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Seventy-Third Year
EDrrmo AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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"Whereopinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in al reprints.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 1, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM

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TODAY AND TOMORROW
Scranton Serves Party
By Entering Campaign

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Essex Wire Company:
Undemocratic Tactics

N OW THAT MUCH of the dust has set-
tled in the town of Hillsdale, it is good
that a long look be taken at the events
that led up to and formed the crisis of a
month ago. The first two facts that the
the newspaper reader gleaned in the first
days of the crisis were these:
-Violence-rock throwing, fistfights
and obscenities - was rampant in Hills-
dale in the period immediately preceding
the crisis. And most of this violence was
on the part of members of the Interna-
tional Union of Electrical Workers who
were participating in a strike against the
Essex Wire Company.
-Governor George Romney opted to
close the Essex plant, making use of a
1946 ordinance passed not expressly for
such purposes, but later interpreted as
relevant to the Essex situation. He did this
to prevent further disturbances around
the plant. The management complained
immediately and loudly; but strangely,
the town was overwhelmingly in favor of
the closing. But many readers developed
a first reaction that went something like
this: "Why can't the management keep
its plant open if it wishes? After all, the
union workers and sympathizers caused
most of the violence, didn't they?" Yes.
BUT IT IS NOW over a month since the
crisis, and these two facts no longer
seem so obvious or clear-cut. And their
Parking-In
TAKE IT OR LEAVE: that seems to be
the customary procedure for disgrun-
tied employes-faculty as well as staff-
of the modern university.
When you're unhappy about something,
it's acceptable to raise your hand and ob-
ject politely; if you're lucky, someone
will form a committee to study the prob-
lem. If you can't take it, you can leave
lquietly. Any disparaging remarks you
might make on the way out would be in-
terpreted as sour grapes anyway. What-
ever you do, don't make any sort of fuss
that can't be settled behind the scenes.
Now it appears that a group has
emerged which didn't read the take-or-
leave rule. Instead, it is turning to a
method of protest heretofore monopolized
by civil-rights groups, pacifists, the Amer-
ican revolution and other such subver-
sive movements: the method of direct
and dramatic action.
AS YOU READ THIS, some 400 cars are
parking in a large lot on North Cam-
pus. The lot, however, isn't a parking lot
but a vacant lot. The parking lot-to the
extent that protest plans are working
out-is empty, except for some brand-
new, and equally empty, parking meters.
It seems that the University, going
about its characteristic business of silenc-
ing unpleasant news until everything is
settled, had quietly decided about a
month ago to install the meters on North
Campus lots. When faculty and staff
working in the area discovered the move,
they tried the traditional channels. They
formed a committee, circulated a peti-
tion, and managed to provoke not even
the usual polite explanation. So now we
have the "park-in."
It may be the first of a rash of local
"-ins." Rumor has it that sweaty em-
ployes of the Survey Research Center may
stage a "shorts-in" unless the non-air-
conditioned SRC relaxes its ban on shorts
for on-duty employes.
THOUGH THEY COULD have picked a
more worthwhile cause, it's good to see

several hundred of the University's usual-
ly timid employes assert themselves. Let's
hope that the protestors don't back down
under fire. If they stand firm, the Uni-
versity's reaction should be interesting
to watch-for unlike memos, petitions
and committee reports, 400 cars are aw-
fully hard to sweep under the rug.
-KENNETH WINTER
Co-Editor

causes are not so immediately clear. For
on looking beyond the first newspaper re-
ports, one finds things that are very
strange.
One is that the Essex Wire Company
was hiring replacement labor, outside the
International Union of Electrical Work-
ers, for months before the strike. This
practice, while not an explicit violation
of the company's contract with the union,
did violate severely the spirit of the con-
tract and did give massive evidence of
bad faith on the part of the company.
Another is that, during the strike, Es-
sex sent an agent down to Detroit to re-
cruit strikebreakers. The agent came back
with many of these men; but most of
them were Negroes. The company put
these men to work, forcing them to pass
picket lines that were almost devoid of
Negroes (as is the town of Hillsdale.
ESSEX COULD HAVE done few things
more harmful to race relations and
attitudes in the alreadly tense and con-
fused town of Hillsdale. Bitterness to-
ward the company multiplied as the
strikers noticed that many of the men
working at their jobs and earning their
money were Negroes. And the Negro
strikebreakers were made the object of
derision and hatred by many of the strik-
ing workers. Needless to say, this bitter-
ness made negotiations between company
and union twice as hard to conduct.
But if this move by Essex seems cruel
and stupid, it blanches in comparison to
something it had done a few weeks be-
fore. A representative of the Essex Wire
Company made a trip down to Appalachia
before the strike started. There he con-
tacted a local unemployment agency and
asked him if he had men available for
jobs at a factory in northern Michigan.
Since the area was ravaged by more than
25 per cent unemployment and was the
home of hundreds of unemployed miners,
the employment agency answered yes.
Fine, said the agent of Essex. Would he
send about a dozen unemployed men up
to Hillsdale in a week? Jobs would be
waiting for them.
N FACT, the agent used an alias, and
also used an alias instead of properly
identifying the Essex Wire Company. So
the dozen men traveled up to Hillsdale,
about half of them bringing their famil-
ies along. They were buoyed at the hope
of finding steady jobs, for some of them
had been unemployed and on relief for
as long as three years.
Well, they arrived in Hillsdale and
found that the International Union of
Electrical Workers was waging a bitte,
sometimes violent strike against the Es-
sex Wire Company. The majority of them
turned right around and went home, dis-
appointed and infuriated that they were
being used, without their knowledge, to
smash a union. All of these men had to
pay from meager resources complete tra-
vel expenses for themselves and those ac-
companying them. And some of them,
upon returning to their home, found that
they had lost state unemployment com-
pensation because they left the state
"looking for work."
How, one might ask, can a company get
away with such practices? This is an in-
teresting question. And it brings use to an
even more intriguing one. Exactly who is
the Essex Wire Company? It is in fact
part of a large string of from 50 to 100
companies, many having different and
equally obscure names. The assets of the
company are known by those who buy
from it to be larger than all except about
170 companies in the United States. But,
strangely, the company is not listed in

the Fortune magazine survey of the larg-
est 200 companies in the United States.
The company keeps its ownership ob-
scure through nebulous press releases,
vehement denials, and plain silence. And
amidst this obscure atmosphere, the com-
pany negotiates many separate union con-
tracts through its various plants, thus
decimating the bargaining power of those
who work for it.
LOOKING BACK AGAIN to the initial
news from Hillsdale, the reasons for
the violence on the part of union strikers
becomes more clear,. if not justifiable.
Andi C3m.ror R Tmnr's rnmv in elninar

By WALTER LIPPMANN
GOV. WILLIAM SCRANTON is
doing a big service to the
country in challenging Sen. Barry
Goldwater. There is at stake in
this conflict the future of the Re-
publican Party, and the issue is
nothing less than whether the old
party is to be captured by a fac-
tion which rejects its basic prin-
ciples and is alienated from its
historic tradition.
The whole country must be con-
cerned with this struggle. For if
the radical right, which Sen. Nor-
ris Cotton, who is a Goldwater
supporter, calls the arch-conserva-
tives, achieve the unconditional
surrender of the party, they will
not only split it. For years to come
they will have a monopoly of the
official opposition to the Demo-
crats. This will be exceedingly bad
for the Democrats as well as the
old Republicans. For without a
respectable and genuine opposi-
tion, the Democratic Party will
become soft and confused and vul-
nerable to factions.
The critical question now is not
whether Gov. Scranton can at
this late date stop the Goldwater
machine. The important thing is
that the party will not be sur-
rendered without a fight and that
there will remain, therefore, a
man around whom the party can
rally for the elections of 1966 and
1968.
THIS IS IN fact a struggle in
which Gov. Scranton cannot lose.
Even if he does not win the nom-
ination in San Francisco, he will
have made himself the rallying
point for the future. He will have
averted the collapse into surrend-
er which Gen. Dwight Eisenhower
was willing to let happen.

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We can afford to assume that
the key to the Republican situa-
tion lies in the fact that all the
leading Republican figures regard
President Johnson as virtually un-
beatble in 164. To be surebnoth-
ing is absolutely impossible in
politics. But the undoubted fact
is that the Republicans have not
been expecting to win in 1964.
It is disbelief in victory this year
that is the secret of Goldwater's
success. There has been no leader,
except Goh Nelson Rockefeller,
who has thought the nomination
worth fighting for. This is also the
secret of Gov. Scranton's long
abstention. Hevhad assumed that
the nomination would be worth
having only under the most im-
probable conditions-that he won
it by acclamation of the Goldwat-
er plus the Rockefeller and Lodge
factions.
THIS IMPOSSIBLE calculation
led him into the humiliating situ-
ation of that Sunday morning
some three weeks ago when Gen.
Eisenhower ordered himuto sur-
render. After that painful exper-
ience, he realized quickly what had
happened, and in that moment of
illumination he understood that
his original assumption was false.
He had assumed that the question
was whether the nomination was
worth having this year, but by
Thursday evening he had seen
that the real question was whether
the party was to be surrendered
without a fight, not only in 1964,
but in fact for 1966 and 1968 as
well.'
If Gov. Scranton is to win the
nomination, he will need Gen.
Eisenhower. For that, Gen. Eisen-
hower will have to grasp the issue
-that the party is about to be
captured-and he will have to take
a firm stand with the Scranton
forces. But this is to assume that
the Eisenhower of 1964 is still the
same man around whom the mod-
erate and progressive Republicans
rallied in 1952. It is perhaps too
hopeful an assumption.
THE EISENHOWER of 1964
can be seen in an article he signed
for publication in the Saturday
Evening Post in April and in the
speech which he delivered to the
Governor's Conference in Cleve-
land on June 8. These documents
show that he has become a Gold-
water "conservative"-without the
harum-scarum jingoism of Barry
Goldwater. It has been the prac-
tice of the Republican moderates
to pretend that the national phi-
losophy of Lincoln and Theodore
Roosevelt was also the philosophy
of Dwight Eisenhower. It is not.
Especially during his retirement,
Gen. Eisenhower has come to
share with Senator Goldwater a
profound 'distrust and dislike of
the federal government, to which,
incidentally, Dwight Eisenhower
himself owes everything he is and
has.
That is why there has been no
rally around Gen. Eisenhower to
resist the surrender of the party.
That inner citadel was surrender-
ed some time ago-in the Shang-
rilas at Gettysburg and Palm
Springs which are so well-shelter-
ed from the harsh realities of the
real world of 1964.
(c).1964, The Washington Post Co.

STATE POLITICIANS
Local Service Launches Legislators

By ROBERT SELWA
WHAT KIND of person serves
in the state Legislature?
What was his previous occupation?
What is his educational back-
ground? How old was he when he
firstrwon election to the Legis-
lature?
If the man before us is typical,
he is 52 years old. He has served
four terms and first won election
to the Legislature at the age of
42. Before that he served his city,
township or county in an elective
capacity. Occupation-wise, be is
almost sure to have been a busi-
nessman or a member of the
professions.
This is the composite revealed
by research into the backgrounds
of the 144 men and women who
make up the 1963-64 Michigan
Legislature. The study not only
produces this composite but also
provides a comparison between
four catagories of legislators.
Compared in groups are the 58
House Republicans, the 52 House
Democrats, the 23 Senate Repub-
licans and the 11 Senate Demo-
crats.
IN LENGTH of service in of-
fice, there isonot much difference
Iamong the four groups. The com-
posite average is 4.1 terms; the
average of the House Democrats
is just that and of the House Re-
publicans nearly the same. Senate
Republicans have served on the
average a little less, and Senate
Democrats a little more.
Individual differences, however,
contrast sharply-between the one
term of 34 freshmen and the 14
terms of Senator Elmer Porter (R-
Blissfield) or the 13 terms of Rep.
Andrew Bolt (R-Grand Rapids).
Length of service in the Legis-
lature does not appear to be re-
lated to category.
There are definite differentia-
tions in age. Republicans are
older than Democrats. And,
strangely, representatives are older
than senators. Both in current age
and in age at first election to the
Legislature, this pattern emerges:
Senate Democrats a r e t h e
youngest, followed by House
Democrats, then by Senate Repub-
licans, and finally by House Re-
publicans.
AND ALMOST everyone is rela-
tively old. The averages range
from 49 for the Senate Democrats
to 55 for the House Republicans.
Moreover, these legislators start-
ed late; the averages for initial
election range from 40 for the
Senate Democrats to 47 for the
House Republicans.
Speculation about the reasons
for these patterns should include
the following considerations. The
job of state legislator does not
bring a person much fame and
can leave him the opposite of for-
tune. Ambitious young politicians
miarht he inclined tn choose other

cur'rently his county, and finally
his state. By the time a person
makes it to the state Legislature,
he is in his thirties, forties or
fifties.
THE IDEA of extensive prepar-
ation for the Legislature is ap-
parently so tenacious that only
three of the current legislators
were first elected at an age less
than 29: Reps. Donald Wismer
(R-Port Huron) at 28, Michael
Novak (D-Detroit) at 25 and Rus-
sell Strange (R-Clare) at 22.
(Minimum requirement: 21.)
The great majority of the legis-
lators of the 1963-64 session have
held elective office previously. Of
the 144, some 37 per cent were
city or township officials. A few
were mayors and many were mem-
bers of the city council or the
board of education. Some 22 per
cent held county elective office.
These figures bear out a definite
pattern of "working up" within a
councilman-to-legislator political
spectrum.
Only a small minority of the
144 state legislators have held
other state elective office. Fifteen
were delegates to the Constitution-
al Convention of 1962. The bulk
of the 34-member freshman class
in the current Legislature is com-
posed of Con-Con delegates. A
few of the state senators-four of
each party-are former state rep-
resentatives. And one state rep-
resentative-Don Vander Werp
(R-Freemont)-is a former state
senator. He was elected to the
House in 1932, to the Senate from
1934 to 1954, and to the House
again in 1960 and 1962.
Cancer Vs.
Psychosis
"'As the poet has said, there is
good and bad in everything. The
history of Americavand the his-
tory of tobacco run parallel. To-
bacco was once used here as
money. And it has been smoked
here for over 350 years-with sat-
isfaction. And that, in itself, is a
commentary. Who can say with
assurance that we would have
been better off without tobacco?
I want to make it clear that I am
not a tobacco raiser, though in our
state much tobacco is grown-
and Maryland is noted for its
high-quality tobacco.
"I am not a scientist. I cannot
discuss this issue on a scientific
basis. However, let me interject
one idea of a layman on the sub-
ject of health. Mental health is a
subject much in the public mind.
Psychiatry has come into its own
because of the stress and strain of
the present day. Most doctors will

AN INDICATION of the restric-
tivesness of the councilman-to-
legislator spectrum is the lack of
national activities among Michi-
gan's legislators. They do a lot
for the locality-as county chair-
man of their party, school board
member or postmaster-but have
not gone much beyond this.
Only one state legislator has
held national elective office, and
only in an indirect way: Rep.
Daniel West (D-Detroit) was a
delegate to the Democratic Na-
tional convention of 1960.
, * *
MOST LEGISLATORS have a
college education: Some 63 per
cent of them have had two or more
years of scholastic or business
education beyond high school;
others have taken correspondence
course*s.
Of the 90 legislators with a col-
lege education, 26 have studied at
a top-echelon university like Yale,
Harvard - or the University. Some
24 have studied here and five have
studied at Ivy League colleges.
Many of the 90 have studied at
more than one college, of course
-Rep. Gilbert Bursley (R-Ann
Arbor) having studied at three
different top-echelon universities
-the University, Harvard and
George Washington University.
More legislators have studied at
the University than anywhere else.
Michigan State University is sec-
ond with 17, Wayne State Univer-
sity third with 11. Next come the
University of Detroit, the Detroit
College of Law, Central and West-
ern Michigan Universities, Ferris
Institute and the Detroit Institute
of Technology.
Republican legislators are better
educated than the Democrats.
Some 77 per cent of the Senate
Republicans and 66 per cent of the
House Republicans have two or
more years of college, as compared
to slightly more than 50 per cent
of the House and Senate Demo-
crats. Among the Republicans, 21
have studied at top-echelon col-
leges; among the Democrats, five.
The strength of this state's
educational system reflects itself
in the fact that 55 of the legis-
lators selected state-supported
public colleges. Some 26 chose
private institutions within Michi-
gan.
ONLY TWO legislators have
studied at foreign universities-
House Democrats William Thorne
and Ernest Murphy. Both went to
college in the countries of their
birth-Canada and Ireland. No
legislator has studied at Oxford
or Cambridge or the Sorbonne.
Only one-third of the college-
educated legislators have been
schooled outside the state. This
provincialism reflects itself in the
Legislature's opposition to, or at
least lack of sympathy for, the
heterogenity of the University.
Junior colleges have schooled
seven representatives, while 13
representatives have studied, us-
uallv for two years. at business

most every one of the Michigan
legislators can list other present
or past occupations.
Not all legislators are lawyers
and farmers. As a matter of fact,
only 17 per cent of the current
lawmakers are farmers and only
13 per cent lawyers. It is true
that these two occupations, along
with real estate dealing, are the
most popular specific occupations.
But legislators come from many
walks of life-from steel fabrica-
tor Rep. Joseph Mack, to chief of
police Rep. William Romano.
One-third of the legislators
have carried on some kind of
legal or governmental work. Some
28 per cent have been business-
men.Almost as many have been
in the professions. About one-
tenth of the legislators, both Re-
publican and Democratic, have
been educators. Only four legisla-
tors-all House Democrats-have
been in semi-skilled or unskilled
work. America's "common man"
has but little occupational repre-
sentation in the state legislature.
And in an age of increasing at-
tention to social problems and of
attempts by government to remedy
them, there is not a single social
worker in the Michigan Legisla-
ture.
Certain occupations show def-
inite differentiation.nSome 36per
cent of the House Republicans and
13 per cent of the Senate Re-
publicans are farmers-an occu-
pation claimed by no Democrat
in the Legislature. Ten per cent
of the House Democrats are labor
union officials-an occupation pe-
culiar in the Legislature to House
Democrats. Five per cent of the
House Republicans are newspaper
publishers and four per cent are
bank directors-both being cata-
gorically isolated occupations.

Speaking
Too Soon
And now-Bobby Baker. I know
I should refer to him as the sec-
retary of the majority even as
my heart says "Bobby" instead.
His quick intelligence, his tre-
mendous fund of knowledge about
the Senate, which is almost ap-
palling in one so young, has kept
the machinery of this side of the
aisle working with smooth pre-
cision. Always present, always
alert, and more than anything
else, always understanding and
persuasive with his wise counsel,
I say to all of you here tonight
that here indeed is a young man
of rare and real promise.
-Lyndon B. Johnson quoted
in American Opinion

Over half the Senate Republi-
cans are professional people, in
contrast to the small percentage
of the other three groups. But the
only college instructor, Francis
Beedon of Muskegon Community
College, is a House Democrat.

"Among The First Returns For'Scranton- "

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