"And Stop Pinching Me"

STANLEY QUARTET:

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01jr Atrgaf t3ally
Seventieth Year
k ~EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

ESDAY, JULY 13, 1960

NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SHERMAN

Above Average Concern
Needed for Average Child

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Midsummer Mozart
Sleepy Schubert
THE STANLEY QUARTET gave the second of its summer programs
last night in a concert that included works by Mozart, Piston, and
Schubert.
In Mozart's Quartet K. 499 (as in all of the Stanley Quartet's
Mozart) we could wish that there were a more brilliant precision,.an
outlook that is more aristocratic and less romantic. Except in the
Adagio, there was almost too much richness, and often. it tended to
obscure the structure of the work. Again this evening Stuart Canin
gave the group a musical. and masterful lead.
Walter Piston's' Quartet No. 2 filled the contemporary section of
the program nicely. The opening movement has a beautifully studied

UAW OFFICIAL Brenden Sexton touched on
an interesting point yesterday in his dis-
cussion of public education in the United
States.
Programs designed to stimulate and other-
wise aid the "gifted" child, he suggested,
should not be emphasized to the exclusion of
constantly improved programs to give -the
'average" child the best possible education.
Today's education experts and social work-
ers continually produce pages upon pages of
tudies of ways to deal with the problems of
abnormal students. Not only the geniuses, but
he "slow-learners," and other "problem"
Texan LungeS,
Bites Dust
SEN. LYNDON JOHNSON invited the Massa-
chusetts delegation and its head, Sen. John
Kennedy, to a meeting of the Texas group
yesterday. Johnson said that both he and
Kennedy would present their views on key
subjects in order to clarify their respective
position.
It was a good chance for the senators to
engage in a little political in-fighting.
Undoubtedly, Johnson got in some sharper
blows, hitting at Kennedy's absence from the
Senate while the Texan was minding the store,
and he attacked the Easterner's stand on farm
issues. Johnson also said Catholic states had
an obligation to support Protestant candidates
as well as vice-versa.
But Kennedy's remarks were of a more
impromptu nature and displayed a certain
aspect of intelligence which left a better
impression than Johnson's crudely-read speech
which received only moderate audience re-
action.
This last-ditch effort just did not work and
another Texan seemingly dies with his boots

children, are the objects of insatiable clinical
curiosity.
The ordinary, quiet, unassuming boys or
girls-the ones who do the assignments most
of the time and usually pass, never have pub-
lic tantrums or blow up the schoolhouse, or
even enter Harvard at the age of 12-are ap-
parently so uninteresting that the curiosity-
seekers pass them by, implying that, obviously,
such students can be left alone to become
untroublesome, if mediocre, citizens.
But do not these children need and deserve
just as much attention as the others? More
than that, does not the country, both collec-
tively and as individuals, require a constantly
better informed and equipped citizenry if it is
to survive the internal and international ten-
sions confronting it day after day?
IT IS VERY EASY to agree that, yes, every
child should be given the best possible edu-
cation, as well as the best homes, the best
employment conditions, and so on. But if we
are really concerned with raising the general
level of skill, intelligence and comfort in the
United States, a real dilemma must be solved.
How do we break the pattern, the down-
spiral of educational neglect Sexton referred
to? How do we assure the child a background
from the very beginning-for that is what is
needed-that gives him the basic speech and
thought patterns necessary for the mainten-
ance of sound learning habits in the class-
room?
A child whose parents cannot speak or write
English efficiently, or whose home life centers
around TV westerns and the funny papers,
has at least three strikes against him by the
time he enters the first grade, and it is prob-
ably almost impossible for the teacher to alter
his interest and ability level conspicuously.
Admittedly it is easier and more interesting
to work with a genius or a child whose prob-
lems stem from some fascinating abnormality,
but the future of the country and the race
depends, for the most part, not on them but
on the values and skills possessed by the,
"common man."
--ANDREW HAWLEY

series of tensions that rise and
textural richness and a superb
fall with an almost aquatic fluid-
ity.
The work itself is classically
modern, that is to say it no longer
sounds even slightly shocking, and
the pioneets of the first half of
the century already begin to take
their place as "historical" styles.
Nevertheless, the work retains
an excitement that time has done
nothing to alter, and its classicism
proves itself a matter of purely
musical invention and not merely
the reflection of a transient style.
* * *
THE SCHUBERT QUARTET
No. 125 lacked that very romantic
richness that the Mozart had. The
quartet is not one of Schubert's
most inspired works, and the ren-
dition given it did little to help.
It was treated languidly, almost
tiredly, and the sense of dramatic
conciseness was muffled and lack-
lustre. The Scherzo always seems
to be too short for the rest of the
work and when it is over we are
left up in the air, slightly off bal-
ance.
The adagio had a lovely tonal
quality, per se, but it suffered
from the general drowsy approach
that marked the whole. Schubert,
it seems, wilted as much as the
audience in a warm Pompeian red
Rackham.
The melodic line of the allegro
was handled with great discression
by Mr. Canin.It, had warm lyric-
ism, beautiful phrazing.
Indeed the whole evening had
a beautiful, if slightly dolce far
niente, mid-summer sound.
--Justin Fitzwilliam
Mozart
Quartet in D major, K. 499
Allegretto
Menuetto (allegretto)
Adagio
Allegro
Walter Piston
Quartet No. 2
Lento; allegro
Adagio molto e con
espressione
Allegro giusto
Schubert
Quartet in E-flat major,
Op. 125, No. 1
Allegro moderato
Scherzo (prestissimo)
Adagio
Allegro

OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan,. for, which The,
Michigan Daily assumes no edi-
torial responsibility. Notices should
be sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3519 Administration Build-
ing, before 2 p.m. two days preced-
ing publication.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 13, 1960
VOL. LXX, NO. 165
General Notices
Students, College of Engineering: The
final day for Dropping Courses With-
out Record will be Fri., July 15. A
course may be dropped only with the
permission of the classifier after con-
ference with the instructor.
University of Michigan Graduate
Screening Examinations in French and
German: All graduate students desir-
ing to fulfill their foreign language re-
quirement by passing the written ex-
amination given by Prof. Lewis (for-
merly given by Prof. Hootkins) must
firstpass an objective screening exam-
ination. The last administration df the
objective screening examination for the
summer session will be on Fri., July 15
from 3 to 5 p.m. in Aud. D, Angell Hall.
The names of the students who have
passed will be posted on the Bulletin
Board outside the office of Prof. Lewis,
the Examiner in Foreign Languages,
Rm. 3028 Rackham Bldg. by noon Tues.,
July 19. Please note: There will be no
written examinations given between
August 1 and the start of the fall
semester, September 19. Students de-
siring to fulfill the Graduate School's
requirement in French and German are
alerted to an alternate path. A grade
of B or better in French 12 and Ger-
man 12 will satisfy the foreign language
requirement. A grade of B or better in
French 11 and German 11 is the equiva-
lent of having passed the objective
screening examination.
Mathematics-Education: There will be
a showing of several, mathematical
movies designed for teachers and for
collegiate instruction, Thurs., July 14,
at 7:00 p.m., in room 2003 Angell Hall,
Academic Notices
The Summer Biological Symposium
will include both morning and evening
sessions on Wed., July 13. At 9 a.m.,
Lloyd M. Kozloff, Department of Bio-
chemistry, University of Chicago, will
speak on "Chemical Reactions During
Bacteriophage Invasion." E b e r h a r d
Wecker, The Wistar Institute of Anat-
omy and Biology, Philadelphia, will dis-
(Continued on Page 3)

FROM THE CONVENTION:
Wiliams' Political Future

-BURNS

TODAY AND TOMORROW
Kennedy: Qualifications
.:: By WALTER LIPPhMANN

SINCE THE West Virginia primary there has
been only one man who might conceivably
have stopped Kennedy. That man was Adlai
Stevenson who towers aboveall other available
Democrats in his knowledge of the world, in
his practical experience of diplomacy, and in
his personal prestige in every continent. John-
son, for all his shrewdness and skill as a legisla-
tive manager is not a genuine alternative to
Kennedy. For Johnson knows little of the outer
world.
When Stevenson refused to become an active
candidate and to participate in a combination
to stop Kennedy, the opposition had no genuine
candidate.
The only way that Kennedy can now be
stopped would be by some kind of maneuver in
which the prospects of the party in November
were sacrificed in order to engineer the defeat
of Kennedy and to retain the control of the
party in the hands of the Old Guard, among
them Mr. Ttuman.
STEVENSON'S DECISION, which cleared the
way for Kennedy, was determined by his
feelings and by his judgment. Stevenson is a
great gentleman for whom, having twice been
nominated, it would have been unseemly to
scramble for a third nomination.
It was clear too that while the professional
politicians might have been compelled to ac-
cept him again, they would have done so un-
willingly and in a defeatist spirit.
At the same time, there was Kennedy with
his youth, his sharp and trained intelligence,
and his undoubted popular magnetism. As
Kennedy has matured, he has outgrown many
of the mistakes and vacillations of his youth,
and today his position in domestic and foreign
affairs is substantially the same as Stevenson's.
As Kennedy has developed his ideas in his cam-
paigning he has proved himself to be an un-
usually effective organizer and a natural leader
of men.
There is little doubt today' that more than
any other available candidate, he can rally the
large diverse masses of the Democratic party,
and that if it comes down to infighting, Nixon
will know he has been in a fight.
IT IS PLAIN to all observers, to Gallup and
Lubbell and others, that the deepest concern
of the American people is with foreign affairs.
They are looking for leadership knowing, be-
cause they feel it in their bones, that things
are going very wrong, that American influence
'or4 A . q. .

is declining in Asia, in Africa, and in Latin
America while the Soviet influence is rising.
The people could find that leadership ine the
Republican party if it had the sense to nominate
Gov. Rockefeller. They can now find it in the
Democratic party under Kennedy and the men,
such as Stevenson, Bowles, Humphrey, and
Symington, who will be near him.
THESE PARTY LEADERS know that in order
to stand up to Khrushchev a lot more is
needed than to sass him back. There must be
power and influence to stand up to Khrush-
chev. The power cannot be generated by run-
ning the economy in low gear and pretending
to believe that the country cannot afford to
arm itself fully or to educate its children pro-
perly or to satisfy its public needs. The influ-
ence cannot be generated unless this country,
by the vigor and imagination of its own de-
velopment, becomes again, as it was under Wil-
son and Roosevelt and indeed in the nine-
teenth century generally, a model of what
democracy can do.
There are some among us who seem to think
that the way to deal with Khrushchev is to be
as rude as he is, and to rattle the rocket as he
does. Any fool can be rude to Khrushchev, and
Washington is full of ghost writers who can
write rude statements. But we are not suffering
from a lack of rudeness in our policy. What we
are suffering from is a failure to attract enough
friends among the masses of the people of Asia
and Africa and of Latin America.
THIS IS ONLY TOO evident in the fracas with
Castro. The controlling fact is that under
the treaty signed with our Latin American
neighbors, signed at their insistence, we have
renounced altogether the right to intervene in
Cuba or to take coercive measures. If Castro is
a menace to the peace of the hemisphere, meas-
ures can b~e taken against him only In collabora-
tion with the Organization of American States.
But, apparently, there are few Latin Ameri-
can states in which the people are with us
and against Castro, and there are few govern-
ments which would not fear our return to the
policy of intervention more than they fear the
tirades and the intrigues of Castro. We are
stymied because to an unusual degree we are
not liked and we are not tr4sted.
IT WAS NOT ALWAYS like that. It was not
like that under Roosevelt who, though he
did mighty little in a material sense for Latin
America, was a popular idol. It would not, I
think, be like that if Stevenson were the Secre-
tary of State. For in Latin America, as his
.-r-nf +11..iamneefrai d.. hi nra -ic a 

By THOMAS HAYDEN
Editor
LOS ANGELES-While the ad-
oration here falls chiefly on
Adlai Stevenson, John Kennedy,
or other front-runners, Michi-
gan's main political hopeful stands
quietly in the shadows of the Bilt-
more.
This was to be the big conven-
tion in G. Mennen Williams' po-
litical career.
Eight years ago he was tagged
as one of the bright young leaders
of the party, along with Sen.
Kennedy. Four years ago the
Michigan governor was still a
Democratic power, but rising more
slowly while Kennedy was start-
ing his ambitious vault to the
Presidency at the Chicago conven-
tion-
Today, of course, Kennedy Is
just a few million dollars short
of his goal. But Williams' hopes
have been checked, controversy
flares at the mention of his name,
and his political future is uncer-
tain.
DEMOCRATS FALL INTO two
broad categories when reacting to
Williams: the pro group likes or
idolizes him, the con group de-
spises him. Few are neutral,
Among his friends are men of
great influence: Walter Reuther,
Averill Harriman, Hubert Humph-
rey, Neil Staebler, and now John
Kennedy, who says he is "deeply
indebted to the governor."
Williams is a hero among mi-
nority groups and labor elements.
At this convention he has been
the uncompromising champion of
twentieth century liberalism, con-
centrating most of his efforts on
the civil rights issue.
In doing so, he has accrued
more hatred than was his before
the convention. Williams got off
to a bad start with Lyndon John-
son last month when he accused
the Texas senator of using politi-
cal pressure to keep Williams from
avidly backing Kennedy's candi-
dacy.
JOHNSON HAS angrily denied
the charge that he used pressure
and he doesn't hesitate -to blast
Walliams at any opportunity.
When Williams said last week
that Johnson could do the party
no good as a Presidential or Vice-
Presidential candidate, the Texan
fired back "When people have to
go to the bottom of the barrel for
statements by lame-duck Soapy
Williams, then things are getting
bad. Williams, as I recall, didn't
have much pull in the South when
the Republicans swept Michigan
in 1952 and 1956."
Johnson is far from alone in
his criticism. Southerners dislike
Williams nearly as much as Hum-
phrey these days, especially since
the Michigan governor spoke out
for a strong civil rights plank be-
fore the Democratic platform
committee and before several
thousand members of the NAACP.
* * *
BUSINESSMEN ARE no friends
with Williams either, partly be-
cause of his labor ties, partly be-
cause of the anti-business and/or

spending most of his time trying
to attract the support of other
governors and minority groups. In
this convention Williams has
preached the Kennedy gospel in
caucuc after caucus, greeted the
senator at International Airport,
and appeared with him at various
gatherings,
KENNEDY UNDOUBTEDLY
hopes that his indentification with
Williams will result in firmer al-
legiance from civil rights groups.
The senator does not stand well
with leaders of the Negro rights
drive, who think he lacks convic-
tion and regard his voting record
as mediocre.
Williams, in fact, attended the
Sunday NAACP rally with Ken-
nedy. This sort of companionship
leads one to suspect Williams' im-
mediate political future rests, to
large degree, on Kennedy's suc-
cess as a Presidential candidate.
A third possibility for the future
is suggested by Neil Staebler's de-
sire to work high up in the Demo-
cratic Party organization, but not
as the national chairman. Wil-
liams might logically move into
the post now held by Paul Butler,
with Staebler then able to assume
a high-ranking national post and
to act as an advisor to Williams.
A Vice-Presidential nomination
for Williams is a futile hope--
Kennedy wants to hurt few feel-
ings in the South. A cabinet post
is a better possibility.X illiams is
qualified for several jobs: Labor
Defense, Justice, or Health, Edu-
cation and Welfare (HEW).
4' * - .
HITS RECENT involvement in
matters of public welfare-he was
chairman of the education panel
at the recent governors' confer-
ence-perhaps indicates his level
of interest in the HEW job.
But should Kennedy lose, either
here or in November, Williams'
chances for a cabinet job might
vanish.
In the last few days, a new
variable has emerged. Sen. Pat
McNamara, now seriously ill at
Ford hospital in Detroit, may be
forced to withdraw from the Sen-
ate race in November. Should that
situation develop, Williams might
pick up the Senate candidacy and
would surely win the six-year
term.
THE SENATE MAY BE the en-
vironment Williams needs if he
is to advance politically. There he
would find the opportunity to

speak out to the nation, gaining
experience in foreign and domes-.
tic problems.
The Democrats are now moving
toward liberal ideas and leaders
more than at any time in the last
15 years. The civil rights plank
proposed last night is the most
dramatic example. Lyndon B.
Johnson's difficulties in finding
Northern votes is further evi-
dence.
As one of the party's leading
liberals, Williams' future political
hopes are undoubtedly bound to
this ideological swing as well as
to the more immediate chances of
Sen. Kennedy.

MAX LERNER:
Steve nson's Candidacy

LOS ANGELES-Next to seeing
an authentic miracle, give me
-the chance to see a huddle of peo-
ple who clamor for a miracle to
be wrought.
I am speaking of the eager peo-
ple here at the Democratic Con-
vention who are shouting, praying,
working, button-holing everyone,
peddling literature, collecting
funds, trying to sheer contagion
of will to move a mountain for
Adlai Stevenson.
You will see them in every hotel'
lobby, at every party and recep-
tion, in every little group arguing
the tactics, strategy, and prospects
of Democratic victory. They have
come here by every conveyance
from jet plane to dog cart. They
have been too busy to become dis-
enchanted.
The only trouble with them is
that there are only privates in
their army, and no generals or
captains or kings. Their candidate
stands lonely, eloquent, but some-
what detached, even from them.
The distance between him and the
rest of the array of candidates is
one of the painfully evident facts
of the convention. Stevenson is
left alone in the isolation of his
distinctive style and mind. Every-
one listens with grave attention
when he speaks, and at the mo-
ment when some unusually arrest-
ing turn of phrase breaks the spell
the multitude applauds. But the
votes of the delegation and their
leaders go to Kennedy.
*a* * d
I WENT to a Jyg outdoor re-

ception for delegates and alter-
nates and hangers on. Most of the
delegates were for Kennedy and
Johnson, but the place swarmed
with non-delegates who talked,
breathed and dreamt only Steven-
son. Many of them were from the
new Pacific Coast communities. I
listened to them for hours while
they told me about how they had
come to political consciousness
during the 1952 and 1956 cam-
paigns, how they had been stirred
to build political organizations in
districts that seemed hopelessly
Republican, how they had run for
every office, from Congressman
to school board member, and
mostly had been defeated.
Almost always they asked with
a pathetic eagerness whether I
thought Stevenson would make it
again this time. How could I tell
them that I was only a newspaper-
man and didn't deal in the pre-
diction of miracles?
In the evening we heard the
candidates at the. Democratic
fund-raising dinner and there was
a caustic sadness about the spec-
tacle. Symington gave a well-
meant, uninspired talk. Lyndon
Johnson orated about a Russian
"roof of rockets" with singular in-
effectiveness. Kennedy abandoned
his notes and gave a fiery but
undistinguished pep talk. Steven-
son's mind alone had bite, style,
grasp, distinction.
The audience this time - a
$100-a-plate audience-was wholly
different from the grass roots
crowd I had seen in the afternoon.

But this audience, too, was lifted
for a moment from the mediocrity
of the usual campaign talk, and
caught a glimpse of greatness in
our time.
* * *
DON'T BELIEVE anyone who
says Adlai Stevenson is not a
candidate this year. He has been
a willing if not active candidate
all along and in the past week he
has even been an eager one.
History has monstrous moments
of mistiming. Twice in the past
when Stevenson was nominated,
the Democrats had no real chance
of winning. This time, when vic-
tory is genuinely possible, the best
mind among the Democrats is
only a thin outside possibility for
the nomination.
One can be quite detached and
still see the heartbreak of it. Men
like Jim Doyle aid Mike Mon-
roney have turned in a superb
professional job as managers in
Stevenson's behalf, showing skill
and command under the most ad-
verse condidtions.
Others who stuck with Steven-
son during two campaigns and
who have now shifted to Ken-
nedy's camp, still show the tor-
tured traces of an inner conflict.
They feel that Kennedy can win,
and they may even expect him to
make a fighting liberal record as
President. But their commitment
now is of a different quality. The
Stevenson era - short of that
miracle I spoke of - is over.
BECAUSE IT IS OVER, Ken-
nedy has had the field almost to
himself. The Johnson forces have
strength, but since they lack the
conviction of possible victory they
can at best hold their own instead
of attracting new votes. The Ste-
venson forces cannot get started
unless Kennedy is stopped-which
means that they depend on the
unlikely prospect of a successful'
Johnson holding operation.
Thus what Kennedy has on his
side may be put quite simply: The
fact is that he is operating in a
vacuum, and you cannot displace
something with nothing.
The "something" that Kennedy
has is elusive-a driving purpose,
an unpanicked steadiness of strat-

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Students May 4 buse Sit-In 'Tool'

To the Editor:
LAST YEAR we saw a student
march on Washington demand-
ing enforcement of the integration
ruling.
Discrimination led to non-vio-
lent sit-ins, starting in the South
and resulting in the sympathy
picketing of chain stores all over
the country.

tional party conventions to de-
mand strong civil rights platforms.
The nonviolent demonstration
is potentially a powerful tool,
probably the most effective means
that the student has of influenc-
ing United States affairs. I believe
that it is at the point of being
abused. When students demon-
strate at the slightest provocation,
neoule will ston listening.

vent itself from aiding those who
wish to alter it illegally?
2) Shall we abolish laws because
there are some who would break
them?
-F. D. Nahabedian, '62Dent.
'Ruth' Review . .
To the Editor:
T SHOULD like Miss Paperman