professors here announced plans to cancel their classes for the day and devote their efforts toward special classes on Viet Nam. The outcry against the plan was fast and vociferous. University Presi- dent Harlan Hatcher received what he later described as the greatest amount of public pres- sure he could remember over the matter. The Michigan State legis- lature past a resolution censuring the teachers for their plan. "I think they should send those teachers to the University of Hanoi," one senator remarked. Bowing to the overwhelming pressure, the teachers decided to hold their classes on Viet Nam after school. THE UNIVERSITY gladly co- operated by donating classroom space for the all-night affair and giving girls all-night permission to attend the event (the later concession was an important stimulant to the event). The ranks of the professors swelled, thousands of students stood in 10 degree cold on the diag, and then attended classes, lectures and seminars. Since that day last March the teach-in has grown until today it is common knowledge that in academic circles there exists con- siderable doubt about the wisdom of our current policy in Viet Nam. The conference this week illu- strates the fact that the teach-in movement is primarily a construc- tive one. It is not primarily con- cerned with castigating American foreign policy. In effect the teach-in movement is saying, "Present policies are not working, let's find a new way to solve the problems." Specifically, this week's confer- ence plans to "carry forward the critical examination of current U.S. policy begun by the teach-in movement by moving from the an- alysis of the weakness and dan- gers of the current policy to the search for viable alternatives through the development of new perspectives not based on the as- sumptions of the Cold War which have led us into a dead end on the issue of Viet Nam." THE CONFERENCE plans t6' produce a statement of principles available in a 20-page booklet, "Alternative Perspectives on Viet Nam." The conference itself will have three segments. There will be In- ternational Study Groups on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thurs- day. The conferees will meet in small groups examining the Viet Nam problem from a particular new perspective. An Open Session in Hill Audi- torium on Friday will feature ad- dresses by study group members from all over the world. That eve- ning there will be a teach-in in Mason-Angell halls. Finally on Saturday morning there will be action workshops where specific action projects ,n local areas will be planned. This session is also open to the public. In addition the keynote session at 9:30 a.m. Tuesday in Hill Audi- torium is open to the public. A BRIEF glance at the names of the conference participants suggests that it may be one of the greatest meeting of the minds ever held in Ann Arbor. Hans Morgenthau, Robert Mos- es, Irving Horowitz, and a host of distinguished foreign guests will be present, to name a few. Their presence naturally lends credence to the thought that by far the greatest crisis in the world today is tne war in Viet Nam. Naturally there are those in Ann Arbor and elsewhere who wish that all the conferees would stay home. Their belief is that our nation is doing a prudent job in running the war in Viet Nam and that private citizens actually are not qualified to deal with such com- plex problems as foreign policy. HOWEVER, even the briefest acquaintance with the Viet Nam predicament indicates that no one seems to have the answers. That is no one has come up with a way to end the war. In fact no one can even get a peace conference. Because the issue is so pressing, the predicament so perplexing, and the need for a solution so vital the conference would seem to be in order. If nothing else it will provide a chance for the curious to learn some of the suggestions of a wise group of men toward solving the apparently unsolvable war. BEYOND ALL this, a most en- couraging though occurs with re- gard to the conference. The very fact that the confer- ence is taking place, that men may freely come together to blast the hell out of their government's military and diplomatic policy is a good thing. Certainly this is in the best tradition of a democratic nation, and something that could never occur in any totalitarian one. As long as the issue is open to debate there is still the hope that someone will come up with a way of solving the chaotic crisis in Viet Nam And so as the University pre- pares to )lay host to a world-wide conference on the world's worst problem there can be a sense of accomplishment among those who launched 'the teach-in movement here last March. THE IDEA spawned at the Uni- versity of Michigan has spread across the nation. Through the teach-in the aca- demic world has at last emerged from it's hermetic world and be- come a viable force in molding public policy. It is good to see finely trained minds give the most important problem of our time a searching examination. Hopefully they will find the answers, first to this question, and eventually to many more. 4 4 Some W1o Will Participate in the Conference, A m O N G T H E important people-local, national and international-who will parti- cipate in some way in next week's conference on Viet Nam are the following: University Vice-President for Academic Affairs Alan Smith; Jules Roy, French novelist and winner of France's highest literary award, who served in Viet Nam in the French Air Force; American Pulitzer-prize-win- ning novelist Arthur Miller; Doudou Gueye, former vice- president of Mali; Lord Fenner Brockway, Labor Member of Parliament, who recently returned from conver- sations in Moscow with rep- resentatives of North Viet Nam and the National Liberation Front; Eqbal Ahmat, Pakistani econ- omist at Cornell University and expert on guerrilla warfare; Jean La Couture, French writer and correspondent, bio- grapher of- Ho Chi Minh and author of a history of Viet Nam from 1946 to the present; Joseph Dobretsberger, Aus- trian economist who has travel- led in China, Asia and Eastern Europe and is extremely knowl- edgeable about economic af- fairs in the Asian nations; Ernst Winter, head of the Diplomatic Academy in Vienna, political science professor and leading Catholic layman; Rev. Jacques Placide Pernot, abbot of a monastery in Moroc- co and a key figure in past French-Moroccan relations; Makato Oda, a leading young Japanese novelist and key fig- ure in Japan'snon-Communist peace movement; Charles Piedoux, French psy- chiatrist who has done exten- sive research in Africa; Agit Singh, Indian economist at Cambride University, a specialist in economic condi- tions in underdeveloped areas and chronicler of the Inter- national Control Commission (established in the 1954 Ge- neva Accords ending the French-Indochina war); Yehoshua Bar-Hillel, leading Israeli logician and philoso- pher; Prof. Robert Browne, econ- omist at Farleigh Dickinson University, who has spent over six years in Viet Nam and Cambodia with the Agency for International Development and who spoke at the University's teach-in last March; Morton Deutsch, Columbia University social psychologist; Stanley Millet, formerly a teacher at the University of Saigon and currently in his- tory and political science at Adelphi College; Charles Osgood, key figure in the U.S.'s peace movement and a psychologist at the Univer- sity of Illinois; Otto Feinstein, professor of i n t'e r n a t i o n a l relations at Wayne State University; Irving L. Horowitz, Latin America expert, professor of sociology at Washington Uni- versity and one of the editors of "Dissent"; Marshall Shalins of the an- thropology department; Anatol Rapoport of the biol- ogy and mathematics depart- ments; Carl Oglesby, president of Students for a Democratic So- ciety and noted University playwright; Robert Moses of the student Non-Violent Coordinating Com- mittee; Emil Mazey, secretary of the United Auto Workers Union. It is still unknown whether Jean - Paul Sartre, famous French existential philosopher, and Carlos Fuentos, leading young Mexicon novelist, will participate. I 4 Answering Violence with Violence Is No Solution EDITOR'S NOTE: The fol- lowing editorial is reprinted from The Nation, IS VIOLENCE un-American? If it is, so is Old Glory. No nation of modern times is more addicted to violence, legal and illegal, than the United States. But it cannot take its violence straight. It pre- fers violence mixed with moral hypocrisy. Los Angeles is a case in point. The headlines provoked the usual flood of editorials and preach- ments about how much we abhor violence, the senselessness of it, how it never really benefits any- one, and how we must have "or- der"-meaning, in this context, a return to the old disorder. Gen - uine order, which must be based on justice and magnanimity, is like the heavenly saints-formally revered but given short shrift in practicar affairs. Isn't it true that our foreign policy has been under strong Pentagon influence since 1945? Who is the international whole- saler of arms today? Who has scattered military aircraft, tanks, bombs, submarines, guns and every variety of weapon through- out Latin America and the Middle East? Who has armed the Paki- stanis and the Indians alike? What nation has spent, in all his- tory, what we have spent on arms since 1945 - in what we are pleased to call peacetime? What nation has a reputation (and not undeserved) for turning what are' basically political questions into military questions, to be settled by violence? BUT, IT may be objected, the comparison is unfair. War is con- ducted according to rules and as a last resort in defense of national interest. This is true only up to a point. Was it according to the rules when the United States bombed Hiroshima and Nagasaki, or, for that matter, when it burn- ed Tokyo from the air? Pearl Har- bor was infamous enough, out the attack was not directed against civilians. In Viet Nam today, we are shown pictures of Viet Cong pris- oners being tortured by Vietna- mese government troops while American "advisers" look on. This most abominable form of violence is sanctioned because the enemy is Communist and therefore, in our lexicon, subhuman. But this is no more true than that all Americans condone torture. A U.S. sergeant has returned after twenty months in Viet Cong captivity to report that he re- ceived the same food as his cap- tors and was given medicine when they had it; his complaints boil down to forced labor, propaganda lectures, and a bamboo bed with one blanket. LISTENING to the propaganda chorus, one would think that the quality of humanity belongs only to us. We say that the casualties in Viet Nam are not really ter- rible. We compare our casualties there with our highway fatalities (our automobiles are built to con- tain a considerable element of violence), but the, Viet Cong casualty figures are sweet to our ears. So far in 1965, U.S. and Viet- namese pilots have killed more than 15,000 Viet Cong in air strikes alone. The kill ratio dur- ing the week of the Vantuong Peninsula battle was more than 12 to 1 in our favor. We not only love violence but the more killing we can do, at a distance and with a minimum of risk, the better we like it. The tradition of violence is embedded in American history. But anyone who thinks that the violence of technological warfare does not feed back into the civilan popula- tion must think that babies are born without insemination. THE FACT we must face is that a large part of the Negro popula- tion is without occupation, with- out status, without hope. If in a particular place like Watts these pariahs decided that "Whitey" could be made to listen to their "manifesto" only if they;attacked the police and property, they may have been misguided but they were certainly not un-American. They were simply following the American pattern as laid down in war, labor disputes, race relations in the deep South, electronic 'en- tertainment, and much else sepa- rated from the more'genteel as- pects of American life. The ratio of their casualties was about the same as that in Viet Nam, but they did aquarter of a billion dollars' worth of prop- erty damage that has attracted attention. In that respect the "manifesto" was successful. IF IT IS not to be repeated, we shall have to understand that once again our own violence re- coiled tn us. If we want peace, whether at home or abroad, we shall have to do a great deal more than meet violence with violence. _ .. _ . i " aA a i 5 1 +11i t w. 41. 6iL The Teach-In Notables N To the Editor: I'M SURE college students all over America will appreciate the suggestion from Associate Pro- fessor Ross Wilhelm that they riot over the "injustices" and "slave labor" of the draft. This would not have occurred to many students who now are in the good professor's debt for his timely suggestion. The riots may serve a good purpose, however. Jim Lucas, Scripps-Howard writer with the troops in Viet Nam, has pointed out that theriots and demon- strations against the war in Viet Nam and against the draft have given the fighting men an esprit de corps for being the men who are meeting the challenge. Instead of exhibiting self-pity for their lot, they are proud that they are not like the cowering demonstrators at home. IS THE DRAFT "slave labor?" Scholarships? To the Editor: IT HAS, no doubt, occurred te everyone that an unusual num- ber of parking tickets are being issued these, days in the campus area. This could be due to the fact that parking places in this area are patrolled approximately four times as often as parking places in the uptown area, but let's not bother ourselves with the reason. Look instead at the re- sult of these tickets. There are two sides to this coin: a) The city is five bucks richer, or b) the student is five bucks poorer. This brings us to the point of this letter. You personally can support a $100. scholarship for only two dollars per year. It can be done in this manner. Carry a few pennies in your pocket, and when you see an expired meter, drop on.- in. If luck is with you, 2.4 JY)I I U -