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itorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
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DREW PEARSON:
Humphrey Couldn't
Run Without Money
LOS ANGELES-Backstage huddling, where the TV cameras can't
get in, is taking place all over the lot both in Los Angeles and
Washington. And some of it may decide who is to be the next President
of the United States.
One of the most important took place the other evening between
Sen. Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, onetime candidate, and, Sen.
Lyndon Johnson of Texas, full-time candidate With them were Earle
Clements, former senator from Kentucky, and chief mastermind of
the Johnson campaign, and Bobby Baker, Johnson's right-hand assist-
ant.
They wanted Minnesota's 31 key votes to go for Johnson, not Ken-
nedy; and they knew that as a bribe to get those votes, Sen. Humphrey

AY, JULY 9, 1960

NIGHT EDITOR: ANDREW HAWLEY


Degree Popularity Points
To a Broadened Curriculum


HE RECENT VISIT to the campus by
college president and respected educator
rilliam Whitehouse, and, more specifically,
he panel on the "Social Implications of Eco-
omic Change"--which Included Whitehouse
ad two University faculty members-high-
ghted a number of interesting questions fac-
ig higher education in this country.
Everyone knows that more and more stu-
ents are entering our schools and colleges
wh day. The painful shortage of teachers,
.assrooms and other facilities is an old, but
icreasingly embarrassing, story.
Of course the exploding American popula-
on is not the sole factor behind our crowded
hools. As a college degree becomes a social,
not an economic, "must" for more kinds of
eople, the number of students represents a
onstantly broader range of intelligence, inter-
sts, and economic background.,
From this it follows that colleges must offer
broader educational program, unless educa-
>rs want to take the stand that it is a mis-
ake to allow non-intellectuals to spend time
1 what used to be institutions devoted to the
itellectual.

IN BRIEF, the pressure is on nowadays from
many directions for youths to get them-
selves at least a bachelor's degree. Not only
the lure of prestige, financial security and
social acceptibility, but political circumstances
such as the Cold War demand some kind of
technical or intellectual skill of today's citi-
zens.
And even if these pressures were lacking or
weaker, the whole approach of secondary
education to its task provides colleges with
freshmen who are in general.better prepared
for more courses in "life adjustment" than
less pragmatic, more scholarly endeavors.
If we neglect to accompany the increasing
variety of student interests and abilities with
a corresponding variety of levels and areas of
formal study, then the true scholars will be
stifled and the others deprived of training that
will be really beneficial to them and to the
public. Even now, as Prof. Kelly pointed out
Wednesday, the value of honors programs and
graduate degrees is being watered down, and
ceasing to indicate true ability.
--ANDREW HAWLEY

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had been appiroached by Sen.
Kennedy, the man who beat him
in West Virginia, to.be Kennedy's
vice-presidential running mate.
"I'm not going to run," Hum-
phrey said with vigor. "I'm fed.
up with primaries. I've got a big
campaign debt to pay off, and I've
got to stick to my knitting as sen-
ator. Furthermore, Muriel is so
fed up with all this that she'd di-
vorce me if I ran for 'vice -presi-
dent".
Humphrey, who ha; more ener-
gy and more initiative than almost
anyone else in the Senate, then
gave some suggestions to Lyndon
Johnson.
"THE MAN TO run for vice-
president on your ticket is Gene
McCarthy," he said referring to
Ihis colleague, the Democratic sen-
ator from Minnesota, arCatholic.
"He's the guy for you. But you've}
got to promote him. Tell some
newspapermen about it. You've
got to really publicize this.
"And you've got to get Stu Sym-
ington in here," continued Hum-
phrey, pointing to a chair. "Sit
him down and talk to him. Get
him out of the race. You're the
only one who can beat Kennedy."
The session between onetime
candidate Humphrey and full-time
candidate Johnson 'lasted, about
two hours. It was followed by an-
other backstage huddle, this one
with Democratic Congressman
John Blatnik of Duluth and Jo-
seph Karth of St. Paul, the latter
a very strong Kennedy supporter.
After the latter huddle was ov-
er, Sen. Humphrey told the press
just the opposite-namely, that
he was for the n6mination of
Minnesota's Gov. Orville Freeman
for vice-president.

INTERPRETING:
Reflections
On the. News
By J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
SOME THOUGHTS after scan-
'ning a week's news:
A COMMITTEE of the Ameri-
can Association for the Advance-
ment of Science is suggesting that
scientists should pay more atten-
tion to their political obligations,
especially by informing the public
in advance about social problems
which new techniques will pro-
duce.
Since development of the A-
bomb a great many scientists have
become politically conscious. The
trouble is that so many have
seemed to lack historical back-
ground and the ability to articu-
late.
The facts, they produce are
often too complicated for the
public, which therefore has small
means of assessing the credibility
of political or social opinion based
upon them.
The scientist who can forecast
the possible effect of his products
on society, suggesting alternate
applications of new forces for the
greatest good, is a much needed
man. But he must not sulk for a
while if people, who have so 'often
seen him contradict himself
through his, own magic, do- not.
immediately accept his political
conclusions as final.

e"." pywwN


0'U.

D.C.Voting Rights Overdue


THlIS FOURTH OF JULY was marked by an.
other star placed upon the field of blue,
commemorating the entrance of our fiftieth
state into the Union, Hawaii.
The territories of Hawaii and Alaska tried
for many years to gain statehood without suc-
cess. But when Congress saw that these terri-
tories were ready for the final privilege of
statehood and all the responsibilities incumbent
upon that position, they admitted the new state.
American history has been characterized by
the extension of freedom and suffrage, since
the cry against "taxation without representa-
tion" sprang from the lips of American colon-
ists. And so with the entrance of this newest
state and also, very recently, the admission of
Alaska, the United States' obligation of ex-
tending suffrage to any geographical district
seems terminated, at least until other less-de-
veloped territories reach a greater degree of
maturity.

Such is not the case. After many years of
stalling, Congress has finally taken at least
token action to granting suffrage to the resi-
dents of the District of Columbia. This cer-
tainly does not come prematurely.
There might have been reason - when our
nation's capitol was originally built - for deny-
ing the voting privilege to residents. But this
district has its internal affairs controlled by
Congress and yet has no voice in the govern-
ment. The citizens are taxed, both locally and
nationally. Yet they are denied the right to
vote.
Should the effort made by Congress this
session develop into a law and provide the
District of Columbia with suffrage, the flag of
democracy will truly fly over the center of our
liberties as well as over the fifty states.
-MICHAEL BURNS

DIVERSE MOVEMENTS IN U.S.:
Students Criticize Society

TODAY AND TOMORROW
Castros' Immunity
By WALTER LIPPMANN

MORE AND MORE, the Castro government
has been acting as if it were trying to pro-
voke the United States into armed intervention.
It has refrained, thanks be, from jeopardizing
American lives. But short of that, it is doing
everything which would in the past have meant
a landing of the Marines, the seizure of Ha-
vana, and the ouster of the Castro government.
It is seizing American property without com-
pensation. It is inciting hatred against us all
over the hemisphere. It is making deals carry-
ing political implications with the Soviet Union,
which is a non-American great power, and it
is engaged in incitement and intrigue in several
of the Caribbean nations.
At one time, until before the second world
war, Castro's behavior would surely have pro-
voked intervention by the United States. Yet
it has not provoked it, and the reason is that
we have signed a treaty with the other Ameri-
can states which most explicitly prohibits armed
intervention. Particularly unilateral interven-
tion, in the old manner.
The Charter of the Organization of American
States says in Article 15 that "no state or
group of states has the right to intervene
directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever,
in the internal or external affairs of any other
state." This Charter, which is a treaty signed
by the President and ratified by the Senate,
disarms this country in dealing with Castro.
What is more, so long as only property and
propaganda but not lives are at stake, most of
the governments and people of this hemisphere,
virtually all of Asia and Africa, and the greater
part of Europe, would sympathize with Castro
if the United States intervened. For them the
intervention would be, as people say, a "Hun-
gary in reverse."
THERE IS NO DOUBT that Castro is fully
aware of the fact that under the treaty as
now established, and in the present climate
of American and world opinion, he enjoys a high
degree of immunity in what he does to the
United States, Britain and other foreign pro-
Editorial Staff
KATHLEEN MOORE, Editor
MICHAEL BURNE .... ......... Night Editor
ANDREW HAWLEY................. Night Editor

perty owners and in what he says in his propa-
ganda campaign.
The critical question, it seems to me, is this.
Is Castro using this immunity to armed inter-
vention in order to focus the revolutionary
zeal of the Cuban masses on the hated for-
eigners while he is carrying out the expropria-
tion of foreign and middle-class property in
Cuba? Or is there a more sinister and alien in-
tention, which goes far beyond the Cuban revo-
lution itself? Are there men behind Castro who
are trying to provoke the United States into a
catastrophic intervention which would ruin our
reputation in this hemisphere and in the whole
uncommitted world of Asia and Africa?
In other words, are we faced with a Cuban
revolution in the island of Cuba or with a
gambit, in which Cuba is only a pawn, in a
vast international action?
HERE IS AS YET no decisive evidence which
enables us to be sure of the answers to
these questions. But, given what we know, it
is clear, I think, that we must not allow our-
selves to be provoked into armed intervention
with the military occupation of Cuba. The loss
of property and the annoyance of Castro's
propaganda are small things compared with
the disaster of having to use the Marines and
the Army to crush a popular revolution.
Nor should we expect much from economic
retaliation, such as in the sugar quota. Castro
will not fall because of this. For he can un-
doubtedly count on the support of the Soviet
Union, and we are quite powerless to prevent
the Soviet Union from aiding him. We are giv-
ing aid to too many countries on the frontier
of the Soviet Union to be able to object if a
country on our frontier gets aid from the Soviet
Union.
T HE POINT to which we can address our-
selves is Castro's own intervention in the
internal affairs of his neighbors around the
Caribbean. We can do virtually nothing on our
own. For, except in defense of American lives,
we have signed away the right of unilateral
action in this hemisphere. But Joined with
a few other liberal American states, say with
Brazil, Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela, we
could -- without intervening in Cuba - work
out measures to contain and to quarantine the
Cuban revolution within the island of Cuba.
Ambassador Berle, who has a rich and deep
knowledge of the hemisphere, favors a system
for' the control of the traffic in arms. This

(Continued from Page 1)
parties," as for example the Slate
Party at the University of Cali-
fornia. In addition, the Northern
student lacks the deep religious
involvement found in the South,
as well as the often emotional,
idealogical involvement character-
istic of the West Coast activity.
This is due in part to the fact
that the Northern student has so
far not found himself in the
middle of a crisis such as the
lunch-counter fighting and the
police riots in San Francsico. Such
experiences have emotionally con-
solidated those who took part and
prompted them to continue their
defiant activities.
* . .
IT SEEMS CLEAR, then, that
the nature of the movement is
quite distinct from place to place,
but at the same time, it is some-
how general and very widespread.
Its general nature, I believe,
may be defined by its common
purpose which winds through its
whole fabric. The assertion that
human beings must be free, func-
tioning as components in a society
equal to all the other components
of that society. Further, that so-
ciety, which is in many ways in-
stitutionalized and bureaucratic,
must be humanized.
This is the overarching reason,
not only for the drive for Negro
rights but for the clemency plea
for Caryl Chessman, the petitions
for disarmament, and the de-
mands for freedom of thought at
the House Un-American Activties
Committee meeting.
* * *
ALL THIS STILL leaves the
basic question of motivation.
What inspired the American stu-
dents to begin the campaign, to
defy authority, to jeopardize his
present place in society in hopes
of building a sounder future?
One reason is simple. Many of
the students involved are older
than the average American stu-
dent. Some leaders at the Un-
versity of California, for example,
are 25 to 28 years old. They've
seen the world, so to speak, and
are likely to rebel at any form of
paternalism in college.
to the
EDITOR .
Any Criteria? . . .
To the Editor:
T IS USUALLY Donald Kessel
whose reviews. are most irritat-
ing, but your recent review of "The
It is usually Donald Kessel
whose reviews are most irritating,
but your recent review of "The
Story of Ruth" by Pat Chester
was just unbearable. I saw the
film and was almost nauseated.
By what criteria do The Daily
reviewers judge movies? Is this
Pat Chester one of those people

A more important, and a more
general, reason may be found by
defining the student's position in
society. The four years of college
education have been likened to a
parenthesis. That parenthesis in-
terrups the otherwise straight line
of a student's life development,
* * *
IT IS A PERIOD regarded by
many students as superfluous to
their course in that it has no
strictly definable effect on the rest
of their lives. In other words, the
college student is suspended. He
has no demanding attachments--
no job ties, no family, no property,
no investments. He is free in a
sense that no older person in the
economy is free.
In this atmosphere the student
has ,the opportunity to make a
detached analysis of his society
and its trends. Quite naturally, he
asks questions like the question
presently being asked: Since in
theory the Negro must have equal
rights, why does he not have them
in fact?
* * *
AGAIN, IT IS important to
emphasize that the majority of
college students are not active
participants in the movement. If
the average student does question
his society, it is done temperately,
and if he does ask for a change, it
is done through accepted institu-
tions.
It is only a solid minority who
have begun to raise issues mili-
tantly. This minority, I believe,
has not recently done more.
Rather, it has recently emerged
full-blown. For an awfully long
period of years students have been
rebels.
One historical fact helps ex-
plain the movement's recent de-
velopment. That is the apparent
passing of McCarthyism and its

intolerance of "rebellious atti-
tudes." Prior to the McCarthy
days, the student movement was
definitely under way, inspired to
an extent by returning war vet-
erans who had been exposed to
the realities of this world beyond
the college parenthesis.
, * *
VIEWED IN THIS way then,
today's student movement is the
regeneration of something not
quite killed by the McCarthy era.
One may also see it as an objec-
tive response to the society from
which the student is somewhat
detached.
I suspect, however, that this
analytic approach fails and that
somewhere there exist other rea-
sons for the current student
renaissance.
To cite one unexplained com-
plication: the student activist -is
not so security-centered as the
student non-activist. What ex-
plains the sharp gap between
those security - minded students
who retreat from conflict with so-
ciety and the minority of stu-
dents who do not retreat but
beliggerently criticize society?
If a fear of the profound com-
plexity of modern life forces the
majority of students to withdraw
into conservatism, what is it in
life which magnetizes the minority
of students into quite fearless re-
bellion?
The student seems to have
reached a point where it is so
self-humiliating not to assert him-
self that he is impelled to cry out
at any material cost so that he
may somehow preserve the integ-
rity of his personality. I do not
profess to know if this is the final
answer. In fact, no one seems to
know at the moment. But 500
students will picket the Demo-
cratic Convention today.

THUS CONTINUES the off-stage * * *
play of power for the biggest elect- AND SPEAKING of seeking ad-
ive job in the world. vance answers for future prob-
What really crushed Hubert lems, consider the new discoveries
Humphrey in his campaign for about the dolphin's high I.Q.
President was money. He didn't What's going to happen to execu-
have it. His opponent, Jack Ken- tives, news analysts and the like
nedy did. Humphrey begged, bor- if these oceanic big brains learn
rowed, passed the hat. He ended to run these new fangled elec-
up the Wisconsin campaign $27,- tronic brains?
000 in the hole, with nothing to
go on for West Virginia.
"The only thing I had for West THE STANDARD OIL CO. of
Virginia," he told friends, "was New Jersey in effect is recogniz-
Humphrey. I had to go out, with- ing that private enterprise cannot
out rest, and charge right out of stand back and let governments
Wisconsin to West Virginia. do all the cold war fighting. It
"This was expensive. The Oregon will turn a cold shoulder here-
operation was fantastically expen- after toward tanker owners " who
'ive. on top of this I was told that try to do business with the Com-
I would need a minimum of $75,- munists, especially in connection
000 or $108,000 as an operating with the Cuban'crisis. If the idea
fund in Los Angeles. All this mon- should become- general, Nikita.
ey was out of the question. Abso- Khrushchev would begin to realize
lutely, totally out of the question." what economic war really means.
AT THE MICHIGAN:
Mafia Not Malevolent
In Sleepy Melodrama
"PAY OR DIE" could more honestly be titled "Pay and Sleep." This
is exactly what happened to the reviewer's companion during a
more than usually dull afternoon at the movies.
Ernest Borgnine, if he is truly reduced to this level of entertain-
ment, has seen much better days. And so had the Mafia in 1909 if they
were truly frightened by the character he portrayed.
Borgnine has so far shown only two dimensions to his acting
ability: the mean, vicious gangster, as Fatson in "From Here to
Eternity," and warm, sentimental "Marty." In this movie, he seems
intent on combining both. He fails to be convincing on either count.
As a police officer cleaning out

r"

MAX LERNER:
Trivia Clouds Considerations,

NEW YORK - For the moment
the Democrats-arguing about
the sickness and health of their
candidates, their age or youth -
are being eaten by trivia. To dis-
cuss the relative disabilities im-
posed by Sen. Johnson's old coro-
nary attack or Sen. Kennedy's old
case of Addison's disease is to get
bogged down in the swamps of
what is unmeasurable and better
left unmentioned.
"* *
NOR IS THE question of youth
and age at all central to the choice
of a President. Kennedy inter-
preted Truman's attack as turning
on his youth, and it launched him
into a curiously juvenile essay on
political arithmetic.
The truth is that young men in
politics often prove to be young
fogies and old men are often
scrappy irresponsible rebels against
their own generation. Americans
have for some time made a cult
of youth, and they have rarely
given age the deference it de-
serves.

being thought a kiddy candidate,
cites the number of years he has
served in Congress. It is a danger-
ous answer since it exposes him to
the question of why in his fourteen
years of service he has not built
the kind of leadership image that
any of the men on his historical
list had.
Lyndon Johnson, who has been
in Congress a decade longer than
Kennedy, and made much more of
a splash there, also runs a danger
when he talks of his experience. It
doesn't follow that the .skillful
guiding of bills through Congress
develops the qualities for Presi-
dential leadership. The most effec-
tive Senatorial leader is likely to
be an "operator." But that would
scarcely be the best one-word defi-
nition of a great President.
* * *
JOHNSON WAS right in one
sentence he used about the Ameri-
can Presidency. "I cannot truth-
fully say that any man is qualified
for it in advance." The office
exerts a magnetic force, and draws

for history, his knowledge of when
to retreat and when to march for-
ward, his grasp of the-forces which
will shape the destiny of the na-
tion and world.
* * *
JUDGED.THUS I find the front-
running candidates of both parties
not wholly reassuring.
Kennedy's biographer, James M.
Burns, feels that he has the poten-
tial of great growth in him, and I
respect his judgment about it. But
I fail to find it either in his face
or presence, his record or his ut-
terance.
Despite Lyndon Johnson's some-
what portentous strutting, he
strikes me as an able craftsman
whom history will forget faster
than he thinks and perhaps more
unjustly than he deserves.
As for Richard Nixon, I shudder
somewhat at the thought that
some of his devoted followers may
regard him as a carrier of history,
a major figure of destiny. He re-
minds me of the pushing, jostling,
bright and eager Snopes family in

a strongly entrenched, interna-
tional syndicate, he seemed too
weary and too resigned to it all.
As a man in love, he displayed a
mean reaction-formation. Through
it all, he remained the forgivably
ignorant foreigner.
* * *
THE DIRECTOR, for reasons
that must lie deep in a psycho-
logical handbook for stupid au-
diences, insisted on keeping this
fact before the viewer's attention.
Since the support and the diree-
tion were almost nil, Borgnine.
carried what must pass off as the
story. And since he was not up to
his better performances, the movie
alternated between unexhilirating
violence and sloppy sentimentality.
A little authenticity was' added
when Borgnine's boys. were sent
out to keep Enrico Caruso's hide
intact after an, assassination
threat. Caruso proved to be a
funny little runt; and the absurd
pile of rubbish supposedly a
dynamited auto provided the only
comic relief during the whole
movie.
ZOHRA LAMBERT, who was
making her first appearance in
Hollywood, should have asked her-
self the question Trumaanput to
Kennedy. She was pleasant rather