..

Seventy-Second Year
EDrED AND.MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIvERsrTY OF MICHIGAN
 . UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. " Phone NO 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"
editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 3, 1962 NIGHT EDITOR: GERALD STORCH
U.S. Right in Backing U Thant
To Crush Katanga Secession

"Yeah, It's Almost Enough To Make You
Want To Do Something"

AT THE CAMPUS:
Widow's Pique Means
Cheek to Cheek
NOW HERE was a good opportunity missed: the 1934 version of "The
Merry Widow" at the Campus last night only. The film starred
Jeanette MacDonald and Maurice Chevalier, familiar to us all as that
senile old offence of a hundred recent musicals, revealed here with
all the romantic vibrancy that endeared him to the hearts of grand-
mothers everywhere.
Even in 1934 we can see the primitive beginnings of his strangely

THE UNITED STATES is right to support the
UN's effort to bring Katanga back into
The Congo. Hopefully, this decision will have
a favorable effect on Congress' action on the
UN bond proposal.
U Thant wants the Union Miniere, which has
paid $40 million to Katanga's government over
the past year, to withhold further taxes until
the secession is ended. He also wants the U.S.,
Britain and the rest of the UN members to
boycott trade with Katanga until Tshombe
gives in.
If he is supported by the UN members in this,
it shouldn't be because the Adoula government's
cause is legally "right"-which it is-but be-
cause it would be the best solution for the
people of Katanga and the rest of the Congo.
Which, probably, it also is.
K ATANGA IS RICH; its mining wealth is
needed in order to provide the central
government with adequate public services. Un-
der Belgian administration, Katanga was given
preferential treatment to develop its mines
and provide a future support for the whole
area. Now that it is developed, its leaders want
to go it alone.
Of course Katanga can get along very well
without having to help out the rest of the
country. But the rest of the country can't
operate without Katanga. From a practical
point of view, Katanga within the Congo is
possible, but a Congo without Katanga is not.
Apartheid'
THE CURTAIN of silence has been drawn
tighter in the Union of South Africa.
The latest move of Prime Minister Hendrik
F. Verwoerd's government is the ostracizing
from the press of 102 of his leading critics.
No word, no statement, no oration can be
published in the press. Only a mention of the
name and what he did is permitted.
HUS the Associated Press reports incidents
like this:
His Words Cannot Go Into Print. So said
a headline in the Johannesburg Star. It
appeared over a story abot a court case
involving Leon Levy (one of the 102 ban-
ned) and the story said in part: "After
the charge had been placed, Magistrate
D. J. Bosman asked, What do you plead?
Levy: (He did plead but his words cannot
be published) ."
Under thislaw, rammed through by Ver-
woerd this year, the government may ostracize
any opponent of its extreme segregationist
Apartheid policy.
IMPORTANT and unimportant persons are
on the government's proscription list. Albert
Luthuli, the Nobel Prize winner and African
leader, is barred from the press. ,
Thus another step toward the total oppres-
sion of South Africa, white as well as black,
has been taken. The South African government
continues to drag the country to ruin blinded
by its racial fanaticism.
No censorship law, however invidious, will
silence the opponents of tyralny and racism.,
Its evils are too plain. The fight against both
will continue and in due time South African
racism and tyranny will be swept away, prob-
ably meeting the violent end it so deserves.
-PHILIP SUTIN

The independent Katanga would be per-
petually faced with a hungry and hostile neigh-
bor that believed its separate existance was
unjust. Its huge mining complex could become
a curse, if the Union Miniere came to occupy
the same towering importance to the country
that United Fruit is said to hold in Central
America.
AND, as in Central America, social progress
may be stifled by an alliance of convenience
between the province's leaders and financial
interests. These, because European in part, are
likely to be disliked by the students and other
"advanced" groups who are needed for the
nation to succeed. A government regarded as
a "stooge" by part of its own citizens would
find it very difficult to cooperate with the
West, even. if it wanted to.
The UN itself is committed to overthrowing
Tshombe's rebellion. For this reason alone,
the United States must support its efforts un-
less it thinks that Katanga's independence is
more important than the UN's possible im-
potence-this because, to the many Africans
who believe that the UN was called in to act
for the West's interests, and did so by per-
mitting Lumumba's death, only full cooperation
by the West in bringing Katanga's secession
to a close can dull their suspicions.
Otherwise, it is hard to imagine anyone
calling the UN in to help his country, instead
of, say, calling in the troops of a nearby and
friendly ally. The hope of reducing conflicts
to the smallest area possible would be dimmed.
IT IS HARD to see what the Europeans-or,
for that matter, some U.S. senators-hope
to gain out of backing Tshombe.
True, it is nice to have "one true friend" in
a generally neutral Africa. But, just as having
Jimenez as our friend was not much of an
advantage, so too there is no point in having
friends in Africa unless they can do something
for you. Tshombe can't.
Africans seem to regard Tshombe as a West-
ern tool. If this is what they think, the actual
state of affairs doesn't matter much except,
of course, that we would be hated for owning
somebody that we don't even really own.
Even if Katanga's government proved stable,
and became a firm ally, our position in the rest
of Africa, though perhaps worse, could grow
no better. Political realities rest in large part
on economic ones, and alliances alone cannot
deal with these.
IF WE CAN HELP Africans achieve a standard
of living approaching that of Europe, with-
out their having to submit to totalitarian re-
straints, then of course they won't, for there
would be nothing to gain by it, and a lot to
lose, even in the eyes of people without our
traditions of individual freedom.
If we can't help them do this, then having
a "friend" in the area will be of no use at
all.
With this understanding, Congress should
pass the bill allowing the U.S. to buy UN
bonds, to relieve the immediate pressure on
the UN. The Europeans can and should be
persuaded to help out-and finally, then, the
secession could be stopped. Among the most
grateful will surely be the people of all areas
in the Congo, who ever since the Belgians left
have lived in danger of attacking armies and
mutinous garrisons.
-PETER STEINBERGER

THE NEW CONSTITUTION:
Con-Con's Product Analysed

By MARK BLUCHER
Daily Staff Writer
AUGUST 1 saw the conclusion
of the 19 Constitutional Con-
vention in Michigan. It was the
first body of its kind to meet
within the state since 1908 and
perhaps the last one to meet in
Michigan in this century.
After many months the 144 men
and women, 96 Republicans and
48 Democrats, approved a com-
plete revision of Michigan's 1908
constitution by a vote of 96-43.
The outcome of the new docu-
ment is still uncertain and must
wait on the people's decision next
April.
THE RECENT Michigan Su-
preme Court ruling in Scholle vs
Hare will make the outcome
still more precarious. Since they
have said, in effect, that the new
constitution's apportionment pro-
,visions are unconstitutional, the
chance remains that the whole
document may be regarded as
such, especially since these pro-
visions still remain in the new
document. The Republicans only
hope is that the United States Su-
preme Court will grant a re-hear-
ing of the Scholle case and de-
clare that the Michigan Court's
decision is invalid.
It is impossible to deny how-
ever that some advances have
been made in the new document:
THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH
1) The governor's term has been
extended to four years;
2) The governor and lieutenant
governor will be of the same po-
litical party and will run as a
team;
3) The state's 126 executive
agencies are required to regroup
into not more than 20 depart-
ments.
THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH
1) Legislative committees are re-
quired to keep a record roll call
vote of all action on bills and
resolutions;
2) Senatorial terms are extended
from two to four years.
'THE JUDICIAL BRANCH
1) The number of supreme court

justices is reduced from eight to
seven.
2) The justice of the peace sys-
tem is to be replaced in no less
than five years by a system of lo-
cal courts. The fee system as com-
pensation for judges is prohibited.
CIVIL RIGHTS AND ELECTIONS
1) An equal protection clause
that makes certain types of dis-
criminatory practices because of
religion, race, color or national
origin illegal.
2) The elimination of spring
elections.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
1) A small degree of county
home rule is provided, subject to
enabling acts. Its adoption, con-
tinuance, modification or repeal
will depend on the vote of the
electors of the county;
2) Local units are given the
power to levy taxes, other than
those on property, for their sup-
port;
3) Local units are given the
power to cooperate with other
local units of government on com-
mon problems.
FINANCE AND TAXATION
1) The debt ceiling of $250,000
is raised to around $70 million.
These are some of the improve-
ments that are to be found in the
new constitution. Other people may
find many more. But there are
also some highly objectionable
facets to the new document:
-the Senate apportionment
provisions;
-the 15 mill tax limitation;
-earmarking of funds;
--prohibition against a graduat-
ed state income tax;
--continuation of outmoded
township governments.
WHILE THERE MAY seem to
be a preponderance of good points
over bad points, the question to
be considered is which has more
effect on the state governmental
processes. If more good can be
seen to come from the new docu-
ment for the state than detri-
ments, then it should be consider-
ed a good constitution.
My main criticism against the

new document is the apportion-
ment article and for this reason
alone I would tend to vote against
the new document. This feeling is
further reinforced by the fact that
the Republicans saw fit to leave
this section in the new constitu-
tion in spite of the fact that the
convehtion's Republican and Dem-
ocratic experts on apportionment
both felt that it was unconstitu-
tional in the light of the recent
Michigan Supreme Court decision
in Scholle vs. Hare.
Those who only want a ration-
alization for their plan to vote for
the new document have only to
look at the preface of the Con-
vention's "Address to the People."
Here they will findta very biased
report in favor of the new docu-
ment, put very subtly. It will not
be necessary for them to make any
decision regarding the merits of
the new document; the address
has already made it for them.
IT APPEARS that the Republi-
cans are deliberately trying to sway
voter opinion. They plan to dis-
tribute 200,000 copies of the pre-
face and explanation of changes,
as one body. But they also plan
to distribute 400,000 copies of the
preface alone. To many Demo-
crats the preface contained more
argument than it did statement
of fact, and therefore made de-
cisions for the people.
Those who are sincerely inter-
ested in determining the worth of
the new document should consider
the Citizen's Redevelopment Cor-
poration pamphlet that gives a
comparison of the 1908 and the
1962 constitutions, from an un-
biased point of view.
In the final analysis it is going
to be up to the intelligent ,voter,
if there are very many of these,
to make the decisions of whether
or not to accept the new docu-
ment. It can only be hoped that
those who vote intelligently will
exercise some discretion and vote
with their heads rather than with
their- hearts.
But then, perhaps it can only
be hoped that the voters will vote.

elegant gait, only here it looks-
more like he's wearing tight un-
derwear. Jeanette MacDonald
shows considerably better: but
then it always was the dandelion
that lasted all bummer, not the
rose. Nonetheless, one of the best
features of Miss MacDonald's vo-
cal technique is her singular
method of attacking her highest
B-flat: she sort of grabs at it
first with her eyes, then pulls it
down to where her voice can get
hold of it.
Sometimes she does this won-
derful thing during mere dialogue,
or even stony silence, and it is at
these times that we must sur-
mise that she is singing alone, to
the highest vaults of her awesome
gothic heart.
The supporting players are no
suprise, either. The ladies, to be
sure, have the sought-after com-
plexion which makes them look
as if they had been raised, along
with a batch of mushrooms, in
your first grade teacher's closet.
Most of them act like a bunch of
mushrooms too.
* * *
BUT IF the acting is terrible,
the sets and plot are truly classic
and great. Made in an era when
Hollywood did what it felt, before
it decided what taste might be,
The Merry Widow is a rare bird
of innocent splendor. There is
something instinctive and right
about its extravagance, a far cry
from the milk-fed turkeys of to-
day.
All of the greatest movie ma-
chines are there in their purest
form: the hundred gypsy violins
that come from nowhere at the
right moment, the hand that
writes background information in-
to a diary, the innermost thought
spoken and overheard. The cos-
tumes are there-undisguised, be-
cause ladies like costumes-even
a star-spangled banner' on an
American tourist. The sets roll by
like thunder. When there's a pa-
lace, it's really a palace, and
when there's a wedding, it's the
kind of unsullied paranymphoma-
nia that no one believes but every-
one loves.
The motion of the plot is, in-
credibly enough, handled with
great finesse. Once a romantic
peak is hit, it is sustained full
strength, with songs, dances; how
much of this is due to the happy
choice of a book is hard to say.
The Merry Widow may brighten
no shelf in the Undergraduate
Library Audio Room, but it dazz-
led the masses (53) at the 9 o'clock
show last night.
-Dick Pollinger
Leadership
"JF THE President is impotent
to lead or bully a Congress with
a nearly two to one majority in
the Senate and a five to three
majority in the House, where can
he go to enforce those vaunted
powers' of the Presidency in his
own country? Everyone admits
that in foreign affairs any Presi-
dent today is the creature of the
armaments race, of the Russian
whim, of the seething nationalism
of Africa, and the crying needs of
the underdeveloped countries. So
the Congress, in the Eisenhower
and Kennedy regimes, is sympa-
thetically bipartisan. But there is
no record in modern times of a
President who in domestic affairs
seems to have lost control so baf-
flingly of his .own party in Con-
gress.. .
"In the November flush of 1960
the Kennedy's had good cause to
enjoy their own sapience in draft-
ing Lyndon Johnson as Vice-Pres-
ident, for it was he who saved the
South for the party. For what? To
betray Mr. Kennedy in the
Senate."
-Alistair Cooke
The Manchester Guardian

AT THE STATE:
Disp laced
Hero
AN AWFUL LOT happens to
Nick Adams in "Hemingway's
Adventures of a Young Man." But
like the usual Hemingway hero
he doesn't do anything; Adams
is but a cluster of nerve endings
that periodically react spasmodi-
cally to the richly woven tapestry
of faces and happenings that pass
before his eyes.
Nick Adams is driven out of his
rustic home by the restless force
that drives every one of Hemming-
way's displaced persons: the know-
ledge that there is the chance
that maybe there is more to life
than settlin' down with neigh-
bor's daughter.
* * *
ADAMS' FEAR of convention-
ality gives him many adventures
on the road to self-discovery. The
people he meets tell him to get
off the road and go home. But
the restless spirit won't permit
that and his meanderings take
him eventually to the Italian front
in the First World War.
Beymer's portrayal is a little
spotty. When the movie falls upon
Beymer and his Italian love (Su-
san Strasburg) they just don't
seem able to sustain the i action.
When Adams is losing interest in
life because of his war wounds,
Beymer becomes disinterested in
the movie and things seem to go
pretty slow.
On the whole Beymer is more
than good. His acting is sensitive,
and his handsome face will prob-
ably be seen a lot in the next
couple of years. It is refreshing
to see a new male lead who isn't
frail and translucent as some of
the more recent discoveries seem
to be.
* * *
THE MOVIE presents about a
baker's dozen of outstanding sup-
porting performances. Most start-
ling was Paul Newman's charac-
terization of a punch-drunk has-
been prizefighter. One moviegoer
remarked after seeing the final
screen credits, "Which one was
Paul Newman." It's good to see
the Hollywood star system con-
tains actors who can suppress
their burgeoning egos, and act.
Jessica Tandy is precise as'the
mother. She really helps to put
back the S in mother. Eli Wallach
plays the draft-trapped freedom
fighter most convincingly. James
Dunn makes a most sympathetic
hobo. Ricardo Montalban is crisp
as the major.
The movie isn't quite Heming-
way but on the other hand it isn't
quite Hollywood, which is a good
compromise for an adventuresome
picture.
-Alan Magid
DAILY OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no editorial
"esponsibility. Notices should be
sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3564 Administration Building
before 2 p.m., two days preceding
publication.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 3
General Notices
Regents' Meeting: Sept. 21. Communi-
cations for consideration at this meet-
ing must be in the President's hands
not later than Sept. 11. Please submit
35 copies of each communication.
Events
Doctoral Recital: George Whitfield,
pianist, will present a recital on Sat.,
(Continued on Page 3)

i I

4

OSA Needs Strong Student Advice

THE REVISION of the Office of Student
Affairs has tossed a new problem into the
hands of the already overloaded Student Gov-
ernment Council-how five of its members
are to be appointed to the advisory group.
Vice-President Lewis' "advice device" may
provide a significant opportunity for student
participation in shaping the policies -of the
Office of Student Affairs. Although it has no
formal powers, it will meet "from time to time"
with Lewis and his aides about the OSA. The
group will also serve as a channel for com-
plaints and suggestions about the Office of
Student Affairs.
If the advisory group is a strong one, it
will be a significant factor in the operations
of the OSA. It could make continuing studies of
the Office and suggest policy changes as a
result. The group also could form complaints
and suggestions from the outside into plans
for improving the office. Even if Lewis dis-
dains his committee, a strong group could
apply pressure to make itself heard.
HOWEVER, the effectiveness of the group
will depend on its personnel. Unconcerned
students, unresponsive to the needs of the
student body, would allow Lewis to make his
committee a rubber stamp. Alert, interested
students, combined with faculty members from
the Student Relations Committee, can make
the advisory group a power in the Office of
Student Affairs.
How are the student members to be chosen?

or those who seek the posts could hold such
views.
The Council could have some of its officers
and one or two other members sit on the
advisory group. This may seem more represen-
tative because officers are usually the more
popular Council members, but other duties
might hinder the effectiveness of such ex-
officio members. Their term on the group
will also be too short as officers only serve half
a year.
THE THIRD and most suitable method is
placing the most popular elected members
of Council on the group on an ex-officio basis.
The two highest winners in the fall and the
three highest in spring would serve year terms
on Lewis' group as well.
Having garnered the most votes, these stu-
dents are the most representative on campus.
By using this electoral method, the policy and
practices of the Office of Student Affairs will
be placed in greater focus in the campus' eyes
as the candidates will be running for a posi-
tion on Lewis' group as well as SGC.
The election of student members thus gen-
erates greater student interest in the Office of
Student Affairs. Many of the evils of the Office
have been allowed to continue for so long,
in part, because of student apathy. Few people
have been willing to make an issue of the
OSA and create the necessary pressure for
change.
Th l~rtra studnts willaobe esonsiv

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