EMM Dally r Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. IURSDAY, MAY 4, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: AVIVA KEMPNER Repulican Policy Statement: More Heat Than Enlightenment V ? HE RELEASE Monday of the Senate Republican Policy Committee's report criticizing President Johnson's Vietnam policies has created speculation that the Republican Party may dissociate itself from the administration's stand in 1968. While it is true that the report called for the party to seek "hard, realistic an- swers" to the question of what our inter- ests in Southeast Asia should be, one should not assume that this will cause a real bi-party debate. Senator Dirksen has already spiked an attempt by supporters of the report to permit the Republican Party an oppor- tunity to take a slightly controversial position on the war. His denunciation of the report Tuesday clearly shows that the Republican leadership would rather cover up the Vietnam question than develop answers that could be politically damag- ins. This is hardly surprising. It is a re- flection of American consensus politics where candidates, by attempting to ap- peal to everyone, must avoid antagonizing positions that appear even slightly con- troversial. And the positions of the lead- ing GOP presidential aspirants bear this out. RICHARD NIXON, the front runner, will campaign as a tried-and-true, exper- ienced, worldly-wise statesman attacking Johnson's "credibility gap." Since modern television politics, with its emphasis on the smile and the candidate's sincerity, have relegated issues, especially contro- versial issues, to an unwelcome back seat in a campaign, Nixon is more likely to be concerned about a new makeup man for '68 than about any alterations in his campaign-tested formula of "Just a little more bombing please, Lyndon." f Michigan's own favorite son, steely- eyed George Romney, despite some unfav- orable press notices, seems intellectual- ly incapable of departing from his bland Gee-it's-too-bad-but-we-can't - chicken out approach to Vietnam. If nominated, Romney will undoubtedly seek an updated version of Eisenhower's 1952 "I will go to Korea" strategy. Thus, a Romney campaign would smnoth- er the Vietnam issue in a series of vague, but sincere patriotic small town homilies. " Photogenic Charles Percy's Vietnam policy is harder to categorize. It seems of late he has been sounding kind of dovish for a Republican. But his talk of an all-Asian conference to settle the Viet- namese war is little more than a specious idea in an attractive package. Elected to the Senate on an alluring admixture of youth, vigor and a subtle appeal to white backlash, Percy's virtuoso performance on open housing indicates that he is a man too clever to ever let conviction stand in the way of what the pollsters think the public wants. A presi- dential nomination won by Percy, the olive branch bearer, is no guarantee that late October will not see Percy trying to subtly out-hawk LBJ. " Ronald Reagan, the GOP's answer to George Wallace, if nominated, will offer the voters "a choice not an echo" on Vietnam. With Johnson having adopted all of the '64 Goldwater Vietnam posi- tions, except for the defoliation of the jungles with atomic weapons, there is little else that Reagon can opt for, save, perhaps, invading the North or bombing China. In any case, it is a certainty that Rea- gan's advisors will feed the sage of Death Valley enough lines to create for him a Vietnam position a few steps to the right of Johnson. LONG BEFORE William Henry Harri- son's "hard cider campaign," over. a century ago, this nation had developed the issueless campaign to the level of an artform. Recent presidential elections have also featured the "non-issue issue." Remember Senator John F. Kennedy de- bating "the old Dick Nixon" over Quemoy and Matsu and the famed, but legendary, missile gap? And Lyndon Johnson calling Barry Goldwater "trigger-happy" over Vietnam? The one Republican with an attractive and consistent alternative to Johnson's war in Vietnam is Oregon's Senator Mark R. Hatfield. But anti-war Hatfield's chances to grab the Republican presiden- tial nomination in '68 are only slightly better than Harold Stassen's. Anyone looking for a challenge to our alterna- tives in Vietnam had better look else- where than the two major American par- ties in 1968. -WALTER SHAPIRO -DAVID DUBOFF The Modern Crisis In Communications The following is exerpted from address by Nicholas Johnson, a Commissioner of the Federal Communications Commission, given at a luncheon on December 15, 1966. It is the first of a two part series on the challenge of modern communications. "Communication" touches every fiber of our lives. It is the coin of human understanding, the fabric of a free society. The American communications mosaic includes a Defense Depart- ment "hot line" to a distant air base, a tranquilized child before a TV set, a ringing telephone, a campaigning politician's radio spot announcement, a fog-bound ship's radar, a news service teletype, a hidden microphone in a "secret" business meeting, a radio dispatched taxicab, airline reservations with the aid of computers and microwave towers, satellites and laser beams. Technological and institutional innovations in communications are crashing upon us with ever greater intensity, like the waves of a stormy sea. And each leaves behind a debris of problems-legal, economic, social, philosophical, engineering and aesthetic-whose solu- tions require the talents of the best men, institutions and financial resources that America can bring to bear. Yet I do not see evidence of such a national response. AMERICA IS TODAY confronting communications challenges which FCC Chairman Rosel H. Hyde has characterized as "awesome indeed." Here are but a few examples of their breadth and range. Electronic technology threatens the sanctity of the most private con- versations in business room and bedroom-not to mention the tele- phone. Yet few workable solutions have been offered. Present manage- ment of our scarce radio frequencies impedes police and fire protec- tion, and robs us of millions of dollars in gross national product by denying expanded use of business radio. At a time when an informed electorate is increasingly dependent upon the integrity of television ne ws, and our children spend more time with the "tube" than the teacher, we know very little of the im- pact of broadcasting on our society. We don't even have a national center to preserve the radio and television tapes necessary to such a study. Nor do we know much about the structure of the industry- conglomerate corporations and. concentrations of control of diverse media-and its implications for a free society. We have the barest knowledge and anticipation (let alone control) of the rate of introduction of new electronics technology, with its ac- companying social and economic upheaval: cable television, computer communications systems, the home communications center, satellites, and the laser beam-to name but five current innovations. Each pre- sents the possibility of greatly expanding the available supply of one or several communications facilitiecr The topic differ-and many more could be added-but for each similar questions spring to mind. What is the impact on our society? How can this new force most effectively be channeled to human good? Are unrestrained market forces, or some form of government regulation most appropriate? What is the most economic and efficient way to achieve the ends sought? How can government be most effectively structured and administered to deal with the problem in question? What additional data, analysis, or other research is called for? What price do we pay for this placid comfort of silence in a boat none dares to rock nor cares to navigate? These are the central questions in our numerous communications crises; questions we as a nation appear ill prepared to address. The fact is that the federal government has no coordinated admin- istration of communications, and virtually no long range planning efforts or research and development program whatsoever. America's communications industries add substantially to our gross national product-at least $20 billion a year from broadcast-related activities alone. And yet the FCC's share of our $100 billion federal budget is only $17 million (les than 2/100ths of 1 per cent)-all but $2 million of which goes to salaries. It's understandable that the agency's activities would be limited almost entirely to granting licenses and resolving disputes between private parties. But the result is that the FCC spends most of its time as little more than a "Federal Broadcasting Commission," dealing on an ad hoc basis with the increased power, station log, antenna location and other day-to-day problems of 7,000 U.S. television and radio stations. IN VIEW OF government's rather clear and substantial public responsibility, one would think it profitably could invest in a degree of planing and research at least comparable to that of, say, AT&T-a single, FCC-regulated communications conipany with revenues over $11 billion last year, and a 15,000-man laboratory effort. There is little question such an effort would do as much for corporate profits as for the public interst. At this time, however, it is not clear anyone in government is even collecting, let alone reading, interpreting and utilizing, the results of the research done elsewhere. Most technical research is done by private corporations, such as the Bell Laboratories of AT&T." And the major research in the social sciences and public policy areas is scattered among- numerous institutes, centers, foundations, private associations and universities around the country. There have been occasional outbursts of excellence. Yet scanning the total output of our great universities and foundations I see but few stirrings in that barren tundra adjacent the "vast wasteland." The Gentle People' Letters to the Editor Gloomy Critic Despite his disclaimer (April 7th) that he is not a gloomy social critic, Michael Bobroff feels free to summarily portray the townspeople of Ann Arbor as part- ners in a malevolent plot to fleece the University community and to withhold the public services that the University deserves. Let us examine his evidence that Ann Ar- bor is a conspiratorial hotbed. Mr. Bobroff sarcastically ques- tions the motives of local banks in offering student checking ac- counts. One presumes, however, that if the banks were to with- draw this diabolically-conceived service he would bring suit against them for discrimination. He ob- serves that the local rate of re- turn to landlords is relatively high and concludes that there is a ''gouging real estate cartel.'' It hasn't occurred to him that a relatively high rate of return is precisely what is required in or- der to attract capital to the Ann Arborehousing market and there- by create the additional dwelling units that will accommodate Ann Arbor's burgeoning population. Mr. Bobroff's indictment contin- ues with the observation that Ann Arbor's food and cleaning prices are quite high. Another cartel, per- haps? No, I prefer a less sensa- tional, but more intellectually-sat- isfying explanation. A large por- tion of the total operating costs of restaurants, grocery stores and cleaning plants consists of wage payments. The Ann Arbor labor market is very tight, particularly with re- spect to the types of unskilled labor that staff service firms. Con- sequently, high wage costs, not cartel profits, explain the high re- tail profits. Q.E.D. ADMITTEDLY, Ann Arbor does have a traffic problem. However, the fact that the current genera- tion of city fathers has inherited a "poorly laid-out" street system should evoke sympathy, not con- demnation. How does our student prosecutor suggest that Ann Ar- bor eliminate traffic and parking congestion? By demolishing a ma- jor portion of the city in order to build eight-lane boulevards and operate myriad parking lots? This is the shortsighted solu- tion which has reduced many. American cities to vast expanses of asphalt and concrete. Ann Ar- bor has responded differently, e.g., by constructing a system of compact, conveniently-located parking structures and by complet- ing, with state and federal aid, an outerbelt road system which reroutes a great deal of traffic around, rather than through, the city. Thus, there have been "signifi- cant item (s) of progress" Despite these efforts, congestion within Ann Arbor continues to grow. This fact reflects, however, not a con- spiracy to strangle movement, but the rapidity of Ann Arbor's growth. IN SUM, Mr. Bobroff's case is hardly convincing; Ann Arbor is, in fact, a vibrant and dynamic All-America City. I should like to suggest that the detractor-critic in question spend his time develop- ing positive proposals for Ann Ar- bor's development rather than sniping at non-existent conspira- tors. --Richard W. England, Grad Voice The recent performances of Voice members have succeeded in resolving in my mind a ques- tion that has kept me puzzled and confused for the last nine months. It seems clear to me now, however, that either the KKK or the Birchers have managed to suc- cessfully infiltrate and gain con- trol of the Voice group. For, while loudly proclaiming to all their de- votion to the liberal cause, they have acted in a fashion that has succeeded only in bringing con- tempt and discrelit to this cause. In my opinion, their actions can only impede local progress toward the aims they claim as their ob- j ectives. I had considered both the CIA and the HUAC as possible infil- trators but quickly ruled these out because of the crude and inept strategy being used. Being a re- cent, eager, emigre from the deep south, the tactics were familiar. They closely resemble the tactics of the petty, self-serving, south- ern demagogue-politician ("Elect me youah Governor and ah'11 go to jail, befoah ah permit ouah schools to be integrated"). Voice's tactics clear and realistic logic that we exhibit the same 'intellectually clear and realistic logic that we have come to associate with a Sel- ma or Montgomery, Alabama po- liceman. And they certainly will produce equal success. Events of the past 12 years offer clear as- surance of this. AS PROFESSOR Abraham Kap- lan noted, Mr. Savio deserves much of the credit for Mr. Rea- gan's current national position. A "storm the palace" strategy is sensible only when themultitude has been aroused in your favor. The liberal cause should be quickly disassociated from these self-serving frauds. How about a new name for them? Since we've had the "know-nothings," how about the "care-nothings"?. J..P. Krupp Graduate Student m1 A United Front THE SPRING Mobilization in New York on April 15 was a tremendous success as far as the size of the crowd and the sincerity and makeup 'of the. protest groups, but it lacked one essential aspect: the demonstration provided no cogent suggestions on which the dissenters could act in case President Johnson further es- calates the war. ,At the time of the rally, it was becom- ing increasingly clear that the troop buildup below the 17th Parallel, which has now reached 75,000, might constitute more than an attempt to stem the flow of North Vietnamese troops and supplies to the South. It might signal a planned in- vasion of the North. Central Park was partially filled with a great variety of people, who, even late in the afternoon, were still making the long trek to the United Nations speakers' platform. While the New York Times re- ports that top police officials estimated the crowd at 125,000, a few oldtimers among New York's Finest set the figure at closer to 250,000, a crowd- they said had never been surpassed except perhaps by the wild celebrations at the end of World War II. The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and Collegiate Press Service Suiscription rate: $4.50 semester by carrier ($5 by mail; $8 for two semesters by carrier ($9 by mail). Published at 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.. 48104. Daily except Monday during regular academic school year. BUT DESPITE its attributes, the rally as an extension and coordination of the peace movement failed. Although one could not expect the well-dressed person- age from Great Neck and Scarsdale to agree precisely with Quakers from Penn- sylvania, hippies from the lower east side and the hundreds of students from the University of Michigan on just how to resolve the Asian conflict, the concept of a unified front for the peace movement is greatly needed. "United we stand, di- vided we fall" to the general public might seem too patriotic for use by anti-war protestors, but that is only because the nation, with some prodding from mass media, education and the exigencies of practical politicians refuses to recognize the true nature of patriotism. It is for that very reason that the peace movement must demonstrate a greater unity. The many people uncom- mitted in their position on the war must be led to realize that this course of ac- tion is not synonymous with the betray- al of their country; that 250,000 people must have something to say, that there is safety in numbers.F Greater unity can only be achieved by organizing a deliberate action which can be acted upon immediately following es- calations of the war. AMES GERASSI, a former New York Times correspondent, now a reporter for Ramparts, said in Ann Arbor recently: "Draft board burning, not draft card burning, would be a real confrontation of the establishment." If President John- son knew that 500 of his local draft boards would be burned-admittedly an extreme tactic-if he invaded the North _rmiln t o+thnlri,- m Vp ramight+ onri Today and Tomorrow... By Walter Lippmann - Can the GOP End the War. At the moment, the official theory about the war is that it is a contest to see which side will crack first. As Gen. William West- moreland has told us, the con- flict is now a war of attrition. Hanoi, according to the official line, believes that if it holds on, the dissenters will become so pow- erful that Washington will be com- pelled to give in, to stop the fight- ing and withdraw its forces. The illusory hope can be dash- ed by a silent unanimity in this country and by an unceasing in- crease of military pressure in Vietnam. The official theory is that if we hit hard enough our adversary will reach that break- ing point which exists for every country where it will accept a dictated peace. On this conception of the war -that Hanoi is waiting for Wash- ington to break first-the war is now becoming wider and fiercer. From correspondents who are very close to the White House, the Pen- tagon and the State Department, we are now hearing that the con- flict has become such that there Nevertheless, to accept the theo- ry that a solution is not negotiable is to declare that political control of the war has been lost and there is nothing to do but to let her rip. Is that the best we can do? If it is, then everything depends upon the ability of our military forces to put Hanoi past the breaking point before the Chinese and the Russians are drawn into it. Per- haps the military men can do this. But not even Gen. Westmoreland thinks that the breaking point can be reached in any foreseeable near future. Thus, what the general foresees is an indefinite war of attrition. There can be no doubt that the longer and fiercer the war be- comes, the greater the chances of intervention by the Communist powers. THERE IS ANOTHER way of interpreting the situation. It is possible-I think it is probable- that Hanoi is not adverse to a negotiated solution which accepts the autonomy of South Vietnam with the issue of Vietnamese re- What seems much more prob- able to me is tha$ Hanoi, advised by Moscow, is studying the polls hoping that Mr. Johnson will not be re-elected. Face-saving has be- come the main preoccupation on both sides: Hanoi's preoccupation may be that the bomber attack shall not decide the war in Mr. Johnson's favor; Mr. Johnson's preoccupation is that at the end the casualties and the costs shall be discounted by the enthusiasm of victory. It seems to me a plausible idea that Hanoi is persisting not be- cause of an illusion that the Unit- ed States will crack and give in, but because it is waiting for a new administration, free to negotiate without being bound by so many considerations of personal prestige. THERE IS, I realize, only an hypothesis. And while reasoning by analogy in international affairs is notoriously uncertain, we should at least compare the situation in Vietnam in 1967 with the situa- tion in Korea in 1952. Then as now. the administra- By BOB EWEGEN Collegiate Press Service BOULDER, Colo.-They're bust- ing the gentle people again. It's no surprise, really. Mankind has never been very tolerant of its misfits. There was a time, in Rome, when they tossed them to lions before degenerate thrill seek- ers because they refused to offer incense to Jupiter of Mithras. Then the self-same misfits tri- umphed. No longer considered proper appetizers for wild beasts they promptly began to destroy their own misfits with inquisitions and auto-da-fes. Then the new misfits gained power of their own and, embittered by their struggles, hurled torture and death at all those different from them. It's a grim story, fill- ed with the vicious monotony of human stupidity. But though human persecution has had many varied forms through history, one aspect never changes-it's the gentle people who catch the most hell. Maybe it's because they can't fight back. Maybe it's because of an innate sadistic streak in homo sapiens. Maybe it is the over- powering terron of the unknown. Or maybe it's because they offer a quietyand disturbing challenge to our own inner convictions so we must hide our doubts in out- ran and anoity. haven't hurt us. Their weed only makes them gentler. We scream at the gentle people that their marijuana rots their" minds. Then we go home and take our daily pint of fuel oil, eat the olive, snap at our wife, vomit on the rug and feel self-righteous as all get out because we're not pot- heads. But we never learn. We outlaw marijuana and drive the gentle people underground, alienate them from society and force them into an alien subculture which is in- finitely more incompatible with our dream of a standardized ho- mogenized 2 per cent butterfat American Way of Life than they would ever be if we left them alone. WE TELL, them marijuana is the epitome of evil. They find out otherwise and smoke the stuff. Then we try to warn them about LSD or the real destroyers of morphine and heroin. They may listen to us but we doubt it for we've wrecked our credibility by crying "Wolf, Wolf, Wolf!" about a drug which more closely resem- bles a puppy dog. We wonder how many more thousands ofryoung and promis- ing lives will be smashed in the mincing machine of our supersti- tion and antiquated drug laws be- fore the public wakes up. But our hopes are low. There can be no --ln+-- F 41- ifie n ha 4 4 I I