t'

Seventy-First Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

"Where Opinions Are Free UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Truth Will Prevail" STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 4, 1961 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL OLINICK

Has Kennedy Met Standards
Of Successful President?

N A UNIVERSITY journalism lecture last
Feb. 25, Douglass Cater, Washington editor
of the Reporter Magazine and a journalist
close to President John F. Kennedy and his ad-
ministration, said that the President was great-
ly influenced by the political theories of Rich-
ard Neustadt's "Presidential Power." Afte six
months in office, it is a good opportunity to
see how closely Kennedy follows Neustadt's
theories and how effective they have been.
Neustadt's book deals with the power and the
influence of the President. He states the only
way a president will effectively wield power is
through persuasion. This i not accomplished
through logical argument, but through induc-
ing congressmen, departmental chiefs, foreign
governments, and others to "believe that what
he (the president) wants of them is what their
own appraisal of their own responsibilities
requires them to do in their interest, not his."
To be effective as a persuader a president
must guard his political reputation in every
act. The men who watch his reputation are, as
Neustadt labels them, the "Washington Com-
munity." These persons, who need not physical-
ly live in the nation's capital, are department
heads, generals, congressmen, and anyone else
whose activities are dependent on presidential
action. To get his will done, a president must
convince these men that it falls within their
duties and interest to effect his decisions.
SIDE from the legal authority of the presi-
dency, a president has two other sources of
influence, both of which are gauged by 'the
"Washington Community " The first is poli-
tical reputation-"the expectations of those
men regarding his ability and the will to use
the various advantage they think he has."
This is judged by the pattern of successes or
failures of the president. One incident of equiv-
ocation, for example, would not indicate to the
"Washington Community" that a president is
weak, but a series of such actions would, re-
sulting in a loss of power and influence.
The second source is his public prestige as
seen by the "Washington Community." It is
an estimate of how the public views him and
wants of him and how the various constituen-
cies of the "Washington Community" sees him.
The president protects his sources by his
choices of speech, action, and personnel. He
must make these choices on the basis of power
risks as well as policy. To make the best choice,
a president must have first hand information
about the power risks involved. This cannot
be given by advisers for they have different
interests than the president. He must do the
searching and evaluating to determine what
would be in the best power interests.
Neustadt does not say that policy should
not be a major consideration, but he notes that
a good sense of power can mitigate a bad policy.
FINALLY, Neustadt notes some of the quali-
,a ties needed by such a president. Saying the
presidency is "no place for amateurs," he sug-
gests it must be filled by a politician with an
unusual temperament. He must have self-confi-
dence in power, patience to wait for success,
great purposefulness, and vision to see the
worldwide consequence of his actions.
Kennedy came into office with many of the
attributes which Neustadt deems necessary for
a- good president. He is a thoroughly profes-
sional politician. Having a background in Bos-
ton politics, he has advanced through Congress
to the presidency always aware of the political
stakes. His patient foir year campaign for
the Democratic nomination exemplifies Kenne-
dy's political vision.
A second quality Kennedy brought to the
presidency was "massive curiosity," Cater noted
in his University lecture He has been described
as an inveterate reader of all sorts of material
and a constant user of the telephone to quick-
ly gain assorted pieces of information. Such a
trait well fits Neustadt's recommended attri-
butes.
In setting up his administration, Kennedy
used the conflicting personalities, competing
groups system, urged by Neustadt. Admiring

the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt's poli-
cy of setting competing groups to do the same
task, Neustadt recommends it to improve the
flow of policy and power information.
THE STATE DEPARTMENT is an example
of Kennedy's use of this system. Adminis-
tratively-minded Dean Rusk is placed over
"idea man" Chester Bowles. Outside the formal
structure Averell Harriman serves as ambassa-
dor-at-large for Kennedy and Adlai Stevenson,
who has high prestige in the United States
and abroad, was placed as ambassador to the
United Nations.
Having brought these attributes to the presi-
dency and having established a Neustadt ap-
proved staff system, how has Kennedy and
Neustadt's theories faired in practice?
On the balance, Kennedy has been successful
after six months in office. The President got
most of his legislative program through Con-
gress. Controversial anti-recession measures, a
housing bill, and social security changes have
passed this session. To date serious defeat has
only come in the House rules committee shelv-
ing of the aid to education bills.
The swift passage of the military manpower
bill and added defense appropriations demon-
strated Kennedy's awareness and use of public
prestige to effect his wishes. By clearly stating
the United States position in the Berlin crisis,
the President got Congress to pass these meas-
ures without serious opposition. In the process
he strengthened the military transport, whose
needs had been ignored by the Pentagon in its
desire to build missiles.
THE WHOLE SYSTEM of conflicting person-
alities and competing groups has, however,
presented difficulties in coordination and effi-
ciency for the Kennedy administration. A not-
able example is the handling of Latin Ameri-
can policy. It took over three months and 22
persons before Kennedy could find an assistant
secretary of state for inter-American affairs.
Twenty-one people had refused the job in fear
of outside meddling in policy planning Al-
though this assistant secretary is supposed to
plan Latin American policy, he is in competi-
tion with Richard Goodwin, preparing the
Kennedy "Alliance for Progress"; Arthur
Schlesinger Jr., McGeorge Bundy, and Adolf
Berle, of a "Latin American task force"; and
deLesseps Morrison, who as ambassador to the
Organization of American states feels he out-
ranks the assistant secretary.
Such competition only results in confusion
and declining morale among the competitors.
It may have been a factor in last April's dis-
astrous Cuban invasion. Thus competition be-
tween talented and self-confident men may
only bring wasteful animosity instead of crea-
tive energy.
Prof. Hans J. Morenthau, director of the
University of Chicago Center for the Study of
American Foreign and Military Policy, summed
up the difficulties of this system in an article
in the "New Leader":
"IN A CONTEST among equals for the Presi-
dent's ear those with offices in the White
House are likely to be more equal than those
with offices in Foggy Bottom. This system also
tends to separate the men of ideas from the
men of facts and gives inevitable advantage to
brilliant presentation unchecked by practical
experience."
This failure is important in the application
of Neustadt's theories. By hampering the de-
velopment of good policy, this competition is
endangering Kennedy's power by producing
bad results. Neustadt in his book failed to ac-
count for presidential personality in using the
conflicting personalities-competing groups sys-
tem. Kennedy, by following this system without
being able to effectively handle it, is endanger-
ing the success of his administration and dem-
onstrating the weakness of this part of Neu-
stadt's theories.
Aside from this failing, Neustadt's theories
have proved to date a valuable guide to Ken-
nedy who has mastered most of them.
-PHILIP SUTIN

"They Sure Don't Act As If They've Caught Polio"
i
WESTWACM
-'H 4
NEW PRESIDENT:
Adoula: Congo Compromise

By PETER GROSE
LEOPOLDVILLE,' The Congo (4)
-Cyrille Adoula, approved
Wednesday as premier for a uni-
fied Congo, is a socialist labor
leader who rose aboveparty la-
bels to win the trust of both fol-
lowers and opponents of the late
Patrice Lumumba. He is the
choice of President Joseph Kasa-
vubu for the job.
Firmly anti - Communist, an
equally firm believer in African
nationalism independent of East
and West, Adoula is a sober man

AT THE STATE:
'Guns' Hit Action Mark
Plot Misses Complete
ALTHOUGH HAMPERED by a somewhat ineffectual script, "The
Guns of Navarone" succeeds in entertaining the viewer with its
suspenseful acting and color photography.
The plot is very simple, a group of saboteurs, among them a chem-
istry professor (David Niven) and a world famous mountain climber
(Gregory Peck) are entrusted with the suicidal task of destroying a
huge radar-controlled gun emplacement on the island of Navarone,
in the Aegean Sea, which was interfering with British naval operations
in the area.
A long, hair-raising series of circumstances are the highlight of
the show. After successfully destroying a German patrol boat, the

who understands and respects le-
gality. Of all the Congo's politi-
cians, Adoula has long been the
obvious choice to repair the schism
left by Lumumba.
Two men could scarcely be more
different than taciturn, shy Adou-
la and dynamic, demagogic Lum-
umba. But in a land where per-
suasive public speaking carries
more weight than logic, Adoula is
known for his blunt, unyielding
oratory in debate.
Adoula gives his age as 39, born
on Sept. 13, 1921, though some

I - To The Editor'

French Crisis . ..
To the Editor:
MR. STEINBERGER'S editorial
of August 3, "Forty Million
Frenchmen,' leaves little doubt in
the reader's mind that the author
is severely lacking in understand-
ing and appreciation of French
history and politics, let alone in-
ternational affairs. While this edi-
torial is replete with error and is
indicative of a very careless as-
sessment of basic values, I should
like to limit my reply to one or
two comments.
One would assume from the
tenor of the article that France
was responsible for precipitating
the Bizerte crisis, and for block-
ing all possible solutions to the
Algerian situation short of a fully
integrated "France-Algerie." Mr.
Steinberger would do well to note
that neither of these assumptions
is an accurate reflection of the
matter in question.
This, however, is only secondary
to the main point at issue. The
politicization of the French Army,
which stems at the very least
from the Indo-China fiasco, has
created a situation which must
be met not by force or interven-
tion (by France's allies) as Mr.
Steinberger would have it, but by
going to the root of the problem:
the chronic indecisiveness, vacilla-
tion and "immobilisme" with
which the French government has,
in the past, been plagued. It is to
this end that Mr. de Gaulle has
directed his energies in the Fifth
Republic. The resolution of civil-
military relations, which is one of
Mr. de Gaulle's more formidable
tasks is far more complex than
one would be led to believe by Mr.
Steinberger's "buckshot" solution.
As much may be saidtof the per-
ennial problem of the French
Right.
Democratic nations, if they are
to remain such, must meet their
problems in a democratic manner
and not by employing the tech-
niques of officious jackanapes.
Indeed to employ crude force in
meeting the present challenge may
well assure the erosion of the
foundations of the Western heri-
tage.

conditioned comfort six days a
week. It appears as though the
University feels that students
don't have to study as hard in the
summer and need a rest on Sun-
days.
The truth of the matter is that
anyone who is taking more than
six hours has just'as much home-
work as any fulltime student in
the fall
One may assert that students
don't need air-conditioning to
study. However, practically every-
one I know who studies regularly
in the library will quickly answer
that air-conditioning isn't the only
thing that student lodgings don't
contain. The atmosphere is also
not present at home for the prop-
er use of one's time when study-
ing. In short noise and distrac-
tions are almost unavoidable in
practically every student's private
room.
It appears that the administra-
tion will never make any changes
this summer. But I do hope in
the future that the University
might try to allow the student a
place to study on Sundays in-
stead of allotting them this day
as a day to relax before taking
exams on Monday.
-Scott Townsend, '62E
Advisors
. HERE IS NO GOOD or
evident reason why gov-
ernors, administrative boards, and
directors of the state budget
should, under the present system
of selection, possess the training,
or knowledge necessary to make
them even moderately wise ad-
visers of the financial or educa-
tional policy to the state univer-
sity.
"The unfortunate truth, how-
ever, is that they are in many
cases acting as though they be-
lieved themselves peculiarly fit-
ted for just that function.
"Realizing, moreover, that sup-
port of the university comes large-
ly from state funds, and that
these in turn are derived by taxa-
tion mainly from the voters, gov-
ernnrs and all other Dublic offi-

reference works erroneously list
him as two years younger. Born'
and brought up in Leopoldville,
Adoula has always moved in mod-
ern Westernized circles instead of
the village and tribal background
of most other Congolese politi-
cians.
A BANK CLERK much of his
life, he became an active socialist
member of the vast General Fed-
eration of Congolese Workers in
1956. Two years later he helped
found-along with Lumumba and
Joseph Ileo-the Congo's first na-
tional political party, the Congo-
lese National Movement.'
Adoula was reckoned among the
more moderate nationalists in the
year immediately preceding inde-
pendence, breaking :with Lumum-
ba in mid-1959. He sat as a sen-
ator from Equator province, his
family home, in the first parlia-
ment after independence, but was
not a member of Lumumba's cab-
inet
During the constitutional crisis
of last September, when Lumum-
ba harangued parliament to his
defense against Kasavubu's ouster
order, Adoula remained silent, ab-
staining from the crucial votes.
Ileo, who followed Lumumba as
premier, named him interior min-
ister last February, a post he still
holds. He also picked up the de-
fense ministry when President
Moise Tshombe of Katanga declin-
ed to participate in the govern-
ment.
ADOULA lives a quiet life with
his second wife and five children
in a modern Leopoldville house.
Unlike his more voluble col-
leagues, he is reticent and pensive
in conversation, constantly puff-
ing on a slim cigar, getting warm-
ed up only when urging the need
to restore law and order through-
out the turbulent republic.
Adoula has always stood for a
united Congo, above all. This poli-
cy has won him the respect of the
Lumumbist rebels under Antoine
Gizenga, at a time when they were
denouncing other Leopoldville
politicians as having surrendered
the ideals of nationalism. In a
recent interview, Adoula stated his
beliefs this way:
"The Congo must not become a
battlefield for the cold war. It
should maintain a positive neu-
trality between East and West.
We will never submit to any for-
eign tutelage, political or econom-
ic. The United Nations should col-
laborate with the Congolese gov-
ernment respecting our sovereign-
ty.
"The government should launch
a large program of public works
and envisage the possibilities of
attracting new investments. A
program of economic expansion is
necessary.-
"I think the cause of the deter-
ioration of the political situation
was from certain groups of the
army who sided with various poli-
tical factions. The government
must look to accelerating the
training of the army.

saboteurs get caught in the middle
of a large storm which gets them
shipwrecked, at their destination
-a 400-foot nearly-vertical cliff.
This cliff must be climbed during
the storm in order to reach their
contacts in a Greek town, who
will help them toward their final
destination.
IN CENTURIES - OLD Greek
ruins, the band meets their con-
tacts and among them, a spy for
the Nazis, who manages to pro-
vide the audience with still more
excitement by conveniently tip-
ping the insidious SS men of the
group's whereabouts. The German
agents immediately and somewhat
ineptly make things tough for
them by such unscrupulous meth-
>ds as torture, mortar-fire, and
bombing by Stukka aircraft.
After miraculously escaping
their clutches, the heroes discover
the presence of the spy, a pretty
schoolteacher, supposedly whip-
ped to the bones by the:Nazis who
captured her.,
After discovering that the whip-
ping was a hoax by not finding
any scars on her body (in a mild-
ly obscene sequence), the group
reluctantly kills her.
In spite of all these delays, the
saboteurs finally destroy the gun
emplacement, which culminates
the picture with a brilliant pyro-
technic display, and sees the re-
mainder of the band moving hap-
pily towards a British troop con-
voy in a motor launch, leaving
the famed gun emplacement rum-
bling and smouldering,
* * *
DESPITE the obviously grim
nature of the picture, there are
some fairly ludicrous scenes, such
as a Nazi officer and one of the
saboteurs (James Darren) shoot-
ing it out in true "Gunsmoke"
style (with submachine-guns for
Colt .45's) among the ancient
Greek ruins of Alexis. Alone, ex-
cept for the corpses of numerous
soldiers killed by the saboteurs in
a highly improbable battle, the
duel seems almost parody.
' The main fault lies in the weak-
ness of the plot, very, predictable,
but which is supported by the
many hanging - from - a - cliff-by-
your-fingernails situations which
take the place of plot complica-
tions.
This technique, although rath-
er enjoyable, makes the movie
seem almost childish like a weekly
comic strip and the film in many
places assumes the aspect of an
exiting obstacle-race.
-Earl Pole
Freedom
"SOCIETY CANNOT EXIST un-
less a controlling power of will
and appetite be placed somewhere;
and the less of it there is within,
the more there must. be without.
"It is ordained in the eternal
constitution of things, that men
of intemperate minds cannot be
free. Their passions forge their
fetters."
-Edmund Burke

CINEMA GUILD:
'Panchahi'
New Song
PATHER PANCHALI is the song
of the road.
It is the song sung in the hearts
of two beautiful Indian children,
as lithe and vibrant as Kipling's
Mowgli, but heeded only by one.
The movie does not have a plot.
It is a curve of life that has no
end and a thousand beginnings.
It is the story of the brother and
sister, Apu and Durga. Durga is
the elder. She sees magic in life
in a wretched Indian village but
has a dream of something so great
she cannot even be certain what
it is.
She tries to show Apu what she
is thinking of and what she is
waiting for, but he is too young
to understand and his excitement
is only a reflection of Durga's.
Apu waits, knowing that some-
day he will understand the magic
Durga is trying to explain. But
Durga dies and Apu is left alone
with an unkept promise which he
does not understand but knows
he must keep for Durga.
* * *
THE STORY ENDS at the be-
ginning. The family is on the
road. For the father there Is hope
of a new life. For the mother
there is the certainty that noth-
ing lies ahead.
Apu is with his parents and
alone. In his eyes there is be-
wilderment. On his shoulders is
the weight of the future and the
unknown promise he must discov-
er and fulfill.
The movie is not a story, but a
shifting glance at the life of an
impoverished Indian family. It is
as candid and simple as the hearts
of the children it depicts.
The photography is excellent.
The music, so simple in itself be-
comes an exotic background for
the unaffectedly graceful move-
ment of the actors.
* * *
BUT the important thing, the
real reason for the story is the
children. They are beautiful; they
are utterly open and innocent
with a wisdom that has nothing
to do with their years. The dream
of Durga, although it is never
expressed and is not a symbol, is
the dream of India. And the prom-
ise of Apu, perhaps India's prom-
ise.
There is no need to look for a
meaning in the film. It does not
teach a lesson, offer a strong
moral or beg for sympathy.
The apparent aimlessness of the
movie is its secret. It moves ef-
fortlessly and unhurriedly but al-
ways with the assurance that
something is waiting , and will
come when its time is right. Then
it will pass.
"Pather Panchali" is a song. It
cannot be described. It must be
experienced.
--Judith ppenheim

I

USELESS FUNDS:
U.S.w astes Products
For 'Funny Money'

Quadros-Man To Watch

THE AMERICAN PRESS recently summed
up the first six months of John F. Kennedy
Today Latin America is pondering the results
and meaning of an equally important milestone
in that area-the first six months of Janio
Quadros, President of Brazil.
There are twenty nations that we call Latin
America. The most important in size, popula-
tion, influence, natural resources and rate of
progress is Brazil. That this future world pow-
er should, at such a critical moment in hemi-
Editorial Staff
MICHAEL BURNS ........................ Co-Editor

spheric history, have elected a remarkable
President is a coincidence that promises to
make history.
Janio Quadros is a man of originality, as well
as great ability. He is a relatively orthodox
practitioner in the economic and financial
fields, but a maverick in international politics.
Thus, in these six months, Brazil has been tak-
ing steps tp straighten out her virtual bank-
ruptcy and dangerous rate of inflation. These
steps have won approval from the United
States, Western Europe and the international
banking organizations. On the political plane,
however, President Quadros has gone out of his
way to show a stubborn independence that
alarmed many North Americans. He has want-
ed to make it clear that Brazil will not be a
docile follower of the "Colossus of the North."

By REP. H. R GROSS
ON A NUMBER of occasions and
through the years, the public
has been warned that the United
States government, through its
holdings of vast amounts of for-
eign currencies, would one day
reap a rich harvest of trouble.
That day is fast approaching. ,
The United States now owns an
estimated $4 billion in foreign cur-
rencies and it holds IOU's for an-
other $4 billion. These foreign
currencies have been accumulated
through "sales" of surplus Amer-
ican farm commodities, certain
foreign aid products and surplus
property.
It is known as "funny money"
because by agreement it cannot be
spent outsidethe country of ori-
gin and it cannot be spent, for
the most part, even within the
country without agreement on the
part of the foreign government.
AND THIS HOARD of foreign
"funny money" is due to increase
by leaps and bounds, for~ Uncle
Sap is now embarking on pro-
grams involving "soft loans" of

Even now, United States own-
ership of foreign currencies rep-
resents 10 per cent or more of
the gross national product of four
foreign countries. For the United
States to hold an ever increasing
mortgage of this nature is bitter-
ly resented and this resentment is
bound to grow.
There has been the suggestion
that American tourists before they
go abroad should be compelled to
buy foreign currencies now held
by our government and thus keep
the dollars in this country. But
foreign countries refuse to permit
this because they want all the dol-
lars they can get and American
tourists have been a chief source
of supply.
THE TRUTH is that the United
States government has gotten it-
self into another bad mess, and
it will probably wind up 'simply
handing over the currencies it
holds to the foreign government
of origin. This is what happened
a few years ago when the British
pleaded poverty and we handed
over more than a billion dollars
in their onvnre 'which they (the