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SDAY, JULY 26, 1960 NIGHT EDITOR: ANDREW HAWLEY
'West Side Story Turns Real
For Convicted Puerto Ricans

INTERPRETING THE NEWS:
Political Chaos Harms
Congo's Rich Economy
8y .J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
PEOPLE EVERYWHERE are asking if Belgium deliberately granted
independence to the Congo with the idea that resulting chaos would
excuse her continued presence and thus perhaps save her business
interests.
The favorite story is that Belgian business men in the former
colony, seeing the handwriting on the wall when France began working
on independence for neighboring territories, influenced the government
to get it over with.
As the story goes, they thought they could "contain" independence

S

A NYONE READING beyond the convention
headlines in the newspapers the past few
days has been treated to a gratis performance
of a "West Side Story"-but without Leonard
Bernstein's music.
Seven Puerto Rican youths, two of them in
their twenties, the rest between the ages of
sixteen and nineteen, have been convicted of
murdering two boys on a New York school
playground a few months ago. Five of the
defendants have been convicted of first degree
manslaughter, the other two of first degree
murder which, in New York, carries a inanda-
tory death sentence.
The details of the murder are ugly and,
unfortunately for the boys, lack the romantic
appeal of the well-choreographed rumbles in
"West Side Story." The two doomed youths
stabbed their victims with a Mexican dagger
and wounded a third boy.
EVEN THE most softhearted citizen would
find it difficult to sympathize with the per-
petrators of such a crime. But among those
who will, in the coming months, protest vio-
lently the attempts of the boys' lawyers to save
their lives, may be some of the thousands who
wept with deep sympathy during a performance
of "West Side Story." They will not realize that
these are the same characters whose pathetic
situation won their hearts on Broadway. This
is understandable. The boys are naturally hard
to recognize and far less appealing without
their makeup and ballet shoes.
The boys in the musical sing. "Dear, kindly
segreant Krupke, you gotta understand. It's
just our bringing-upkey, that gets us out of
hand. Our fathers are all junkies, our mothers
all are drunks. Goodness gracious, naturally
we're punks!" And the audience nods and cries
with one voice, "Of course you aren't to be
blamed! It isn't your fault at all!"
"But," they add, "the real situation i7't
that bad." Well, riot quite. Perhaps no one in
these boys' families takes dope or even drinks.
But here the improvement about stops. Nearly
all the boys are from broken homes, their
fathers living in Puerto Rico, their mothers,
stepfathers and half-brothers and sisters liv-
ing in tiny, filthy, crowded apartments in the
New York slums. Their English is so poor
that some of them needed interpreters at their
trial.
THEY ARE seven boys from the seemingly
endless stream of Puerto Ricans who come
each year to the city that hates them, move
around from apartment to apartment trying
to find a job that pays something remotely
MAX LERN ER : _
New Design
N EW YORK-The Republican Convention is
meeting amidst three great trains of events
which will strain the vision and decision of
the next President, whether it be Kennedy or
Nixon.
One is the successful launching of two Po-
laris middle-distance missiles from a sub-
merged American submarine. The second is
the Cuban crisis, with its dramatic foreshadow-
ing of how nuclear war will come to the world,
when and if it does. The third is the Congo
crisis, with its further-proof of how effectively
the Communists are using the new revolu-
tionary nationalisms in their political and
economic warfare.
'These three symbols-of the weapons race,
the tightening struggle on the American con-
tinent, and the struggle for the loyalties of the
new African countries-are points in a triangle
that may become for the United States and
the democratic world a triangle of destiny.
Each is worth some prayerful thought, espe-
cially by the party stalwarts at Chicago who
will have their last chance to decide between
Rockefeller and Nixon.
HE IMPORTANCE of the underwater firing
of the Polaris missiles goes beyond war
technology to peace diplomacy. It means that
the West will no longer be dependent for its
military defense on land-based and air-to-

ground missiles, and that the American mili-
tary bases around the perimeter of Russia and
China have now ceased to be crucial.
The consequences for American diplomacy
will be felt during our whole generation. A
large chunk of American tax revenue and many
of the American diplomatic headaches are
concerned with these airbases on foreign soil.
Because Russia and China form a vast land-
mass spanning two continents, the American
strategy of seeking to contain them by sur..
rounding them with airbases has made some
sense, despite its high military and political
cost. But American submarines can now be-
come. in effect. silently moving and invisible

akin to a living wage, and try to keep their
families off the streets.
Their children, who learn at a tender age
the problems that most young Americans never
dream exist, can scarcely be expected to con-
centrate on school work under such conditions.
They have too much to worry about at home.
Lasting friends and permanent roots are so
impossible as to be inconceivable to them, and
indeed it is a wonder that they ever have an
opportunity to learn English at all.
THESE TENSIONS have to be released some-
how. So boys such as these go off to the
playground1s at night to look for trouble. And
then they are convicted by due process of
democratic law and duly sentenced to death.
A horrifying aspect of it is that they don't
even seem to care. "Gee, Officer Krupke, krup
you!" chorus the boys in "West Side Story"
and the boys in the "off-Broadway" version
tell the court, "I don't care if I burn. My
mother can watch me," and "What difference
does it make if I die? I've never lived anyway."
Perhaps not caring is a last defense for
these boys who have no other defenses left.
They're just too defeated to care any more.
They were licked before they started, so let
someone else care. And someone else does-the
audience. The audience cares enough to weep
over the boys in the play and pack the boys in
the true story off to the electric chair.
OF COURSE the problem in New York is not
new. Neither is it to be lightly settled. The
clearance of the New York slums will be a long
slow business. Most of us will not live to see
it completed, and the little that can be done
in the meantime by the social workers who
devote their lives to the cause seems almost
futile.
But if we cannot act, at least we can under-
stand. That is a beginning. We can have a little
sympathy, and not just for the characters in a
musical comedy. Anyone who has shed a tear
over Tony and Maria in "West Side Story" owes
more than the same to these boys. They can't
go home when the show is over.
We can realize that these are not just "bad
boys." They are caught in a problem that they
could not help creating and that we do not
know how to solve. We can hope that at least
their lives will be spared and that they will
live to see what Tony and Maria begged for
vainly, "peace and quiet and open air." Perhaps
they will even find "a new way of living" and
maybe someday, "a way of forgiving. Some-
how."
-JUDITH OPPENHEIM

ay~s,. Ty . ptteS 4 - ad "1*OM pat+. Ca.

as colonial interests have so often
business. Neither the business in-
terests nor the government has
done much to dispel this story.
COMBINED with the obvious
Belgian failure to give the Congo-
lese any tutoring in self-govern-
ment, and the tie-up between Bel-
gium and the Katanga secession-
ists, the impression is likely to
stick at least until there is more
information.
Secretary General Hammarskjold
of the United Nations, by his stop-
over to discuss the point in Brus-
sels, seems to think Belgium still
holds the key to Katanga's two-
thirds of the Congolese national
production.
The Republic of the Congo as
envisioned in the independence
treaty, united, with business con-
tinuing as usual (even though
Belgian-owned), would be one' of
the few states in the world with
a viable economy.
It would be one of the few un-
derpopulated states.
STARTING from political scratch
it is seriously handicapped in
many ways, but at least has some-
thing which could be turned to
great advantage - an opportunity
to borrow the political best from
established systems without hav-
ing to go through so many mis-
takes.
Shortsightedness on the part of
Belgian business and the Congo's
inexperienced leaders may give the
country only the worst of its pros-
pects.
Division under present circum-
stances would leave the richest
and most highly developed area to
business interests rooted abroad.
The Leopoldville area standing
alone would be only a new center
of unrest.
THE CAUSE of African nation-
alism, which is ilkely to become
either the cause of Western de-
mocracy or of Communist expan-
sionism, would not be served.
The idea of a United Nations
security force to keep order seems
to be working in the Leopoldville
area. If it can get into Katanga,
and the result is a reunified Con-
go, the cause of joint action for
international security will have
been greatly advanced.
But as of the moment indepen-
dence hasn't had much chance to
"take" in Katanga.

in the past, and so continue in
LETTERS
to the
EDITOR
Goldwater-Lodge
To the Editor:
THE REPUBLICAN party will
choose its candidate for Presi-
dent of the United States in the
coming election before the end of
this week.
The future of our country in a
troubled world depends on their
choice and on their success in the
coming election. It is therefore
our duty as students, the citizens
of the future, to employ our in-
fluence in determining this choice.
There are only two men in our
great country fully qualified to
serve us in the executive positions
of our government. They are Barry
Goldwater of Arizona and Henry
Cabot Lodge of the United Na-
tions.
SENATOR GOLDWATER is a
devoted and God-fearing man. He
won't be satisfied with the mere
achievement of a stalemate. He
will lead us to victory in the great
world struggle.
Senator Goldwater. as he told
us in his, great address to the con-
vention last night, does not follow
the philosophy of the stomach,
but the philosophy of the entire
man. The people of the United
States are ready to fight for their
freedom and Barry Goldwater is
the man who will give them the
chance.
The United States has been
suffering under the gross insults
of the Communist leader. We need
someone who can stand up for the
honor of the United States and
match him, insult for-insult. That
man is Henry Cabot Lodge. He
has shown us at the Security
Council emergency meeting on
Africa that he can and will in-
sult Khrushchev in the same man-
ner as the Communist leader has
so often and unjustly insulted our
country and our President. He has
stood up for us in the United Na-
tions. Let's give him the chance
to stand up for us as Vice-Presi-
dent of our country.
The decision that is about to
be -made at the Republican con-
vention is one of the most im-
portant decisions of the twentieth
century. It must be the right one.
-Stuart Grossot, Grad.


WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND:
Nixon's Running Mate
By DREW PEARSON

for U.S.

rently spent for them can be transferred to
economic aid for the same nations and others.
And American energies can be turned toward
meeting the political war with communism.
The Cuban crisis is an instince of how nu-
clear war might break out because of the
opening which the administration gave the
Russians by its ineptness in political warfare.
"Do not touch Cuba. Leave Cuba alone. Do
not threaten Cuba with your might," the So-
viet UN delegate warned the Americans. "Do
not touch us. Do not touch those with whom
we are tied. Do not seek to extend Communist
imperialism," the American UN delegate hurled
back as a warning to the Russians.
This is exactly how it might start, with both
sides publicly committed to action neither
wants to take, and both going too far to re-
treat, past the point of no return. This is the
idiocy which Russian and American missiles
would complete.
America need never have reached this point
of idiocy if it had refused to deal separately
with Castro's provocations, refused to take any
action on the sugar quota, and built a massive
front with its neighbors to the South before
confronting Russia's new stooge in Havana
with a continenal consensus.
THE CASE of the Congo crisis, unlike the
Cuban, presents no danger of nuclear war,
but it is a test of the West's readiness to meet
and master the Soviet offensive among the new
African nations. The UN is a good agency for
dealing with the immediate chaos caused by
the collapse of authority in the Congo, but it
cannot resolve the problems of technical, ad-
ministrative and economic aid which each of
the new nations requires,
By moving fast and by plunging heavily with
governmental aid the Russians have converted
Guinea into almost an economic ward of Russia
power. The task of the West is to move just
as fast, to abandon its reliance upon slow
private investment in these new nations, and
to regard the economic risks and l.os sas

CHICAGO - Richard M. Nixon,
a man who never makes a
move without studying the polls,
had his Vice-Presidential running
mate pretty well picked 10 days
before this convention. But two
events in two distant parts of the
world upset the polls and his own
calculations.
Lyndon Johnson's unexpected
acceptance of the Democratic
Vice-Presidential nomination.
Trouble in the Congo, plus Cuba
and United States observation
planes, which focuses more at-
tention than ever on the United
Nations and Ambassador Henry
Cabot Lodge.
* * *
PRIOR TO THESE two events,
Nixon had favored Sen. Thruston
Morton, the GOP chairman, as his
running mate. He had also planned
to send Ike on a campaign tour
of the South, where the polls show
Ike is still popular. But now all
bets are off. Nixon has revamped
his preference list for Vice-Presi-
dential running ates and here is
the current scorecard:
d7 Nelson Rockefeller - Nixon
doesn't like him, didn't plan to
put him on the ticket, but recog-
nizes his political strength. So he'll
now take Rockefeller, despite-his
personal antagonism.
2) Henry Cabot Lodge - Nixon
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TUESDAY, JULY 26, 1960
VOL. LXX, NO. 25S
General Notices
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Concerts

wants to present an experienced
team to the public. Lodge is in the
spotlight, has made a good im-
pression in handling foreign af-
fairs. Only wveakness: He lost to
Jack Kennedy in 1952 at a time
when Ike carried Massachusetts.
3) Senator Morton - Able, like-
able, coming fromA Kentucky would
carry weight in the South.
4) Secretary of the Interior Fred
Seaton of Nebraska - he's not
only an able executive, but is being
considered more carefully in view
of Midwest resentment over Ken-
nedy's failure to select a Midwest-
erner for his running mate.
* * *
THAT, IN THE above order, is
the Nixon stable for Vice-Presi-
dent. Rockefeller comes first.
There's one other uninvited
starter - Barry Goldwater, the
knock-'em-dead senator from Ari-
zona. All over Chicago, which
otherwise is taking this conven-
tion in stride, you see "Americans
for Goldwater" running around,
busy as bees. The arch-conserva-
tives are determined to make him
Presiden1t.
Barry, who has a sense of real-
ities, knows he can't get the Presi-
dential nomination. His real
objective has been to write a con-
servative platform and get him-
self the No. 2 place on the ticket.
Nixon is against the latter. He
doesn't currently enthuse over
Goldwater's right-wing politics -
even though he, Nixon, used to
vote that way himself. Also, he
doesn't like the idea of a Far West
- California-Arizona - ticket.
HOWEVER, with the busy-as-
bees Barry boosters buttonholing
delegates at Chicago, you can
never tell what will happen.
The man who's straining at the
leash against letting Nixon take
Rockefeller for Vice-President is
Len Hall, GOP ex-chairman, now
Nixon's campaign manager. Hall
wanted to run for governor of New
York, Rockefeller ran over him.
Now Len is pressing delegates in
Rockefeller's delegation to desert
him, is pulling every wire to em-
barrass him. It was he who per-
suaded Governor Hatfield of Ore-
gon, a Rockefeller admirer, to
make the nominating speech for
Nixon.
* * *
IF YOU operate purely by arith-
metic, it would be quite possible
for Nelson Rockefeller to blitz this
convention. Because, according to
the cold rues of the state pri-
maries, only two states in which
Nixon was entered - Indiana and
Wisconsin - are bound by law to
vote for him in the convention.
This gives him 62 hard and fast
delegates.
In addition, 184 other delegates
are morally pledged to him from
California, Ohio, Oregon, Florida
and New Hampshire. He ran in
primaries or popularity contests in
these states, and their delegates
will doubtless support him, though
not legallv bound to do so. This

'THE STRATEGY OF PEACE':
Kennedy Answers Challenge

nor a moral obligation to support
him. These Include South Dakota,
Nebraska, West Virginia, Mary-
land, New Jersey and Massachu-
setts. and the District of Columbia.
The above 16 Presidential pri-
mary states have 538 of the total
1,331 delegates votes, leaving 793
nonprimary delegates. This is
where Rockefeller could pick up
his heaviest support.
However, Presidential drafts are
not mere impromptu bursts of en-
thusiasm. They require a lot of
advance preparation and back-
stage whip-cracking. Rockefeller's
Standard Oil connections and his
family's far-flung backing con-
nections put him in a position to
crack the whip; but he has never
operated that way.
In brief, arithmetic alone won't
win the nomination. Too many
Old Guard delegates here would
rather lose to Kennedy than win
with Rockefeller.

THE STRATEGY OF PEACE.
By John F. Kennedy. 227 pp.
New York: Harper & Broth-
ers. .95.
THE USUAL facile criticism di-
rected at critics of the political
scene, "Well, why don't you offer
something positive?" cannot be
applied to Senator John F. Ken-
nedy.
His "The Strategy of Peace," a
compilation of his recent speeches
and statements, expresses a well
thoughout-out assessment of the
current challenge, and a bold,
sometimes near-radical, but al-
ways well-reasoned statement of
policy necessary to meet the
changing world scene.
The bulk of the book is con-
cerned with foreign policy, and
it is obvious that Kennedy has
had most of his experience in this
area. The area of national secur-
ity gets much attention as it is,
related to the international scene;
not so much when purely a ques-
tion of domestic policy.
The author seems quite aware
of the problems in education, civil
liberties, the farm program and
increased population, but his
statements are not far beyond the
formulation-of-the-problem stage,
* * *
NEVERTHELESS, two of the
biggest issues in the coming elec-
tion appear to be foreign affairs
and national defense. In these;
important areas, Kennedy's think-
ing and planning is a coldly reas-
oned attempt to overcome a tough
problem with no sidestepping.
His refusal to hedge on even the
toughest problems (although on
the religious issue he was danger-
ously close) emerges as the most
appealing aspect of his book.

the Secretary of State to apply
pressure on NA'IO to achieve a
solution to the iAlgerian crises
that would recognize Algeria's
"independent personality." r
He attacked the indecisiveness
of negotiators in making an eco-
nomic assistance pact with Po-
land in 1957, even though it was
aiding a country admittedly under
strong Communistic control.
He criticized the inadequate aid
program to India during her sec-
ond five year plan. India, he feels,
is the testing ground of the West's
ability to help the underdeveloped
countries, and he has advocated
a number of changes.
HE ASKED FOR AN increase
in the capital base of the Inter-
national Development Loan Fund,
the liberalizing of the Export-Im-
port Bank policy and called for
multilateral action with other
countries to support Indian eco-
nomic development.
The National Security issue
provides us with Kennedy's most
challenging departure from the
present administration's policies.
He feels that our current role as
"volunteer fire department for the
world" has not only lost us the
initiative, it is putting us in the
underdog position.
Russia-with an admitted two
to one intercontinental ballistic
missile superiority, a military pro-
gram double that of ours, and
with a hesitating Europe unwill-
ing to fire intermediate missiles
if it was possible the war would
be fought over her head, and the
increasing uselessness of an al-
ready obsolescent DEW line-
could conceivably attack with the
conviction that all of America
could be destroyed with only a

gard to our foreign policy of
massive retaliation as it is seen
by Eisenhower. Meanwhile, "There
is every indication that by 1960
the United States will have
lost its superiority in nuclear
striking power."
"Our missile lag is not the cause
of the gap--it is but another
symptom of our national compla-
cency," he continues. And what, is
America's attitude toward na-
tional security to be? "While we
would not imitate the Commu-
nists per se, they demonstrated
the classic strategy of the under-
dog-and soon we will be the
underdog."
* * *
HE GOES -ON TO discuss un-
derdog strategy then adds this:
"Twentieth - century America is
not accustomed to this underdog
strategy-although it was expertly
practiced by our Founding Fathers
in time of peace as well as war.
And we can practice it now."
Hard words from an intelligent
man well trained in foreign af-
fairs and very likely to be our
next President. But if they seem
too hard, then it is indeed time
the corrupting apathy of the
American public is hardened by a
leader capable of solidifying pub-
lie opinion and giving it a sense
of purpose implemented by the
sense of sacrifice needed to face a
difficult course of events.
-Thomas Brien
 Ike
For Veep
PITTSBURGH ()-Rep. James