Seventy-Third Year'
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
s Ar UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
TWher OIPrevail" STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in alp reprints.
SATURDAY, JUNE 27, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT HIPPLER
Equal Rights.
A Search of Conscience
THE SEARCH for three missing civil time is right for the character of the
rights workers in Mississippi drama- "movement" to be translated into an in-
tizes the cause of civil rights in a way dividual effort. For, after all, the Senate's
that no protest, no "march on free- passage of the equal rights bill is but
dom," no "sit-in," "stall-in," or "sip-in" an inch along the path toward dignity
could possibly do. The disappearance of for all citizens. The achievement of the
the youths has, in the past week, inspir- legislation is indeed a testimony to the
ed extensive efforts on the part of the efforts of the "organizers" of the move-
President, the FBI and the United States ment. But the ultimate attainment of
Navy to locate them. The discovery of equal opportunities-whether they be in
the charred remains of the automobile education, employment, voting or public
in which they were travelling, obviously accommodations - will depend upon a
deliberately set on fire, has both height- subtler but more profound struggle.
ened fears as to their safety and intensi-
fied search efforts. THAT STRUGGLE must take place
This demonstration of public concern within the conscience of the individ-
for three individuals has already had a ual. And the moral debate must not cen-
perceptible influence on the entire nation ter on whether the white community
-a nation virtually numbed by mass should accede to the dictates of ten per
demonstrations, militant movements and cent of the population. Rather, it must
continued eruptions of rioting and police dwell upon the issue of whether one in-
brutality. For too long, the cause of civil dividual has the right to deny individual-
rights has been identified with totality- ity, and the inalienable rights of Indi-
a mass demand for every right denied viduality, to another human being.
the Negro population in the history of
this country. The Negro, in turn, must seek to com-
municate his need and attain recogni-
OR TOO LONG, the "movement" has tion of his rights on an individual basis;
F OR eTOOlONG, thea"movemnat"ohashis must be an appeal for understand-
effort on thepart of such groups as the ing, not a demand for token concessions.
National Association for the Advance- The battle for civil rights is undeniably
ment of Colored People, the Congress of advanced when a nation focuses its at-
Racial Equality, the Southern Christian tention on the unknown fate of three in-
Leadership Conference and the Student dividuals who are actively participating
Non-Violent Coordinating Committee.. in that battle, when hundreds of college
Not surprisingly, such mass appeals, students brave the walls of segregation in
while serving to point up the extremity of Mississippi, when outraged parents learn
the Negroes' plight and the urgency of that no federal police force exists to pro-
their cause, have at the same time nur- tect their sons and daughters from the
tured mass resentment, resistance and re- antagonism of Southern racists.
taliation within the white community.
The appeal has taken on the colors of a These are the seeds of discontent which
demand, and the demand has yet to be must ultimately erupt into a genuine
met. ,search of conscience.
The national concern for the missing -MARY LOU BUTCHER
civil rights workers points up that the Associate Editor
EUROPEAN COMMENTARY
Oil in the North Sea?

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TODAY AND TOMORROW
New Saigon Policy
A ttempts Negotiation

HOlVJ

"'HLL.,MR. AMBASSADD~R."
ARC YOU, MR~. PI'PME MNSTR ?


By WALTER LIPPMANN
THE BIG SHAKE-UP of our
high command in Saigon is,
of course, a recognition that the
situation has deteriorated and
that a change of policy, measures
and of men is necessary. What
does this mean?
For what it may be worth, I
would say that James Reston of
the New York Times was quite
right when he said on Wednesday
that the shake-up does not in-
dicate that a decision has been
taken to carry the war to North
Viet Nam and to increase greatly
United States participation in the
fighting. My impression, which
may, I admit, turn cut to be
wrong, is that a different decision
has been taken.
OUR ORIGINAL POLICY in
South Viet Nam, as laid down by
Secretary Dulles under President
Eisenhower and expanded by Gen.
Maxwell Taylor under President
Kennedy, rested fundamentally on
the belief that the Saigon govern-
ment under President Diem would
be able, with American military
and financial assistance, to subdue
and pacify the Viet Cong rebellion.
This well-meant, but remrk-
ably naive policy broke down when
the failure of Diem caused the
United States to connive at the
overthrow of President Diem and
his family. Since then, there have
been two successive governments,
neither of which has had roots in
the people of Viet Nam, and the
resistance to the rebellion has
been kept going only by an in-
creasing participation of Ameri-
cans in the actual fighting. Re-
cently it has become plain to
everyone that the war was going
to be lost, not won, under the
original conception of Eisenhower
and Dulles, Kennedy and Taylor.
Thenthere appeared two schools
of thought about American policy
and strategy.
ONE SCHOOL has argued that
the way to win the war is to
carry it by bombing and blockade
to North Viet Nam and if neces-
sary into Red China. This theory
rests on the belief that the Viet
Cong rebellion in South Viet Nam
would subside if it were not sup-
plied with fresh cadres of officers
from the north and if it were not
directed daily by the extensive
military and political radio net-
work. This school believes in
handing some kind of ultimatum
to Hanoi and, if Hanoi did not
then cease and desist, in attack-
ing North Viet Nam with sea and
air power.
While this school has gained
adherents within the administra-
tion, it does not, not yet at least,
speak for the administration. The
real policy, I venture to think, is
about like this: there is not and
cannot be such a thing as a mili-
tary victory in the civil war, and
an attack on North Viet Nam will
not cause the Viet Cong rebels,
who are predominantly South
Vietnamese, to surrender to Gen-
eral Khanh. To attack North Viet
Nam would be, therefore, a quite
incalculable risk-incalculable in
what it would provoke.
The only tolerable outcome,
therefore, is a settlement by nego-
tiation in which China and the
United States are the principals,
with the Soviet Union, France,
Great Britain and India partici-
pating as mediators and eventual
guarantors. The critical word is
"eventual."
* * *
UNLESS I have been grossly
and continually misled, our ob-

jective is to create a balance of
forces which favors and supports
a negotiated settlement in South-
east Asia. I do not think that our
policy is as simple-minded as Sec-
retary Dean Rusk occasionally
chooses to make it seem-that he
thinks that we can intimidate
North Viet Nam into letting Laos
and South Viet Nam "alone." For
even if Hanoi let them alone for
18 months, what would prevent
Hanoi from not letting them alone
in the future? Quite plainly, there
must be a settlement of a com-
plex of issues, not a mere promise
to cease and desist.
To promote the eventual nego-
tiation, it is essential, first of all,
to prevent a collapse of the re-
sistance in Saigon and to make it
plain, as we have been doing re-
cently, that it is not our intention
to withdraw and wash our hands.
I believe, I hope I am still en-
titled to believe, that this is what
is now going on-that General
Taylor is going to Saigon to con-
solidate the resistance, with which
he is so much identified, and that
the movement of naval ships and
transports and airplanes toward
Southeast Asia. is a deployment
which, though it could be used for
war, is intended to promote a
treaty of peace.
The course of policy, which I
have tried to sketch, is not guaran-
teed to succeed. But it is a ra-
tional policy that could succeed.
And if the worst happens, if Pe-
king is bent on a conquest and
not on a settlement, our forces
will be in position and on the
alert.
(C), 1964, The Washington Post Co.
LETTERS
Harrah's
Predictions
To the Editor:
W HEN I FINISHED reading the
article describing the present
sad state of Republican politics in
Tuesday's Daily, I had a vague
feeling that something was miss-
ing. Well Wednesday's edition
came through in grand style to
dispel all Republican gloom.
Mr. Michael Harrah's article en-
titled "GOP Landslide in the Off-
ing?" brings forth the warm glow
of optimism. No longer does the
GOP have to worry about the
moderate-conservative,'battle royal
which is threatening to split the
party into two opposing factions.
We are told that "Johnson can
be defeated-and with surprising
ease." I am sure that conservatives
everywhere will be joyed by this
news.
* * *
THE BASIS for this allegation
rests on the notion that the poll-
sters are completely missing the
boat with their polls. This is like
suggesting that since the sun has
been rising in the East with some
regularity for a few years, there
is a good chance of it rising in the
West tomorrow morning. Mr. Har-
rah seems to have a well-
developed talent for completely
overlooking important facts which
will not support his argument
while ballooning side issues out of
all reasonable proportion. Perhaps
I am wrong in taking him serious-
ly; if he is trying to satirize the
conservative, head - in - the - sand
viewpoint, then he is doing an
excellent job.
-James K. Sayre, '64E

'64 NOMINATIONS
Meddlers Interfere with GOP

EDITOR' NOTE: This is the
fourth in a series of articles on the
Republican Party.
By MICHAEL HARRAH
NEWSWEEK MAGAZINE re-
cently reported that those
who seem to be most violently in
opposition to the candidacy of
Sen. Barry Goldwater of Arizona
are a handful of newspaper col-
umnists who aren't going to vote
Republican no matter who the
GOP nominates. The item intimat-
ed that these pundits have almost
single-handedly stirred up the
hue-and-cry against Goldwater
among his own party members.
Perhaps; but then, if these
meddlesome pro-Democratic col-
umnists are capable of pulling the
strings on a bunch of Republicans,
this ought to raise serious ques-
tion as to just how good these
Republicans really are.
Plaguing the Grand Old Party
today are two insidious groups-
the "spoilers" and the "wreckers."
The former is attacking from
within and the latter from with-
out. Their common objective is
the "rule-or-ruin" of the Republi-
can Party.
THE "SPOILERS" are all Re-
publicans. By and large they are
so-called liberal Republicans, but
they are by no means confined to
this particular persuasion. They
are intent upon running the Re-
publican party their way or seeing
to it that the party does not run

at all. Among the noted person-
ages in this category is Gov. Nel-
son Rockefeller of New York. In
1960, he decided to seek the Presi-
dential nomination on the eve of
the convention, but much to his
dismay he discovered that most
of the delegates were going to go
for Vice-President Richard Nixon.
A last-minute citizens for Rocky
push was to no avail; Nixon swept
in on the first ballot.
Disgruntled, Rockefeller return-
ed to New York, where politicians
in both parties and public opinion
polls both acknowledged that the
governor was still popular; but
somehow he never quite got around
to campaigning for Nixon. Come
November, Sen. Kennedy carried
the state by a comfortable margin.
Another of these "spoilers" is
Michigan's Gov. George Romney,
who, having gained the GOP gub-
ernatorial nomination in 1962,
ran his campaign apart from the
regular Republican party, refusing
to lend his endorsement as head
of ,the ticket to many of the other
hopefuls below him. The result
was that he was the only Republi-
can to win statewide election, and
several local contests were narrow-
ly lost by his party.
THE LATEST ADDITION to
the "spoiler" fold is Gov. William
Scranton of Pennsylvania. Four
years ago, when Scranton was
hardly known in Pennsylvania, let
alone in the United States, he ran
for a congressional seat in Alle-

BILTHOVEN, HOLLAND - For several
months now, a mixed American-Ger-
man crew has been on an oil drilling
mission only one hundred miles north
of here. Work is proceeding normally
and prospects seem good.
Most Europeans are still unbelieving
that oil is to be found in West Europe. Yet
during the last few years, more and more
drilling towers have shot up all over
Northern Holland in the promise that
relatively soon the whole country's oil
and gas needs could be filled by fuels
lying in her own backyard.
But the newest exploits are out in
the North Sea, rather than on the main-
land. Outside the three mile territorial
water's limit, mineralists have found that
oil and natural gas prospects are rela-
tively good. Nevertheless, in an official
announcement more than a month ago
doubtshwere played up to discourage an
oil rush.
HOWEVER, international politicians and
oilmen apparently had enough inside
Not an Is sue
HENRY CABOT LODGE told newsmen
in Saigon Wednesday that he did not
see "how South Viet Nam can be an issue
in the upcoming presidential campaign."
What, may we ask, does Mr. Lodge
think has made his opinions an issue?
-L. J. K.
Editorial Staff
KENNETH WINTER ...................... Co-Editor
EDWARD HERSTEIN..................... Co-Editor
MARY LOU BUTCHER ..............Associate Editor
CHARLES TOWLE .................... Sports Editor
JEFFREY GOODMAN...................Night Editor
ROBERT HIPPLER.......................Night Editor
LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM.................Night Editor
12.r>- ce~

information to react quickly. Immediate-
ly, one political question suddenly has
become acute: To whom does the oil
drilled in international waters of the
North Sea belong?
In 1958, a Geneva conference agreed
to split up the North Sea territory into
shares for each bordering country pres-
ent at the conference. It was agreed that
exploitation of the North Sea bottom was
to be under the authority of individual
nations. Under the treaty, all members
of the conference agreed to the plan,
now in effect, which granted dispropor-
tionate shares to Denmark and the Neth-
erlands at the expense of the amount of
territory allowed for West German ex-
ploitation.
The complicated system on which the
separation was executed was too techni-
cal to reflect economic reality. At the
time that the treaty was signed, prac-
tically no one realized what mineral ex-
ploitation of this so-called "continental
plateau" could mean.
NOW, WEST GERMAN politicians are
beginning to regret their past gener-
osity and are invoking the treaty's reser-
vation of "special circumstances" to press
the Dutch and Danish governments for
individual concessions on the treaty.
Actually, Holland has still not ratified
the treaty (due to come up for debate
this summer) and it is possible that a
conference on relocation of the Dutch-
German borderline will take place. This is
quite likely, since the Dutch are anxious
to preserve the mild political atmosphere
which exists between Bonn and The
Hague at present.
On the other hand, such a concession
may mean a sacrifice of possibly billions
of dollars in revenue. Dutch politicians
have rejoiced at the opportunity to be-
come more influential in the future fuel
market of the European Economic Com-
munity. Until now, France, Western Ger-
many, and, to some degree, Belgium have
been the predominant fuel producing
partners of the Common Market-West-
en Eronrn' most nroduictive cnal areas

SUITES FOR BAND
Fennell Recordings--
Superiority in Sound

gheny County and, won his initial
venture in big-time politics. He
ran as a conservative, and served
his term in Congress with a con-
servative voting record.
In 1962, Scranton was persuaded
by Eisenhower and Goldwater to
run for governor of Pennsylvania,
and he did so on a reform plat-
form. His subsequent election was
hailed as a conservative victory
by conservatives not in the habit
of kidding themselves. As late as
two weeks ago, Scranton was pro-
testing that his views were not
too far removed from those of
Goldwater ( Harrisburg statement
to the press in early June).
Yet now, he has pitched the
party into what may become a
major schism,
* * *
THERE ARE OTHERS; their
identity is unimportant. It is their
course of action which matters,
for they are intent on hogging
the spotlight or turning off the
current. It is exactly this philos-
ophy which may well cripple the
GOP in November for a long time
to come.
This is not to say that the
object of their objections, Sen.
Barry Goldwater of Arizona,
should or .should not be nominat-
ec' It is only to point out that
Goldwater has been making an
honest and genuine attempt to
appeal to the Republican party
right down to the "grass roots"
levels for several years now.
has been carrying on a sincere
campaign for its leadership, while
those about him sat on their
hands.
Yet now, they are intent rpon
"stopping Goldwater" in a frantic,
last-minute maneuver.
Yet the "spoilers" are only pup-
pets; the "wreckers" are far more
dangerous to the GOP, for the
"spoilers" have at least some stake
in a Republican victory.
The "wreckers" too are compos-
ed of notables, a large bulk being
comprised of newspaper column-
ists, the so-called opinion formers
of America. Such names as Walter
Lippmann, Drew Pearson, Emmet
John Hughes, Doris Fleeson and
others are on the list.
THESE PERSONS have written
and talked loud and long of late
about what the Republicans
should and should not do. Yet
not a one of them has the least
intention of ever supporting a
Republican, and though they may
support a two-party system, they
have not the slightest interest in
seeing the GOP philosophy per-
petuated in any form. They are
Democrats to a man, and why
their advice to Republicans should
be of the smallest particle of
value is incomprehensible.
Between them, the "spoilers"
and the "wreckers" may be suc-
cessful in stopping Sen. Goldwater,
the one man who cared enough to
work at the "grass roots" level
for years, building his support. If
this isn't the proper way to run
a political party, one will be hard
pressed to fathom what is.
VET THEV MAY -ton him. i fn+t

RALPH VAUGHAN WILLIAMS,
"Folk Song Suite" and "Toccata
Marziale"; GUSTAV HOLST,
"Suite No. 1 in E-flat Major" and
"Suite No. 2 in F Major"; PERCY
Grainger, "Hill-Song No. 2."
Frederick Fennell conducting the
Eastman Wind Ensemble, MER-
CURY stereo SR 90388, $5.98
(monaural MG 50388, $4.98).
IF IT IS TRUE, as I am given
to understand, that Frederick
Fennell has retired from his long
and fruitful association with Mer-
cury Records, then one can only
fervently hope that there are more
examples of his inspired band
recordings yet to be released.
Of course, the most lengthy as-
signment in which .he has been
involved in the past couple of
years is the complete series of
Sousa marches begun some time
back-and, hopefully, completed
before Mr. Fennell's retirement.
But this is only a small part of
the total picture, for he and the
Eastman Wind Ensemble have
given us a wealth of delightful
"classical band music" ranging
fro-m (Gabrieli to Stravinsky. No

how anyone could have thought it
necessary to form an orchestral
version of it-but it is Holst's
suites which are the real stars of
the show. Their scoring calls upon
the full resources of the band,
and the tunes are irresistable. I
call your attention especially to
the marches (one per suite) and
to the "Song of the Blacksmith,"
from the Second Suite, which has
enough hearty "anvil sound" to
upstage a certain "I1 Trovatore"
chorus (The Second Suite is based
on folk material, by the way, while
the tunes of the First Suite are
Holst's own).
FENNELL HAS demonstrated
his superiority in the literature
for the band time and time again,
and this record is no exception.
The Eastman Wind Ensemble
sounds just fine, as always; and
Mercury's sound, as always, is
overwhelming-if it were not for
background hiss which sometimes
becomes obtrusive, you would have
to pinch yourself from time to
time to make sure you were not
really seated in the front row at
a band concert.
Alth-lrh nnlrrthe ~rr.inoypr

KWAI 'MADNESS'
An Intelligent 'Bridge'
But Lacking-in Talent
At the Michigan Theatre
WITH THE CACAPHONY of "winner of 27 international awards and
7 Academy Awards" ringing in my ears, I warily returned to see
"The Bridge on the River Kwai" five and a half years after it was first
released to wild acclaim and long box-office lines.
Perceptive movie critics have, over the years, become increasingly
wary of films boasting festival awards and the like, because of the non-
artistic pressures put on the judges at such functions. Even with the
necessity of going into a movie theatre without any biases, these critics
are increasingly being proved correct in their feelings.
The "Bridge" received its many awards for an intelligent produc-
tion, but one that almost wholly lacks talent. The exception is Alec
Guiness' portrayal of the English Col. Nicholson.
THE ACADEMIES and festivals gave Guiness many acting awards,
which are as much a tribute to the English stage as to this man's par-
ticular talents.
In artistic contrast is David Lean, the director and Sam Spiegel,
the producer, who relied on the basic assumptions that drive, so many
Hollywood efforts to ineptitude. They attempted to work with emotions
separated from people. This is the same as divorcing a horse from its
carriage and expecting the horse to bear up under the load by itself
or the carriage to be self-propelled. Hollywood has often adopted this
horseless-carriage technique tosits own detriment.
For instance, as William Holden, the outspoken cynic of all that
war, courage and the common soldier stand for, wanders across a
valley of blazing hot rocks, dazed with sun-stroke, crazed with thirst,
one feels nothing but a little discomfort for the sorry looking man. One
is almost tempted to go up to him, pat him on the forehead with a cool
damp cloth and say that everything will be just fine.