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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Where Opiions A F 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEWS PHONE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
FRIDAY, MAY 12, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: DAVID DUBOFF
. ::: .
1
l-
7.W INN7W
College Politics:
A Look at the Field
Military Aid Program:
Scratching the Wrong Backs
THE RECENT COUP in Greece was car-
ried out with weapons supplied by the
United States to our NATO ally as part
of the Military Assistance Profram (MAP).
As usual America is a trifle disturbed at
the good uses staunch allies have for her
anti-Communist weapons. One saddened
American official said, although belated-
ly, "We don't like the idea of U.S. tanks
pointing their guns at people on the
streets."
But American guns will continue to
menace people in the streets in the name
of rightist dictatorships as long as we
play arsenal to the world through MAP
and related activities. In addition to the
$900 million of weapons MAP distributes
on five continents yearly, the Pentagon
peddles about $1.5 billion themselves and
serves, as super-salesman for American
private enterprise whose cash registers
click to the tune of about a billion dol-
lars of annual weapons sales.
The reason for the United States' amaz-
ing generosity is our tenacious belief, de-
spite continual evidence to the contrary,
that enough weapons will maintain the
status quo anywhere in the world. And
in our continual quest for security against
the spectre of an international Commu-
nist conspiracy, We have blinded ourselves
to the deleterious effects of misapplied
military aid.
OUR WEAPONS have helped to support
and maintain numerous dictators -
Sygman Rhee, Trujillo, Diem. The U.S.
military aid mission to Cuba, which prop-
ped up tyrant Batista, became one of the
prime targets for popular hostility after
Castro ascended to power.
Yet the military dangers of military
aid are 'still present, even when the re-
cipient country's form of government is
not autocratic. As in Greece, a long-time
influx of modern weapons merely serves
to strengthen the position of the mili-
tary. And when a coup does occur, Ameri-
can weapons provide it with the latest
and fanciest military equipment. The
dangers of military aid to a country with-
out a tradition of stable and popular gov-
ernment is illustrated in the fact that of
the last five military juntas in Africa,
four had been recepients of American
military aid.
The worldwide proliferation of Ameri-
can arms also has dangerous repercus-
sions in the area of international rela-
tions. The presence of modern military
supplies refocus existing conflicts on a
Mirror, Mirror
THANK HEAVENS everything is just
hunky-dory at the old 'U.'
All along we had believed that protests
and dissension on this campus were sym-
tomatic of a general feeling of malaise
among students. This, according to the
"Michigan Alumnus," is not the case.
If the purpose of the University's
monthly magazine for graduates is to
reassure its subscribers that students to-
day are basically the same pleasant, pass-
ive pupils they've been in the past, the
military solution. A prime example of
this was last year's three month border
war between India and Pakistan which
was fought largely with American-sup-
plied weapons. The Kashmir dispute had
existed since 1948, but a military solution
was not resorted to until both sides had
received extensive American aid - with
explicit instructions that this aid was
to be used solely against Red China. An-
other illustration was the 1965 near-war
between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus.
IN ADDITION, military aid to specific
countries tends to undermine region-
al balances of power and feed localized
arms races. In 1965 we supplied 100 Pat-
ton tanks to Israel, upsetting the precar-
ious equilibrium in the Middle East, and
forcing us to supply Jordan with the
same number of tanks last year. Ditto
for Pakistan and India.
Military aid was one of the key fac-
tors which led to our present massive
commitment to the government of South
Vietnam. Dean Rusk piously announced
during a speech in Las Vegas on Febru-
ary 16, 1966, "We are committed to assist
South Vietnam to resist aggression by
the aid approved by bipartisan majorities
of Congress over a period of 12 years."
Our present commitment of 40,000 troops
to Thailand is just another example of
how American military aid leads to great-
er and greater American involvement.
THIS INVOLVEMENT is the result of the
strategic ineffectiveness of American
military aid. Fifty thousand American
soldiers still protecting South Korea after
15 years of massive military assistance,
indicate that such aid does not lead to
military self-sufficiency. Whenever an
autocratic and reactionary regime is
challenged by popular revolution, modern
weaponry is not sufficient to turn the
tide. As possible alternatives, America
must either accept an alteration in the
favorable status quo, or must personally
intervene with American troops. The lat-
ter is what has happened in Thailand,
Korea, and, of course, Vietnam, and this
has been disastrously wrong.
America must abandon her parochial
and stereotyped approach to internation-
al affairs. We must accept the reality of
popular revolution. Abandoning the Mili-
tary Assistance Program and massive
arms sales abroad is a necessary prerequi-
site.
-WALTER SHAPIRO
an theWall .. .
opening editorial in this month's issue
has scored a resounding triumph.
In his aptly titled introductory col-
umn, "A Moment for Michigan," editor-
in-chief Robert G. Forman writes:
"At the Honors Convocation (held
in Hill Auditorium) were assembled
the top scholars attending the Uni-
versity-the young men and ladies
who had excelled in the classroom.
They looked like the kid next door or.
across the street. I couldn't see a
beatnik in the place."
FURTHERMORE, he states that the pres-
ident of the Graduate Student Coun-
cil and those who attended the recent
Honors Convocation are "the real rep-
resentatives of the students on this cam-
pus. It's been that way for 150 years."
We wonder where Forman was when
many of these "representatives" sat-in at
the administration building in November.
Or how he explains the high number of
honors-activists. In fact, in "Class Notes"
-a section of his magazine-the noted
alumnus for 1964 is Michael Zweig, "au-
thor" and past Voice chairman.
Though Forman's insights may pacify
those alumni worried about the presence
of vociferous bearded young men at their
alma mater, his comments are nonethe-
less unrealistic and inappropriate. For-
man has undertaken an impossible task
in his attempt to portray the typical stu-
dent here; the diversity of interests, ac-
tivities and personalities cannot be com-
mingled in a brief profile.
I
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V 67
1 !I n
'I M KEEP~tr Gx VALUES
LAP1.s"
Letters to the Editor
By DAVID R. SEGAL
Daily Guest Writer
Student politics represents one
of the major channels of recruit-
ment into the world of adult poli-
tics. There is a strong indication
that high school politicians be-
come college politicians, and that
college politicians remain active
in politics after graduation.
The type of politics practiced at
universities is shaped largely by
external issues. In the 1930's, there
were economic pressures, but the
'50's was an issueless decade.
The Young Democrats and
Young Republicans were still there
but there was not the same kind
of political involvement as was
fostered during the Depression.
At any given time the degree
of political activity is determined
by the need for involvement. This
need once again arose in the '60's
-nuclear war, foreign relations,
civil rights when students felt
they wanted a voice in these poli-
tical spheres. Whether or not they
actually do, poses another ques-
tion.
In thertraditional sociological
sense, there are two different ori-
entations of student politicians,
which Robert Morton calls the "lo-
cals" and the "cosmopolitans." The
cosmopolitans are concerned with
general national and intrnation-
al issues; they involve themselves
in organizations like Young Dems,
Young Republicans and Voice.
Largely becauseof these widened
interests, they are the ones who
go on to become professional poli-
ticians. The locals are very poli-
tical but at the same time oper-
ate within the context of the cam-
pus.
The Voice people are really con-
cerned with the values in the so-
ciety as a whole. The University
is seen as an institution interact-
ing with that society. On the oth-
er hand, there are the student
government people who are more
concerned with the internal func-
tioning of the University as an
academic community.
THIS typology, however, cannot
This typology, however, cannot
. be applied completely because of
the increasing sophistication of
college student government lead-
ers, who are aware of the impli-
cations of student life to what is
going on in the outside world.
The student politicians of the
right also do not fit the typology.
Their traditionalist view of edu-
cation prevents them from be-
coming actively involved with
either the University politics of
the locals or the social concerns
of the cosmopolitans. The student
of the right is going to school to
learn, and to get a Job. He thereby
improves both himself and the
economy-insuring himself a place
in Heaven. The student of the
right is holding onto the Univer-
sity's last piece of the Protestant
Ethic.
This is not to say that the
right-wing students do not have
political concerns. They do, but
they are too busy to be political
activists: whensa member of
Young Americans for Freedom was
asked why he was not out counter-
picketing pickets at a hearing of
the House Un-American Activities
Committee in Chicago, he replied:
"I'm keeping my country strong
by going to classes the way stu-
dents are supposed to."
People become involved in poli-
tics because they feel a need to
control their environment. They
must al -o feel that they can be
felt and heard politically. The spe-
cific motivation, however, is de-
pendent upon the students' area
of involvement.
THE Young Dems, for example,
take the long range view of their
role in politics. In fact, some sig-
nificant minority of them are
probably thinking of political ca-
reers within the two-party struc-
ture.
The Voice people are much more
interested in attacking problems in
the social structure which they
thing need correction in the near
future. In terms of political ca-
reers. they are much less career-
oriented toward politics than the
Young Demis.
If the student government peo-
ple were to be put on a continuum.
they would fit between Voice and
the Young Dems. The important
thing here is not the area but the
level of political involvement. It
takes a much greater commitment
to be really active in student gov-
ernment than it does to join the
Young Dems. The greater involve-
ment of the student government
people obviously indicates that
they are looking for more short-
term payoffs than are the Young
Dems.
The skills learned by the stu-
dent government people will more
likely lead to success in bi-parti-
san politics than the skills learn-
ed by Voice members. Agitation,
which is essentially what groups
like Voice strive for, does not pro-
vide the skills for the launching
of a successful political career.
Huey Long did it, but not many
people can.
IT IS difficult to predict the po-
litical future of the Voice peo-
ple. Perhaps they will turn out
like the "flaming radicals" of the
'30's, peope like Seymour Martin
Lipset and Daniel Bell who, while
they have certainly moved across
the political spectrum, are still ac-
tive in politics. They still give
advice to government and it is
not always the advice government
wants to hear.
One definite way of looking at
the future of the Voice people is
to expect them to go out and be
active, but be active on the obverse
side of the political structure. I
think s large part of the future
political variance will be explain-
ed by how successful they be-
come-whether they find a nice
middle-class niche for themselves
in the system. Now this does not
mean that they are going to do
wha. we call "selling-out," what-
ever that means. It probably
means representing their own n-
terests. There are, in fact, people
who were, "flaming, radicals" in
the '30's who have since gotten to
be fairly well-to-do and who are
still involved in politics. They are
not quite as liberal as they see
themselves as being, they give 'a
lot ofm oney to liberal causes
and are active in the Democratic
rather than the Republican Party,
which is something.
The same thing may happen to
the Voice people. The problem
with carrying this analogy is that
we don't really know what hap-
pened to the radicals of the '30's
who didn't make good. Nobody
knows who they are and we don't
really know what their politics are.
David R. Segal is an assist-
ant professor of sociology at the
University.
',
*
Kudos
Kudos to Roger Rapoport for
his sensible and impassioned plea
against Johnson's war.
And, of course, most intelligent
criticism or graphic protest brings
about an ever increasing cry of
disloyalty or even treason (Wal-
lace).
Last evening on the tube I
watched a holier-than-thou con-
gressman from Tennessee describe
his attempts to introduce legisla-
tion that would impose a $10,000
fine and a year's incarceration up-
on any person who publicly dese-
crates the flag. This unquestion-
ably defensive gesture recalls the
political philosophy of the six-
teenth century Frenchman Jean
Bodin. In defining the concept of
national sovereignty, Bodin set
forth a theoretical justification -
"supreme power of the state over
citizens and subjects, unrestrain-
ed by law"-from which modern
governments derive theirefficacy.
But Bodin did not concern him-
self with the moral problems that
inevitably arise-when such a prem-
ise is in fact implemented: does
the responsible citizen abdicate
his own personal moral values
when they are in conflict with
those of a higher legal order, the
state? The question is unresolved.
IT SEEMS evident that the spate
of protests across this country
is indicative not of disloyalty but
of a consciousness of something
intrinsically out of tune within
the government itself.
In the eyes of Mr. Rapoport
and other intelligent protesters,
this administration is embarked
on a misguided course in its ef-
forts torsecure those unalienable
rights for its citizens.
And in the words of Jefferson,
"whenever any form of govern-
ment becomes destructive of these
ends, it is the right of the people
to alter or (I'm afraid to say) to
abolish it."
-Barret W. Kalellis, '68M
War Poem
The following poem was for-
warded to The Daily by Dr.
Allan Rhodes of the chemistry
department at Cleveland State
University. Although perhaps
the literary value of the work
is debatable, it is an eloquent
expression of the writer Briggs'
sentiment on the war in Viet-
nam.-Ed.
WHY SHOULD you worry or
give a damn
About what happens in Viet-
nam?
Why is it any of your concern
If men and women and children
burn?
Only a pacifist. saint or fool
Believes in stuff like the Golden
Rule ...
You know the answer - you
know it well--
"This is a war and war is hell!"
YES, WAR is hell for the men
that fight,
Pawns on a chessboard, brown
and white:
War is death in a sea of mud
To the sound of bullets and
stench of blood:
War is madness told as the
truth,
Torturing women and crippling
youth-.. .
But you know the answer--you
know it well-
"This is a war and war is hell!"
TRY TO PROJECT what your
thoughts would be
If you left your home as a
refugee:
Try to imagine the sense of fear
When the napalm scatters and
flames appear ...
What kind of feelings would it
inspire
If you watched a child with its
flesh on fire?
Could you find words for the
pilots above
Who boast about morals and
Christian love?
WAR IS A gamble played with
Fate
Where the stakes are high and
the hour is late:
War is the writing seen on the
wall
Which threatens to come and
engulf us all.. .
It's time to worry and time to
care,
It's time to pity and time to
sharey;
It's time to consider the Human
Race
And see ourselves in the other
man's place.
-Richard I. Briggs
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Come Ye to the Fair
I am Speaking
Of the DELETED..
*.
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Sumner Editorial Staff
LAURENCE MEDOW .................... Co-Editor
STEPHEN FIRSHEIN...................Co-Editor
MARK LEVIN .......... Summer Supplement Editor
NIGHT EDITORS
David Duboff, Aviva Kempner, Patricia O'Donohue,
Jennifer Rhea, Walter Shapiro.
ASSISTANT NIGHT EDITORS
Marcie Abramson. Rob Beattie. Jill Crabtree. Shirley
R. M. LANDSMAN
Expo '67 opened last week to
large crowds but not unreasonably
long lines. In the now common
mood of international exhibitions
-something of a cross between a
Barnum and Bailey Circus and a
U.N. General Assembly meeting-
the people were herded through
intricate mazes and up and down
stairs and escalators, by polite
French- and English - speaking
guides.
The variety of the fair is im-
pressive; besides the displays from
many countries of each' continent,
there are a number of commer-
cially sponsored pavilions and
major-theme exhibit halls. The
first group affords the visitor a
look at what each country values
as the most important part of its
culture: England emphasized its
intellectual heritage, the U.S. had
its Hollywood, Russia its heavy
industry, and Czechoslovakia its
socialism. Many verged upon
mundaneness, but the few well-
executed exhibits could justify the
entire trip to the fair for any
visitor.
The most valuable sight often
appear in some unexpected places.
The entire U.S. pavilion couldn't
match a small side feature of the
U.S. effort, a short 20-minute
movie of children's games. With
delicacy, precision, and insight,
this exquisite work captured the
beauty of kids playing at their
everyday games of hopscotch.
England's great men of letters in
the arts and sciences impresses the
visitor both as to its presentation
and its message. Part of the Is-
raeli effort, a pavilion devoted
solely to Judaism, had a similar
effect; the art was pleasing and
the message well said. Neither was
over-bearing or gawkish, but was
done with exquisite taste which
achieved a balance between artistic
display and significant subject
matter.
The Czechoslovakian exhibit
ranks as one of the most beautiful,
both in over-all design and in the
specific display. The Cuban dis-
play, employing many techniques
of modern art and advertising, will
undoubtedly be distasteful to most
Americans because of its emphasis
on revolution. The Australian
pavilion, though more in the mun-
dane tradition, was highlighted
by informed and attractive guides
and a large second floor which,
with its tall, thin dark green
chairs against a light carpet, re-
sembled uncannily the meeting of
the Ents in Tolkien's "Return of
the King."
..NEEDLESS TO SAY, there are
some pitfalls to be avoided. The
most glaring was the building
labeled "Sermons de la Science."
Many an unsuspecting visitor, ex-
pecting to hear perhaps some con-
cise lecture on chemistry or the
atom, is given instead Newton's
"clockwork theory" proof of the
evisteeo fac t a nreme ator.
featured an Estonian music troupe
which made the mistake of trying
to beat the west at its own game
-pop music. Russia, the land of
the Tschaikovsky International
Competition and Bolshoi Ballet,
should try and show its own
genius. Even an authentic ethnic
folk group would have been prefer-
able to their near abortive attempt
at Western-style music.
Despite numerous run-of-the-
mill type displays of economic de-
velopment and industrial achieve-
ment, the physical display of the
fair is impressive. The architecture
is daring, the pavilions show many
a touch of genius in their depar-
ture from the norm, and the visit-
or is left with pleasant thoughts,
of man's creativeness and capabil-
ity in controlling and out-doing
nature.
BUT THE GREATEST resource
of Expo '67, the single aspect
which could make the fair great
independent of its physical plant,
is completely ignored by almost
every visitor. This untapped asset,
what is in fact the essence of any
such international meeting, is the
staf of guides employed by each
of the different pavilions.
While some nations, including
Russia, staffed their buildings
with Canadians or unprepared na-
tionals, others, including Australia,
Czechoslovakia, Cuba, Tanzania,
the European Community, and
Finland, brought their own na-
tionals and trained them as repre-
senta1>iec tn ornea s Lrii and
By The Associated Press
WASHINGTON - When the
Pentagon censors get out their
red ink, almost anything can hap-
pen.
For example: 'Adm. David L.
McDonald : DELETED. Sen. John
Stennis (D-Miss): What was that?
McDonald: DELETED."
Stennis is chairman of the
Senate Military Preparedness sub-
committee, McDonald is chief of
naval operations. Their myster-
ious exchange, and a dozen more,
appear in heavily censored testi-
mony made public Wednesday.
Another bit of repartee: Sten-
nis: "You plowed under the DE-
LETED mighty quickly there with
one sentence."
"McDonald: Mr. Chairman, they
are plowing DELETED under
quicker than I can, I regret to
say."
AT TIMES, the censors seem
to have a mischievious wit. "I
don't think we need to be looking
into this at all if we just say DE-
LETED," they have Stennis de-
claring.
McDonald's rebuttal: "DELET-
ED."
Closed congressional testimony
by Pentagon witnesses is screen-
ed by censors for information that
touches on military secrets. The
4
4
SEN. JOHN STENNIS
quoted Wednesday in
Washington as saying..
"Greene: Well, I would DELET-
ED.
"Thurmond: You what?
"Greene: DELETED."
SEN. STUART Symington (D-
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