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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in al reprints.
THURSDAY, JULY 9, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT HIPPLER

THE 'TRIPLE REVOLUTION'
Reducing the 'Pressure of Pecessity'

Soviet Proposal
Bolsters UN

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the sec-
ond in a series of articles evaluat-
ing the analysis and proposals of
the recently-formed Ad Hoc Com-
mittee on the Triple Revolution.
By JEFFREY GOODMAN
A GROUP of economists, journ-
alists and sociologists has con-
cluded that the productive poten-
tial of our increasingly automated
industry makes it virtually sense-
less to strive toward full employ-
ment.
The Ad Hoc Committee on the
Triple Revolution, representing
some 30 liberal thinkers and
speaking for a large minority of
socially-aware Americans, sees a
guaranteed basic income as the
only way to distribute the nation's
productive abundance equitably.
As the quick-fire development
of the computer-automated ma-
chine combination eliminates more
and more jobs, the nation will
eventually find itself with a great
abundance of goods. At the same
time, however, the growing num-
ber of potential consumers unable
to find full employment, and thus
without the capacity to purchase,
will be unable to participate in
that abundance.

THE JOBS-INCOME link can
and must then be broken, the
AHC claims, and in the process
man will be freed from the neces-
sity to work and finally allowed to
pursue his personal self-fulfill-
ment.
The AHC's analysis of present
economic conditions has stirred
quite a bit of rebuttal. The ques-
tion of whether automation has,
in fact, already created a per-
manently unemployed and unem-
ployable class of unskilled and
displaced workers is one that prob-
ably cannot be settled to any-
one's satisfaction.
On the other hand, the com-
mittee's assessment of the present
situation is probably much more
accurate than most will admit.
But assessment of fact is not the
crucial facet of its provoking
statement on the cybernation rev-
olution. Nor, in itself, is its pro-
posal that every man be guaran-
teed a minimum income as a
matter of right.
* * *
WHAT IS most significant is
the AHC's vision of the near fu-
ture-a dynamic vision of a time
when men will be able to "make
themselves and to make their own

E SOVIET UNION Tuesday invited
the United States and Great Britain
to consider a proposal to establish a
permanent United Nations Peace Force
under the control of the Security Coun-
cil. Washington, which initiated a sim-
ilar proposal four months ago, was a bit
skeptical: Have Soviet leaders, who have
opposed past peace-keeping missions, had
a change of heart or is this just another
propaganda move?
-Undoubtedly, it is a little of both. The
Soviet Union which in 1944 was ready to
write off the UN as a force of little con-
sequence in the post-war period, today
recognizes the value of the organization
as an international forum.
At the same time, there is no reason to
suppose that Soviet leaders do not have
as much at stake as the West in provid-
ing a specific means of handling "hot
spots." In the past, the UN has been
strained by the necessity of rendering
emergency assistance to troubled areas;
measures taken in Korea, Suez and the
Congo were adequate but hardly well-
conceived. Moreover, the Soviet Union
was displeased by the emergency action
and consequently tried to undermine
them; predetermined measures could have
prevented this,
SIMILARLY, the dispatching of UN
troops to Cyprus has caused innum-
erable difficulties. The lack of any orga-
nized, ready-to-act 'eace force has de-
layed implementation of Security Coun-
cil resolutions and has caused UN mem-
bers to haggle among themselves. Were
the questions of who is to provide troops
for such a force, who is to provide funds
for their maintenance, the optimum size

of the force, its training and stationing
permanently resolved, effective action
could be taken by the organization at any
instant.
The Soviet proposal sets up the con-
ditions for at least two of these issues:
Under the plan, the permanent members
of the Security Council-the U.S., Rus-
sia, Britain, France and Nationalist China
-would provide operational funds (but
no troops) for the force, while troops
would be recruited from smaller nations
-including Communist bloc nations. The
Security Council would then direct the
activities of the force.
Western powers will undoubtedly dis-
pute these conditions in favor of their
own proposals.
At present, however, the details are
unimportant. What is significant is that
the door is now open to deliberation.
The Soviet Union, for the first time in
the UN's history, has expressed its will-
ingness to share some of the peace-keep-
ing costs, and in so doing, has bolstered
the foundation for such efforts.
IT IS OF NOTE that the UN Charter
specifically makes provision for the es-
tablishment of a force to be at the dis-
posal of the Security Council. But in the
immediate post-war period, without the
foreknowledge of Korea, the Suez crisis
and the Congo violence, no agreement
could be reached among member nations.
With these experiences in mind and a
positive effort to negotiate, there is no
reason why a well-conceived peace force
cannot be established soon.
-MARY LOU BUTCHER
Associate Editor

TODAY AND TOMORROW
GOP Faces Real Challenge
In Post-Election Struggle

Battle of a People

""OBART TAYLOR, executive vice-
chairman of the President's Commis-
sion on Equal Employment Opportunities,
said in a talk here recently that one of
the major needs of the present civil rights
issue is to recognize the Negro population
as a body of diverse individuals.
This is a surprising thing for Taylor
to say, for it seems to represent an Uncle
Tom philosophy.
Negroes are not discriminated against
as a "body of diverse individuals"; in-
deed, a Negro doctor is discriminated
against in many places just as readily as
a Negro bum. The fight for equal rights
and equal opportunities is not the fight
of a group of diverse individuals but of a
whole people.
MANY NEGROES who "make good" in
the present-day white society don't
like to be associated with their people as
a whole, for fear that it will be detrimen-
Editorial Stafff
KENNETH WINTER ..................... Co-Editor
EDWARD HERSTEIN .................... Co-Editor
MARY LOU BUTCHER .............. Associate Editor
CHARLES TOWLE ................. Sports Editor
JEFFREY GOODMAN...............Night Editor
ROBERT HIPPLER ...................... Night Editor
LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM ................ Night Editor
The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
Collegiate Press Service.
Published daily Tuesday through Saturday morning.
Summer subscription rates $2 by carrier, $2.50 by mail.
Second class postage paid at Ain Arbor, Mich.

tal to their well-being or their status.
They are the ones who say that we must
treat Negroes as though they are simply
a lot of individuals who coincidentally
have the same problem.
This is an Uncle Tom philosophy be-
cause it seems to be the view a white
man-and a bigoted white man at that-
would take, not the view of a Negro who
is concerned with the plight of his peo-
ple and is in a position to help them.
A favorite manner of viewing the civil
rights issue by bigots in the South and in
the North is to say "I know several nice
Negroes who aren't like the rest of them.
One just has to consider them as individ-
uals ..." The bigots use arguments such
as this one to hide from the world and
perhaps from themselves their own ra-
cism or bigotry.
THE IDEA of "individualism" is Uncle
Tomish because it seems not to be
dealing with the civil rights issue at all,
but rather saying "All we Negroes aren't
like the jive Northern Negroes or the
ignorant Southern Negroes."
The civil rights issue is the battle of
a whole people and can only be viewed
as such at the present time. Those who
attack the Negroes pay no heed to the
fact that they are individuals, and those
who defend them can't either if they hope
to attain victory in the civil rights strug-
gle.
-THOMAS COPI

By WALTER LIPPMANN
THIS WEEK should show how
the Republican Party will ad-
just itself to a Goldwater can-
didacy.
We know already from Sen.
Everett Dirksen's decision to nom-
inate Senator Goldwater and from
remarks by Representative Melvin
Laird, chairman of the Platform
Committee, that the organization
is now concerned with uniting the
party behind Goldwater. Some
Goldwater supporters hope to unite
the party, which is seriously di-
vided, by writing a platform on
which Gov. William Scranton
might be cajoled into running for
Vice-President. If that could be
done, the man who is the rally-
ing point of the opposition to
Goldwater will have been cap-
tured and brought into camp.
What are the alternatives to
such an abject and inglorious ca-
pitulation? There is the rather
romantic hope of some of the
stop-Goldwater delegates that
they can force the Platform Com-
mittee, over which Senator Gold-
water has predominant control, to
write a platform on which the
Senator would refuse to run. If
this happened, it would certainly
be sensational. But it is not likely
to happen. Nor is it at all likely
that the platform will be an honest
expression of Senator Goldwater's
voting record and of his published
but amended and expurgated
views. For that would horrify too
many Republicans.
SINCE THE PLATFORM will
almost certainly not be pre-
Goldwater Republican nor a can-
did statement of Goldwater Re-
publicanism, it will have to be as
deceptive as weasel words can
make it. Such an artfully mean-
ingless platform would serve a
purpose. It would make it possible
for certain of the old established
Republican leaders to remain
more comfortably within the party
and thus live to fight another day.
For, if they are to preserve their
credit for the struggle which will
surely break out if Goldwater suf-
fers a disastrous defeat, they will
have to avoid identifying them-
selves with Goldwater's doctrine
while they maintain their party
regularity.
The paramount issue before the
Republican Party will be fought
out after the election in Novem-
ber, and the question will be
whether Senator Goldwater's cap-
ture of the nomination this year
is to be confirmed by surrendering
the party machinery permanently
to the Goldwater faction.
There is no way of telling how
this struggle will come out. But

we can be sure that unless the
Goldwater faction grows enorm-
ously for some now unforeseeable
reason, it is not much more than
25 per cent of the American elec-
torate. Goldwater Republicanism,
if it achieves permanent control
of the party machinery will pro-
duce a splinter party and the re-
birth of a genuine two-party sys-
tem in this country will depend
on developments, now unforesee-
able, within the Democratic Party.
* * *
GOVERNOR SCRANTON is des-
tined to play a leading part in
the post-election struggle within
the Republican Party. For that he
will need to have identified him-
self clearly with a platform which,
though it is rejected by this Gold-
water convention, is a clear ex-
pression of the federalism, the
progressivism, and the interna-
tional sense of responsibility of
the Republican Party of Hamil-
ton, Lincoln and Theodore Roose-
velt.
When the convention nominates
Barry Goldwater next week, let a
genuine Republican flag be flying
nevertheless.
(c),1964, The Washington PostCo.
LETTERS
WUS
Thanks
To the Editor:
ON BEHALF of World Univer-
sity Service and the world uni-
versity community which it rep-
resents, I want to thank the stu-
dents and faculty members of
the University of Michigan for
their recent generous contribution
to World University Service.
A portion of this contribution
has been designated for use in
South African countries, primarily
for the relief and aid of refugee
students from the Republic of
South Africa and Angola. Wher-
ever the remainder of the contri-
bution is used, whether in Asia,
in Africa, or in Latin America it
will be of assistance to college and
university students in one of the
less privileged areas of the world.
It will help to widen educational
opportunities in one of those less
privileged areas.
* * *
TO ALL who helped to make
possible this contribution from the
University of Michigan, I offer the
thanks and appreciation of World
University Service.
-Victor E. Johnson
Regional Executive

history." Yet it is precisely this
vision which a majority of the
journalists who wrote about the
Triple Revolution never under-
stood. And it is only in the con-
text of this broader vision that
the committee's specific analysis
and proposals become meaningful
or even workable.
In light of the need for better
public understanding of that vi-
sion, one of the signers of the AHC
statement undertook a more
thorough discussion and defense
of its implications. The writer was
Michael D. Reagan, an associate
professor of political science at
Syracuse University's Maxwell
Graduate School of Citizenship
and Public Affairs. The article by
Reagan, who has also written a
book on economic conditions, "The
Managed Economy," appeared in
the June 7 New York Times
magazine.
Reagan is interested in assess-
ing the psychological, social and
financial costs of the AHC's guar-
anteed income proposal. Of prime
importance is just what man will
do with his time and energies if
he does not necessarily have to
devote them to providing his sub-
sistence.
* * * ~
"THE AVERAGE MAN would
face a unique choice when work
became voluntary; his largest
problems might be to make satis-
fying use of new-found leisure,"
Reagan writes.
"Some would doubtless abandon
leisure and return to work after
a brief fling. Some would find it
an agreeable kind of vegetative
existence. Yet others might find
liberation, independence and an
opportunity for self-development
through 'serious activity without
the pressure of necessity,' which
Paul Goodman reminds us was
one meaning of leisure in ancient
Greece."
The predominant tone of press
criticisms of such prospects has
been twofold: Not only would there
eventually be no one to man the
industrial system in order to pro-
duce something to distribute, but
man by nature desires to work.
Either he would never tolerate
what the critics almost unani-
mously term a government dole,
or he would succumb to the dole
and lose any self respect he has
left.
* * *
"THE FEELING that a man's
character is destroyed if he does
not work is deeply ingrained. That
man should live by the sweat of
his brow is an ancient thought,
but one which accords with the
experience of many modern men
who expire through boredom when
retired," Reagan writes of the
arguments against the AHC's pro-
gram.
"Furthermore, there are strong
links between work and self re-
spect. Ours is a society in which
success counts, and it is largely
measured by job status and in-
come. Is human dignity separable
from work? Can leisure be re-
spectable?" he asks.
At first Reagan seems almost
won over by these arguments,
though eventually he succeeds in
sharpening-if not resolving- the
issues. "It may be that, as Robert
Theobald (author and one of the
signers of the AHC statement)
has written, 'the discovery of the
proper uses of freedom is the
fundamental task of the remainder
of the 20th century'," he says.
* * **'
REAGAN HIMSELF has doubts
about this-especially since "those
who will have the most leisure
are those with . . . the most in-
adequate backgrounds for making
effective use of freedom. Initially,
at least, it is hard to dispute the
contention that most of us are
unfit for leisure."
Yet he is not willing to give
up so easily.
First of all, he argues, there are
'precedents for jobless pay: not

only unemployment compensation,
disability insurance and social se-
curity but income through in-
heritance and the owning of pro-
perty as well.
MORE IMPORTANT, however,
is that "the real necessity is not
for a production job, but for
meaningful activity.
"This may or may not be re-
lated to income. Voluntary efforts
to improve our communities, pur-
sue the arts or participate in pub-
lic affairs are meaningful . .. Ours
might be a richer nation in human
and esthetic dimensions if more
of us were freetodirect our skills
and energies toward projects not
at present supported by the mar-
ket."
And to answer the charges that
the AHC plan would simply re-
inforce laziness, he argues that
"it is difficult to believe that a
society noted around the world
for the frenetic quality even of
its recreation would suddenly turn
soporific on any large scale. And
of course the man with a family
will continue to have both con-
science and pressures to keep him
seeking the higher incomes avail-
able through work--where work is
available.

down the guaranteed income fig-
ure in dollars and cents: $3000,
no questions asked.
* * *
THOSE WHO would take ad-
vantage of the opportunity are, in
Reagan's conception:
-The permanently unemployed,
especially those displaced from a
job at a late point in life.
-Those who simply prefer not
to work. These are not only the
so-called welfare chiselers but
anyone who would prefer to be
"relatively poor but free to do
what he wished rather than bet-
ter off financially in jobs alien to
his interests."
-Those who could not earn
more than $3000 a year due to
the nature of their jobs.
"THE UNPLEASANT JOBS-
the dirty ones that still require
human muscle power or dull rou-
tine-would, of course, still have
to be done. Because one could
have an income above the poverty
level without doing them, they
would have to carry much higher
wages than at present to attract
workers. In the long run the higher
costs would lead toward further
automation.
"At the other end of the scale,
jobs requiring extremely high sk 11
levels or carrying great burdens
of managerial responsibility would
continue to attract talent because
of their intrinsic interest and in-
creasingly higher incomes," Rea-
gan continues. I
The cost of the proposal at
present? Only $11.2 billion, ac-
oording to an estimate by the
President's Council of Economic
Advisers. The estimate is com-
puted by multiplying the 9.3 mil-
lion families earning an average
of $1795 a year by the $1205 they

would each need to be brought
about the poverty level
* * *
annual defense budget and less
than two per cent of the gross
national product. Even more
promising financially are hopes
that vastly expanded consumer
purchasing power will be generated
by the minimum income and by
rising wages. This money would be
spent on the nation's goods and
services.
And as current liberal economic
thinking goes--thinking already
borne out to an extent by the
beneficial effects of the recent
tax cut-these increases would
bring in enough taxes to pay for
the program.
Reagan's analysis is indeed the
most thorough one to date on the
specifics of the future envisioned
by the triple revolutionaries. Yet
throughout it, one senses that
even Reagan himself does not
fully grasp the import of what
those men have conceived.
TRUE, there are phrases such as
"educate for life, not just to earn
a living." But it is these very
phrases which demand a much
fuller investigation. It is the fu-
ture about which such words speak
thatisthe most exciting and most
promising facet of the Triple
Revolution.
This is not to say that the pro-
posals and analysis do not apply
today or refer to some mere
science-fiction Utopia. On the con-
trary, only if Americans realize
all the long-range implications of
the AHC statement will they be
able to gather the courage to begin
putting it into action now.
Part Three will discuss more
fully the future society which that
statement envisions.


--Daily--Kamalakar Rao
CHILDHOOD PLAYMATES meet again. John Buchanan returns
a full-fledged doctor to his hometown and encounters his neighbor
Alma Winemiller, the minister's daughter, in the park at the annual
Fourth of July celebration, in the opening scene of Tennessee Wil-
liams' "Summer and Smoke." The play is now being presented by
the University Players in Lydia Mendelssohn Theatre.
'U' Players Present
'Summer, and Smoke'
TENNESEE WILLIAMS' "Summer and Smoke" emerges from its
first night in Ann Arbor somewhat bloodied as good drama, but
as good theatre nonetheless unbowed.
The second of the University Players' summer productions is on
the whole competent and at times even gripping, but it suffers too
frequently and too thoroughly from a distinct dramatic vacuum; the
play that Williams wrote seems to lag behind the production as it
unravels, and the central agonies of John Buchanan and Alma
Winemiller never quite invest convincingly the action of the Lydia
Mendelssohn stage.
Professor Bender's direction has resulted in an over-all technical
competence that in fact carries the performance over a variety of
otherwise difficult episodes. On the whole, however, I suspect that
the curiously revised acting version that was performed set him and
his cast at an initial disadvantage that neither actors nor technicians
could quite overcome.
THE EXPECTED "Prologue" scene, in which we first glimpse John
and Alma as counterpoised ten-year-olds, already committed to the
directions of the adult personalities, is missing from this production.
We are accordingly plunged at the outset well into an already-
unfolding dramatic continuum, and the talents of the principals are
not sufficiently refined or expressive to provide the necessary insight
into their already developed mutual polarity until well into the first
scene; and the dramatic tensions have a way of getting ahead of the
actors.
* * *
LACKING, TOO, is the early exchange between these two as re-
united young adults, when he describes to her the "mysterious universe
of the microscope," where one can witness a world "of anarchy and
order." This striking omission abrogates the basis of another of the
play's central areas of tension, and a further impediment is mounted
on the actors.
In all fairness, however, Lillian Casey, gradually growing into her
role as the play settled down after the opening jitters, lent considerable
force to the interdependent agonies of the play's two victims. Robert
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