I

Seventy-Second Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BYS TUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY 'OF MICHIGAN
.- UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
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Truth Will Prevail"

THE NEW CONSTITUTION:
Voters Must Decide
On Document 's Merits


Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.


SATURDAY, JUNE 30, 1962 NIGHT EDITOR: DENISE WACKER

Legislative Purse-Strings
Threaten Academie Freedom*

THE CONTROVERSY over the Michigan
State University Labor and Industrial Re-
lations Center marks another battle in the tra-
ditional war between those supporting the
autonomy of the universities to decide their
own policy and those who favor the superiority
of the Legislature over educational affairs.
The Legislature has a very powerful weapon
-it has the final say as to how much money
the universities of the state will receive. But
once appropriations are granted, how much
control should public officials have over what
is done with them?
When the House passed the budget bill, it left
in a Senate amendment which places a limita-
tion on the expenditure of funds. The provision
stipulates that, "as a condition of appropriat-
ing funds to MSU under this act, no portion of
such appropriations shall be used to maintain
or continue the industrial and labor relations
center or any center or school of a similar na-
ture." (Private funds for this purpose are also
outlawed.)
ON THE SURFACE, one might claim that the
Legislature should have' final jurisdiction
over the spending of public funds by public in-
stitutions. However, there is the danger of po-
litical interference with academic freedom. This
danger was wisely recognized by the drafters of
the state constitution when they determined
the legal status of state universities.
As set up under various portions of the Con-
stitution, the MSU Trustees have ge~neral super-
vision of the university and of the direction and
control of all expenditures as do the Regents of
the University.
This provision is emphasized in a statement
by the Attorney General in 1951 regarding a
series of judicial findings. He said, both the
Regents and the Trustees of 'MSU "are respec-
tively independent of state control by reason of
the authority conferred upon them by the Con-
stitution and that such authority cannot be
diminished by legislative enactment."
THE INTENT of the constitutional provisions
is clearly to free the universities from politi-
cal control. In order to implement this princi-
ple, popularly elected governing boards were
set up for the universities. These boards are re-
sponsible to the people, thus being autonomous
from the Legislature and on an equal basis with
it.
This raises the question of what action the
Legislature can take and still remain in accord
with the principle of university autonomy. Is
the action which was taken in the MSU case
constitutional or binding on the university in
any way?
The Legislature is charging on the basis of a
committee investigation that the MSU center
has a pro-labor bias. This is a very serious in-
dictment against a research institute which is
supposedly detached and empirical. However,
even if the alleged situation in fact exists, and
MSU will not concede that the charges are
warranted, this still would not justify the Leg-
islature demanding that the center be disband-
ed. The Legislature may express its concern
directly to MSU through informal channels,

but it is the university alone who may make
any decision on the matter.
PUBLIC PRESSURE should be exerted on
MSU not through legislative action, but
through the Board of Trustees who are elected
by the entire state. The Legislature has no right
to do what it has done.
Was the action by the legislators constitu-
tional? Precedents indicate that it is not, but
the question can be answered conclusively only
by a court. In 1914 a rider was attached to the
budget bill stipulating that if more than $35,000
could be spent for the maintenance of the
mechanical and engineering department, then
the college (now MSU) would not be able to
use any other funds. In the case of the State
Board of Agriculture vs. the Auditor General
the courts ruled that such a limitation affect-
ed the size, quality and number of employes in
the affectedl department and that this was a
managerial determination vested exclusively in
the governing board.
In another case, Weinberg vs. the University
Regents, the courts held that when the Legis-
lature appropriates money to the University,
the money becomes the exclusive property of
the governing board and passes beyond the con-
trol of the state through its legislative depart-
ment.
MSU CONCEIVABLY could defy the Legisla-
ture and continue to allow its center to
operate. If a court case were forced it is dubious
that the legislative decision would stand. How-
ever, memories of the trouble Wayne State Uni-
versity had with their appropriations after they
liberalized their speaker policy in spite of leg-
islative protest is fresh in the minds of MSU
administrators.
Chances are they are not at all enthused at
the prospect of coming into open conflict with
the lawmakers and risking vindictive retalia-
tion by the Legislature when the next budget
for higher education comes up for approval.
The question is not just whether or not MSU
should stage an all-out battle to save a single
research center. The issue at stake is autonomy
from political control-academic freedom-and
the outcome of this particular case will reach
far beyond Lansing.
THE ACTION by the Legislature could have
some very serious manifestations. The uni-
versities are set up to be responsible to the
people of the state through the people's direct
election of university governing boards. The
Legislature is placing itself over the university,
thus usurping the power of the populace by
threatening the power of the governing board.
The Legislature has ignored the right of the
universities to dispense its own funds. It has
used the state's purse strings to strangle the
right of the universities to determine their own
policy. In the future this could be carried to
even greater extremes if pressure groups can
gain legislative favor against any research in-
stitute which publishes a study criticizing their
particular interest.
If a court case tests the decision of the Leg-
islature, MSU may cut its own throat when the
Legislature becomes vindictive over the matter.
The issue remains for the public to decide.
-CYNTHIA NEU

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
first in a nine part series on the
new state constitution.)
By MARK BLUCHER
Daily Staff Writer
"THE TASK of the delegates is
done. The convention is ad-
journed. It is now the higher ex-
pression of the people's will which
will decide the issue." So reads a
section of the Constitutional Con-
vention's Address to the People.
Ordered by popular vote, its
delegates selected by the people,
the primary task of these 144 men
and women was, in the words of
Prof. Paul Kauper of the law
school, "to fashion a fundamental
order of government that pre-
serves the continuity of our con-
stitutional tradition by holding
fast to that which is good, but
which will be adequate to meet
not only today's but also tomor-
row's needs . . ."
But, is the new document pro-
posed for Michigan better than
the constitution that was written
in 1908?
* *
ON THE ANSWER to that ques-
tion hinges the fate of the product
created by the state's first con-
stitutional convention since 1908.
The Republican party staunchly
supports the new document.
The Democratic party is vehe-
mently opposed to a great part of
the revised constitution.
The AFL-CIO is certain to op-
pose its adoption. The NAACP
already has come out against it.
The Michigan Farm Bureau and
the League of Women Voters have
endorsed it.
MORE THAN two million dollars
and seven and one half months of
work have gone into the prepara-
tion of the new 16,000 word docu-
ment which undoubtedly pleased
none of the delegates completely.
When the final roll call came
99ofth delegates, including five
Democrats, gave their support to
the proposed revision. Forty-five
delegates, including three Repub-
licans, one of which abstained,
refused to consent to the wording
of the new document.
Edward K. Shanahan (R-Char-
levoix), the one delegate that ab-
stained, felt the new document
would lead to "a socialized welfare
state. To lend my support to the
proposed 1962 Constitution would
be to vote away my freedom."
* * * .
KARL LEIBRAND, a Republi-
can who voted against the new
constitution, felt that "the adop-
tion of the proposed Constitution
will lead us further down the road

to centralized government and the
welfare state . .."
Harold Norris (D-Detroit) felt
that "The proposed document
measured by the present Constitu-
tion . .. (does not) represent im-
provement . . . in strategic areas
#Gov. Swainson and other prom-
inent Democrats indicate their
party will oppose the new consti-
tution. AFL-CIO president August
Scholle has said that he will cam-
paign against it.
THE RESULT may be that
adoption or rejection of the docu-
ment will be on an extremely close
vote.
General bi-partisan support was
received on a number of provi-
sions including elimination of
spring elections, increasing the
executive officers terms to four
years, establishing constitutional
status for colleges and universi-
ties, and giving additional coordi-
nating powers for an expanded
State Board of Education.
Most of the differences center
around such highly-controversial
issues as legislative apportion-
ment, taxation, and reorganiza-
tion of the executive branch.
* * *
GEORGE ROMNEY, Republican
candidate for governor, who will
undoubtedly have the new consti-
tution as the main plank in his
platform said, "it's a document
short of perfection but still a
greatly improved constitution for
our state."
Whether the voters will feel that
the constitution is a step forward
or a step backward remains to be
seen..
Every delegate-both Republi-
can and Democrat-professes the
answer should be based on knowl-
edge rather than emotion.
The Convention's address to the
people concluded by saying, "The
citizen who carefully reviews what
it is he is being asked to decide
will undoubtedly find himself un-
able to agree with every suggested
revision. His decision must be made
on the balance of that which he
finds good.
"IT IS in this spirit that the citi-
zen should approach his assess-
ment of the revised Constitution
before him. It is not a question of
something ideal, or even of some-
thing better. It is a decision as to
whether the proposed revision bet-
ter suits the modern age and its
auspicious future than the 1908
Constitution.
"This is the simple, yet awe-
some decision confronting every
good citizen as he considers the
weight of the issues."

ITHE CaaL1 MN ,ANT> T SA

UNDERSCORE:-
Who Should Kennedy Woo?

VRC Transfer Hurts Patients

F ACED WITH A CHOICE of saving lives or
saving money, the state Legislature in its
infinite wisdom has decided to save some
money.
The other day our heroes in Lansing per-
emptorily asserted themselves and voted to
close down the University's Veterans Re-
adjustment Center, a psychiatric treatment
facility,
The loss of the, center is a tragic one, and
is hardly mitigated by transfer of the VRC's
basic responsibilities to a soldiers' home in
Grand Rapids.
RELOCATION of this type of treatment does
not mean that rehabilitation of lives will
cease in the state. The Legislature's action does
mean that the readjustment efforts will be
less effective, the facilities downgraded, costs
in the long run more expensive, and the future
of mental health care jeopardized.
The center was recognized as one of the
three best facilities of its kind in the country'.
As VRC officials have pointed out, it is almost
impossible to start a new base of operations
and hope to achieve any sort of success. Even
the long-established psychiatric centers have
much difficulty in obtaining and keeping train-
ed personnel and adequate equipment.
Transfer of the VRC's functions then
strongly implies a deterioration of the type of
treatment the Grand Rapids home will be
able to offer. And this obviously means that
psychiatric cases will not be handled as well.
PATIENTS WILL NOT be cured or helped
with the previous degree of efficiency and
completeness. With the extremely high cost
of mental health treatment in mind, it seems

likely that in the long run expenses in this
area will rise even higher, as recurring cases
and incomplete treatment will drain the state's
coffers even more.
As Prof. M. M. Frohlich, VRC director, has
said, for each case of chronic mental illness
that is cured, the state is saved a total of
$70,000. With the level of treatment going
down, the continued expense to keep treating
these patients will go up.
But most drastic of all is the long-range
effect on the treatment of mental health in
the years to come. The VRC constituted one
quarter of the University's training program
in psychiatry. As qualified personnel are in
very short supply in this nation, the restraint
applied to the training of these individuals
might have disastrous consequences.
ADMITTEDLY, some of the blame for the
Legislature's action may have to fall on
the VRC. For one thing, there was poor com-
munication between the center and University
administrators on the Legislative intentions to
close down the center.,
For instance, top officials in the administra-
tion knew nothing about the so-called Cope-
land investigation, made by a state senator
when he visited the VRC some time ago.
This report, which apparently condemned the
center for wasteful practices, was much of the
reason for the abolition of the center. If the
top University administrators would have
known about the investigation, erroneous im-
pressions in Lansing might have been avoided.
SECONDLY, the center drew some Legislative
wrath by its practice of treating patients,
all World War II and Korean War veterans,
without charge. Given the state's serious fiscal
crisis, a policy of charging the patients or

By PHILIP SUTIN
Daily Staff Writer
LIKE A BLIND LOVER pursuing
a haughty and disinterested
girl, the Kennedy Administration
has been wooing the business
community. However, it has gotten
no further than the unfortunate
suitor. The business community
has given the administration a
firm brush off.
The administration has been
wooing business since it came into
office last year. Democrats, since
the New Deal, have been known
as the anti-business party and
Rennedy has intensified this image
by his liberal 1960 campaign wag-
ed with programs antagonistic to
business and with labor union
support.
To some extent he succeeded
during the first year, getting sup-
port for his trade program and
managing to keep business from
raising prices. His secretary of
commerce, Luther Hodges, was a
former governor of North Carolina
who specialized in luring industry
to his underdeveloped state.
Arthur Goldberg, Kennedy's Sec-
retary of Labor managed to gain
business confidence while main-
taining labor support and thus
averted many serious strikes.
*.. *
THEN CAME the steel price in-
cident. The steel companies, con-
cerned about shrinking profits
which were depleted further by a
labor agreement that added sub-
stantial and costly fringe benefits
for its workers, decided to raise
prices. That action, however, would
ruin the entire Kennedy admin-
istration anti-inflationary eco-
nomic program, for a steel price
increase would be reflected in an
increase in prices for every ar-
ticle that used steel. A massive
jump in the cost of living would
have followed.
The Kennedy administration re-
versed that action in a masterful
demonstration of executive power.
Using anti-trust threats and his
own prestige, Kennedy split the
usually united steel companies and
won a rescinding of the price in-
crease.
However, the administration
paid the price of its business woo-
ing campaign for its victory. In
a moment of anger Kennedy was
reported to have said, "My father
always told me businessmen were
sons of bitches." This to business-
men symbolized the administra-
tion's stomping over the business
community. The stock market, al-
ready suffering from anemia, went
into a tailspin.
AT THE YALE commencement
exercises Kennedy began his woo-
ing anew. He spoke of economic
myths and of the need for all seg-
ments of the economy, especially
business, to work together for the
good of the country. At a more
personal level, he confered with
United States Steel board chair-
man Roger Blough, a key loser
in the steel controversy, and gave
him demonstrably an advisory
post on the important economic
problem of gold reserves.
The administration has gen-
erally followed Kennedy's lead.
However, the National Association
of Manufacturers is as caustic as

There has been a long standing
myth in American political life
that the efficiency of business
should be applied to government.
However, business deals with
goods, services and exchange. Gov-
ernment deals with people and
their well-being. There is a dif-
ference.
The individualistic, dog-eat-dog
approach of business works well
in the market place where people
are a secondary concern. It fails
in government for its makes gov-
ernment unresponsive to the needs
of people and eventually even
ruins the businessman's market by
depriving it of customers needed
to buy its products and services.
The depression shows that fail-
ure of a businessminded govern-
ment to serve people and even
brought a collapse of the economic
system.
THUS government ought to pay
more heed to the humanistic val-
ues of labor and consumer. A
labor union is an organization of
workers designed for individual
economic betterment. It is not
primarily interested in profits, loss
of efficiency. It is concerned with
human welfare. So should govern-
ment, but in somewhat different
terms.
While unions are concerned with
human welfare within the eco-
nomic system, the government
should protect the individual
against the vicissitudes of the
system and help him grow beyond
it.
Unions provide for welfare out
of economic profits. Government
should care for people by policies
and programs derived from the
just taxation of all. Cost-of-living
adjustments, wage raises and pen-
sion plans are examples . of eco-
nomic union actions. Welfare pro-
grams, government -sponsored
medical aid, and federally aided
education are typical governmen-
tal programs.

THUS the government should
heed the humanistic values of
unions, while avoiding the eco-
nomic parochialism of the indus-
trial worker sector of the economy.
It should, in a sense, woo labor
as it does business.
There is a third segment of the
economy that is totally ignored-
the consumer. This segment is
hard to define for all individuals
are consumers at one time or
another. But little concern is ex-
pressed for his welfare. The gov-
ernment has anti-trust and fair
trade laws, but it has been tra-
ditionally lackadaisical about en-
forcing the cumbersome legisla-
tion.
Further, it has failed to act to
protect the consumer against ad-
ministered prices, a major cause
of inflationary trend in the past
10 years. The Eisenhower admin-
istration did nothing to stop this
and the Kennedy administration
acted only when necessary-as in
the steel controversy.
*. * *
YET THE Kennedy administra-
tion has let a bill that would
eliminate such practices in the
vital drug industry be sabotaged
in the Senate Finance Committee.
It has taken action to eliminate
false packaging and shown no
imagination in aiding the con-
sumer get more for its money.
So the consumer is lost-yet
everyone is a consumer. The pro-
ducing side takes precedence and
the consumer, especially if he has
a limited amount of money, is
forgotten. Despite legislative ad-
vances of the last 50 years, the
consumer's role is still a difficult
one which demands more govern-
mental attention. ,
The consumer should be added
to the Kennedy administration's
list of lovers. The administrations
wooing of the consumers could
pay rich dividends in a better life
to the consumer and in political
success to the administration.

'TOUCH OF MINK':
Strictly Pedestrian
'THAT TOUCH OF MINK" which cruised into the Michigan Theatre
A yesterday unfortunately did not make a very happy landing.
Though the movie is chock full of just about every gag in Hollywood's
gallery of giggling gimmicks the overall humorous impression remains
strictly pedestrian.
The plot ( I use that term loosely) concerns a bachelor tycoon
(Cary Grant) who sends his rebellious aide, Roger (Gig Young) to
apologize to Cathy Timberlake (Doris Day, of course) who has been
splashed by Grant's limousine. Naturally Cathy falls in love with
Cary and joins him on a platonic one-day business trip. When he

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Economic Re-Education

wants to take in Bermuda too,
says no. Changing her mind later
she goes with'him only to break
out in spots and need medical
care at bedtime. (On a second
visit she gets drunk and falls off
her balcony.) The frustrated Cary
decides to marry her off, but to
arouse his jealously she elopes to
a motel with a lecherous employ-
ment office clerk. Gary "rescues"
and weds her only to find on
honeymoon in Bermuda that he
himself breaks out in spots at
the prospect of licit married love.
; , *
COMING SO SOON after "Lover
Come Back," itself a close descen-
dant of "Pillow Talk," this further
revamp of the Thirties' comedy
style begs, and suffers by, com-
parison.
Where the lapses of taste were
deliberate, monumental, and hi-
larious in the first half of "Lover
Come Back," here they are care-
less, mean and ineffective; the
visual humor is less imaginative,
bar one moment of fantasy where
the sex-shy Cathy sees every form
of transport as a travelling bed;
and the verbal wit is sparse, with
Gig Young a poor Tony Randall.
The background of plutocracy,
pampered neuroticism, andmodern
design is by now familiar; some-
thing more than Cary Grant's too
lazy charm, Doris Day's tough in-
nocence, and prolonged jokes
about frigidity and hermaphro-
ditism are demanded from screen-
writer-producer Stanley Shapiro
and director Delbert Mann if an-
other visit is to be tolerable.
-Peter Goldfarb
DAILY OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin is an

but no longer platonically, Cathy
LETTERS
to the
EDITOR
To The Editor:
IT SHOULD SURPRISE no one
that the American Medical As-
sociation, that collection of small
enterprisers, has seen fit to use
the Washtenaw County Medical
Society to place ads in the Daily
opposing the Medicare plan. With-
out necessarily discussing the
merits of their argument or of
the bill, I think some points
should be made regarding what
the organization really is.
The AMA and its subsidiaries
have a long history of lobbying,.
and according to current figures,
they are the largest lobby in Wash-
ington, outspending even the AFL-
CIO. Their expenditures run into
the hundreds of thousands of
dollars per year.
* * *
WHY ALL THIS FIGHT? To
preserve that time-worn image of
good old doc, dosing his :patients
with half medicine and half home-
ly philosophy.
Look, for instance, at the AMA's
Doctor of the Year. Is he ever a
city doctor, which the ovehwhelm-
ing majority are? Does he ever
have a lush office with a goldfish
bowl in the waiting room and a
pretty nurse, like almost all of
them do now? You bet he doesn't.
The Doctor of the Year is what
the AMA wants you to believe
every doctor is like, a totally false
impression. He is inevitably a
small-town man, got his MD in
1906, grew up "in the school of
hard knocks."
AG.AINSTT this fantasqtic imge.

By WALTER LIPPMANN
UNLIKE Franklin Roosevelt's
New Deal, the Kennedy ad-
ministration is not working for a
change in the balance of social
forces within the country. Roose-
velt used the power of the Federal
government to increase the in-
fluence of agriculture and of labor,
as compared with the influence of
business, and of the underdevelop-
ed South and West as compared
to the Northeast.
The battles of the New Deal
era were in the classic pattern of
social struggle, of the have-nots
against the haves.
These battles were won by
Roosevelt and a new balance of
forces was firmly established. This
was proved during the eight years
of President Eisenhower when
there was no attempt to repeal
and undo the New Deal.
* * *
THE KENNEDY administration
begins where Eisenhower left off.

advanced countries of the world.
Gov. Rockefeller understands mod-
ern economic doctrine, but men
like Gen. Eisenhower and Sen.
Byrd talk as if they had never
read a book on economic matters
which has been written since the
Great Depression of 1929.
If President Kennedy is to ful-
fill his promises, if he is to raise
the American economy from the
creeping stagnation which has
come upon it in the second half
of the Fifties, if he is to recover
the industrial pre-eminence which
we once had and have now lost,
the Administration will have to do
a mighty job of public re-educa-
tion. If our leaders do not learn
to understand modern economics,
we shall not be able to operate
successfully the modern economy.
* * *.
IT IS THIS WORK of re-educa-
tion which the President began at
Yale. It was a very good begin-
ning. But, of course, one speech