Ulier £irIgihym Paihj Seventy-nine years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan 1.under the rug The fraud of University openness 5 by Stev'e *isseu 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1969 NIGHT EDITOR: DAVID SPURR - I Unifying the movement: Less bounce, more bang "HE THRUST of the anti-ROTC move- ment looked deceptively unified dur- ing the takeover of North Hall. But after the building was vacated, the movement fell back into a state of fragmentation. Yesterday's proposed action against the administration in support of a student- run book store was thwarted because the small number of students who turned out for a noon rally could not storm the lock- ed doors of the administration's fortress. Nevertheless, there is g o o d reason to believe that there is significant campus opposition to ROTC and widespread sup- port for the student-run bookstore. Why then has the movement on these issues become so bogged down? It is much too easy to find the source of stagnation in student apathy. Last week- end's antiwar teach - in, workshops, march, and rally show that the students on this campus can be mobilized and ac- tivated . 'HE SUCCESS of last weekend may pro- vide some useful lessons for breathing new life into the ailing movements against ROTC and the "compromise" bookstore plan. It should be obvious that: - Movement leaders must make great- er efforts to get in tune with the students on this campus. This must not be con- strued as an excuse for inaction; b u t there has been an unmistakeable trend toward manipulation of followers, a n d this must be reversed. Tactics must not be seen in terms of vanguard action that students can be forced to accept. The gap between the vanguard and its "support- ers" must be closed. -Longer range planning and more ef- fective means of communication are ab- solutely necessary. Students are growing weary of the endless procession of noon rallies and the steady stream of leaflets. There must be more direction to the movement than tossing an issue from rally to rally. --A good way to broaden the base of anti-ROTC support would be to accept Fleming's offer for a debate in Hill Audi- torium. It should be made clear that such a debate would not be seen as a solution to the problem, but only as a means of mobilizing students and at the same time testing student sentiment on ROTC. If there is sufficient support for militant action, it would be more successfully mobilized from these large numbers than from an unpublicized building takeover. -If the movement for the bookstore sputters, there is little value in fusing that issue with a string of others to widen support. Solid support on a given issue cannot be replaced by a broad move- ment of lukewarm discontent. TlHE TIME has come for action on the issues facing the University. But if any success is to be achieved, there must be a greater attention given to planning and mobilizing wider support. There must be more to radical politics than calling a noon rally and waiting for the masses to convene. -STEPHEN ANZALONE W/HENEVER students seriously criticize the University administration, Presi- dent Robben Fleming inevitably points out that his administration is run "openly" and that he is always willing to discuss problems and decision with interested stu- dents. While Fleming's statement, taken by it- self, is basically correct, major decisions at the University continue to be made behind closed doors by an elite group of admin- istrators. And, the University still re- fuses to publicize all significant decisions while it suppresses large amounts of in- formation that should be made available to students. SEVERAL recent situations dramatically illustrate this point. Tuesday, a report was completed by a University committee which has b e e n studying drug use among students and trying to establish reasonable educational and service programs. That report is clearly a hot item, for it contains the results of a very compre- hensive survey conducted to assess the degree of drug use on campus, and to help determine the needs and desires of students for possible drug programs. The findings of the report would pro- bably not be too surprising to most stu- dents, but for the faculty and administra- tion they are astounding. The survey re- portedly shows that about 50 percent of the students on this campus have smoked marijuana and that nearly 20 percent are regular users. The drug committee. chaired by Dr. Edward Bordin, head of the University's psychological counseling program, realized the need for having the full results of their survey made public immediately. They voted Tuesday to release the report in its entirety. But the drug survey was not released Tuesday because of a decision made by Acting Vice President For Student Af- fairs Barbara Newell. She says the report will be suppressed until President Fleming and Vice President for University Rela- tions Michael Radock have had a chance to look it over. The implication is that if the drug survey is ever made public, it will be significantly altered by Radock and Flem- ing. They recognize that this report could attract national attention, and they're afraid it might provoke a public rela- tions disaster for the University. The administration is clearly afraid that the truth will be extremely embarrassing. Therefore, the report may never be re- leased. It does not seem to matter to the ad- ministration whether a report of this kind can be successful in educating the com- munity or forcing legislators to update our archaic anti-marijuana laws. Their con- cern is for the University's "image" and their own self-security. Controversial is- sues and decisions are shunned like the plague. Thus when a difficult and potentially controversial decision needs to be made. it is done secretly. OFTEN a facade of "openness" and spon- taniety is used to camouflage the real de- cision-making process. The Regents, for example, may appear to be making deci- sions at public meetings or open hearings. But in practice, Regental resolutions are worked out at secret conferences with the University executive officers. Last week the Regents voted on a "com- promise" proposal for establishment of a University bookstore. It wasa plan that had been hammered out in private at a closed session early that morning. Although the Regents admit this, they nevertheless went through the motions of debate and compromise for the afternoon audience. The Regents' "compromise" on the book- store wasn't really a compromise at all: for that implies that the opposing parties-- here the students and the administration -have mutually agreed upon a proposal which is satisfactory to both groups. The Regents' bookstore proposal was never presented to Student Government Council for comments and suggestion. It was simply passed. The proposal was no compromise, for it was a matter decided behind closed doors without the approval or even the knowl- edge of the rest of the community. So when Fleming and others claim that lines of communication between students. faculty, and the administration are open, they are being incredibly hypocritical. ANOTHER aspect of the fraud of Uni- versity openness involves the administra- tion's practice of ainnouncing only selected decisions while suppressing information about potentially controversial actions. Several weeks ago, for example, the Uni- versity received a request for information from the state Senate's investigation com- mittee on campus disorders. The adminis- tration recognized the seriousness of this situation, particularly in light of the his- tory of this campus. They knew that students would be ex- tremely upset if they thought personal in- formation about them would be sent to this quasi-HUAC witchhunt. So the administra- tion simply decided independently to com- ply with the committee's request and to keep the decision quiet. No announcement was made that Sen. Huber's committee had contacted the Uni- versity. No students were apprised of or consulted in the decision to comply with the request. No one in student government was informed of the questions asked by the Huber committee, nor were they in- formed of what the University's response would be. The first day I returned to campus (late August) I was walking - by chance - through the Office of Student Affairs. I noticed several of the secretaries and staff members were collecting pamphlets a n d reports and documents, so I asked what was going on. They candidly replied that. they had been assigned to collect this data to be sent to the Huber committee. That was the first admission to students of the request and the decision to comply with I don't mean to imply that the Univer- sity has sent any confidential information to Sen. Huber. In fact, they have b e e n scrupulously careful to make sure students' civil rights are not violated. B u t I am charging that t h e University suppressed information for an extended length of time about what was going on. THIS CONTINUAL policy of selective suppression of news is a significant cause of the distrust many students have of the University administration. It is also inddi- rect opposition to President Fleming's doc- trine of "openness." So the next time the president offers to debate student leaders "anywhere, a n y- time" they should tell him that they'll be glad to discuss the issues at the Univer, sity's secret executive committee meetings or at the closed sessions of the Board of Regents. books tore -ANOTHER OPINION- The over 30 view U NIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN President Robben Fleming has a tiger by the tail but he may have dwelled too long in civi- lized academia to know it. His Vietnam speech was just one of a series of campus developments suggesting that U. of M. protesters are to be accom- modated at almost all costs. If not an at- tempt to "keep the kiddies happy," the speech was at least an attempt to explore the antiwar ground which Fleming might share with the New Left. B u t Fleming forgot that reasoning with a tiger is fool- hardy business. Trhe New Left demands complete capit- ulation from its "establishment" oppon- ents. Disagreement or qualification of ev- en one point calls forth the calumny of "pig" and "war criminal." T h e r e is no reasoning with the unreasoning. There is no respect for intellectual expression among the intellectually dishonest. THE U. OF M. no longer offers a forum in the search for truth; it is fast be- coming an arena of protest by rote. When Fleming offers an olive branch "blister- ing" the war and is shouted at for real or imagined departures from the "line," we know full well what kind of reception and hearing would be accorded former Presi- dent Johnson, Dean Rusk or Gen. West- moreland. It is t r u e that antiwar protesters at Michigan's opening football game w e r e "peaceful." And why not? Those who might have disagreed with their position made no attempt to prevent the protest. But what if the protesters had been on the other side? Would ROTC marchers have been left alone to express their opinion? Would Vietnam volunteers be unrestricted in a counter-demonstration? SADLY, WE think not. We think the pro- testers of the New Left now take their campus coddling for granted. Their rights are the only rights. Their views are the only acceptable views. T h e i r outrage is the only outrage. How sad to deny these students the les- sons of reasoned debate and honest ex- change of views. How unfortunate that their immaturity is allowed to overshad- ow the education they might have receiv- ed. And as Fleming may eventually learn to his sorrow, how dangerous it is to grab the tail of the tiger of student tyranny. -DETROIT NEWS Sept. 23 Thne P By ROBBEN W. FLEMING N THIS PERIOD of controversy over the proposed bookstore, I write to endorse the plan proposed by the Regents, and to argue that it is both reasonable and construc- tive. The criticisms of it which ap- pear to be most significant are: 1 i It does not turn over to stu- dents all of the so-called Student Vehicle Fund for use in capital- izing the bookstore: (2 it calls for referenda on a college by college basis: (3) it places management authority in the Office of the Vice President and Chief Financial Of- ficer. Let me address myself to each of these criticisms. THE STUDENT VEHICLE Fund originated with the payment of a fee by students for registering cars on campus. Registration was discontinued several years ago, so that there are now few students on campus who ever paid anything into that fund. It reached a level of about $150.000. Of that sum about 818.000 has been committed over the course of the present year for the Nite-Owl bus service. This service, of course, was designed as a security measure. The executive officers and the Regents have had in mind at least two other de- mands on the fund, one for other security measures in the event they are needed, and the other fo' re- modeling of the Union to make it more useful for student services. If various funds which are avail- able to the University are labelled as "belonging" to fixed groups, the University becomes increasingly difficult to operate in the interest of all in a dynamic community. In weighing the various equities the Regents thought it fair to al- locate $100.000 of the Student Vehicle Fund money to the book- store. provided the other condi- tions were met. This is the great bulk of the money in that fund, and reserves only about $30,000 for the other demands. THE SECOND MAJOR question in student minds is why the Re- gents called for further referenda on whether students wished to pay a special assessment to capitalize' the bookstore. There are a number of reasons, none of them invidious. In the first place, there is some inconsistency in the student argu- ment that the bookstore has the overwhelming support of the stu- dents, but that no one will con- tribute to it voluntarily. The Re- gents have wondered, not without reason, why if there is such sup- port, no one wants to contribute any money. The answers to that question have notabeen very per- suasive.1 In the second place, the pro- posed bookstore could not be cap- italized on the $1.75 assessment which SGC proposed in last spring's referendum. It has to be higher than that. In appreciation of this, the Regents authorized an assessment of up to $5 per student, with the exact amount to be set by SGC in pursuing the referenda. WHY IS IT so unreasonable to ask that students be given an op- portunity to vote on this on a col- lege basis? All of our experience is that a general referendum will involve about 20 per cent of the student population. Moiestudents can be expected to participate on a college basis. The great opposition to refer- enda suggests that some backers of the bookstore are afraid of the outcome. If this is so, is an as- sessment on all students justified? Why not hold the referenda and demonstrate that there is genuine, wide student support for a book- store? In my view, there is such support, but I think it would be much healthier for all if it were demonstrated. FINALLY, THERE IS the ques- tion of management of the book- store. Why are the Regents con- cerned about the financial viabil- ity of the enterprise? There are good and sound reasons. Within the past year the Regents have had to assume responsibility for the financial management of two enterprises in order to keep them solvent. One is the Law Club. which always operated relatively independently, and the other is the Michigan Union. Both were in serious financial trouble. A third is the student-faculty operated Alternative which functioned dur- ing the summer, but which now is defunct and going out of busi- ness. Against this experience the Regents were legitimately con- cerned that a bookstore might not remain solvent and that the Uni- versity would then be expected to take it over. They therefore asked that it be placed under the authority of the Vice President and Chief Financial Officer, with a student and faculty advisory committee. . THIS MANAGEMENT mechan- ism has drawn criticism without inquiring into how it is expected to function. The Regents under- stood that the wish of those in- terested in the bookstore was that it operate on a non-profit basis so that books could be sold at the lowest prices possible. The Vice President and Chief Financial Officer, Wilbur K. Pier'- pont, already has indicated that the bookstore will operate within the confines of a declared policy which states that it is the objec- tive of the store to simply break even, without attempting to make a profit. Given this objective, the policy could also state that books should be sold at the lowest price possible consistent with simply maintaining the store on a break- even basis. The store obviously must be resident confronts the managed by a professional man- ager, and Mr. Pierpont has indi- cated to me that he would expect a student-faculty committee to suggest a number of candidates. Mr. Pierpont would discuss these candidates and others suggested by other University sources with the committee before making a recommendation to the President and the Regents. THERE IS NO question that under such a management struc- ture Mr. Pierpont would have the authority to reject the advice of the student-faculty committee. He would do so-within the declared policy objectives - only when, in his judgment and that of the manager, the store could not break even by pursuing a policy which the committee had recommended. A university is made up of many constituencies. Not all of them agree. The Regents have the task of trying to make the best judgment they can in the interests of all. In my view. they have done this on the bookstore issue. I see nothing uneasonable about the plan they have proposed. Letters to the Editor A iitmw ate To the Editor: IT'S AMAZING how people can view the same events and report them differently. Mr. Zwerdling and I were both outside North Hall Monday night, but I didn't see 2000 supporters of the movement there. When "the crowd cheered." it was the pitiful group huddled together in front of the building entrance that made as much noise as it could. The rest of the crowd was very silent and as far as I :ould tell, not sympathetic at all. It's unfortunate that The Daily is building up an image of support that isn't there. On Tuesday mor- ning at 9 a.m. when I asked my class of 200 students how they felt about the tactics used, 93 per cent apposed them, 5.per cent support- ed them, and 2 per cent abstained. I wouldn't count that as much of a mandate. -Prof. Bernard A. Galler Computer and Communication Sciences and Mathematics Sept. 23 A discrepancy To the Editor: I WAS QUITE disturbed by the discrepancy between The Daily report of the ROTC demon- stration and the news report on the radio this morning. In your coverage on the front page I read this sentence-"When they enter- ed, demonstrators smashed a door window and immediately evacuat- ed all ROTC personnel in t h e building." Why was there no men- tion of the girl cadet who at- tempted to leave by the front door and got hit in the stomach? There are many of us who have been pmotesting the var, working on petition drives, fund- raising drives, maiches, and the McCarthy campaign. Now we're involved in the Petition Drive for Peace, di- recting our energies in slower and less violent, but hopefully, more effective methods to try and end the wkar, Lutrelle E. Smart Sept. 23 The revolution in Nigeria is really not Biafra's charity fun d drive EDITOR'5 COTE:[The foloiwng ana.- I'.si', of the effects and goals of t he mafrans' current stri~gge for inde- pendence was written by a Biatran gadu~ate st udent in political science. It is published here as part of Biafra Week, proclaimed by Mayor Robert Harris from Sept. T!-28) By ALOZIE N. WACHUKE TI'HE PICTURES of hungry women and children h a v e so dominated the discussion of the situation in Bi- afra that. it has sometimes seemed as if ?he war between Biafra and Nigeria is a struggle over the distribution of international charity. This is far from the truth. The Bi- a'fran struggle is a fundamental rev- olution with political, economic, social and technological ramifications. It is m attempt by an African people to inash the forces of oppression a n d suppression and establish a more meaningful independent state. The roots of the conflict c a n be This assemblage of peoples embracing over 250 ethnic and linguistic groups was long held out by the British as the jewel of their African imperial en- terprise. When Britain, like other imperial powers, was forced to capitulate at the onslaught of African nationalist stir- rings in the early 1960's, she cleverly abandoned her formal empire and re- placed it with another imperial ar- rangement, known in "third world" vocabulary as neo-colonialism. This meant that she ruled that un- fortunate land indirectly with an Af- rican instrumentality of power, t h e majority of whose members were only united in their ignorance of the pow- erful political, social a n d economic forces that stir the contemporary world. By this adroit manoeuvre Brit- ain was assured of an economic stran- glehold over approximately one-fifth Biafra on May 30, 1967, was an at- tempt to resolve some of these basic contradictions and challenge neo-co- lonialism and t h e other impositions which have retarded the progress of man in Africa. Principles of the Biafram Revolution declared, "From the in o m e n t we assumed the illustrious name of the Ancient Kingdom of Biafra, we were rediscovering the original indepen- dence of a great African people. We accepted by this revolutionary act the glory as well as the sacrifice, of true independence and freedom. We knew that we h a d challenged the many forces and interests which had conspired to keep Africa and the black race in subjection for ever. We knew that they were going to be ruth- less and implacable in defense of their age-old imposition on us and exploita- terms that she would not use force be- cause it would l e a d to a bloodbath. The destruction of 200,000 migrants from Europe will be a bloodbath, but the liquidation of 2 million Africans is not and perhaps the liquidation of 14 million Biafrans will not be. SO WE are engaged in t h i s cruel struggle, and people may ask what are the forces that generate and sustain these "stubborn" people against such odds? What are the goals of the strug- gle? They are political. economic, so- cial and technological. Politically, t h e Biafran revolu- tion is an attempt by the people of Bi- afra to resolve our crisis of national identity. Every individual, every hu- man collectivity, must at one time or another resolve this crisis: otherwise they are not a people but a mere "ag- legitimacy challenges the statism and Inmobilism that at present character- izes the African system. It is finally an attempt t6 establish a focus of institutionalized innovation that will generate concentric waves throughout Africa. Every civilizational group at one time or the other must have their revolution. The Europeans have had their French revolution and Bolshevik revolution; the Asians their Meiji and Chinese revolution; the Americans, their war of independence and Cuban revolution; black Africa must have its Biafran revolution. Economically, t h e Biafran rev- olution introduces a new pattern of economic relationship between an in- digenous African people and extra- continental monopoly interests. For the first time in recent African history, an indigenous African neople have as- ple have natural resources and yet cannot use them without the permis- sion of foreign interests. The Biafran revolution is therefore a mortal challenge to British economic interests because Britain is getting 10 per cent of her national oil requirement frm Biafra-Nigeria and estimates that by 1975, this figure will rise to 25 per cent. So when we hear all the rhetoric of preserving the territorial integrity of an African country, it is no more than preserving the integrity of the economic base of foreign monopolies and, in particular, the integrity of the oil pipelines which straddle the ter- ritory of Biafra and Nigeria. Socially, the Biafran revolution is an attempt to rid ourselves of a society full of ethnic and class antagonism, to re-emphasized the traditional egali- tarian structure of our society and re- Where Nigeria, including Biafra, had one oil refinery and today still imports oil, Biafrans have improvised hundreds of portable oil refineries. Biafrans now make their own mines, build their own mortars, and produce three types of rockets. Their latest technological device is an unmanned aeroplane-like vehicle that can carry the "Ogbunigwe" (Ibo for mass de- stroyer) far into enemy territory. In addition, other non-lethal products are now being produced by Biafran scien- tists and technologists. These devices may not be as soph- isticated as the products of the modern industries of the developed world and they are not yet mass produced, but the myth that black Africans are in- capable of originality has been torn down. THE BIAFRAN revolution is there-