Seventy-Third Yea
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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Truth Will Prevail"'
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all re prints.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 23, 1963 NIGHT EDITOR: JEAN TENANDER

GOLDWATER'S GRAND DESIGN?
SConservatives Speculate on

'64 Strategy

Negroes Must Soothe

Moderate M
IT HAS BEEN building up steamh for a hun-
dred years. Now the civil rights 'movement
is beginning to move.
Since the events at Birmingham shook the
nation, many changes have come about. Ne-
groes and the "white liberals" active in civil
rights have found a new militancy and sol-
idarity. Nonviolent direct action, formerly view-
ed as faintly subversive, has become more re-
spectable. White politicians and national mag-
azines find themselves doing and saying things
that would have appeared wildly radical only
a few months ago. And those who cling to
their prejudices dig for more acceptable ration-
alizations.
The strategy has changed, too. Rev. Will D.
Campbell of the National Council of Churches
notes, "Most leaders among those demonstrat-
ing today are less and less concerned with
attitudes and images and more concerned with
simple justice and victory."
The Negro still does not enjoy angering the
white man, but passivity has reaped only a
century of oppression. He now is prepared to
take his chances and his rights, hoping that
respect and brotherhood eventually will follow.
Growth has also changed the character of
the movement. The masses of people who have
"enlisted" since Birmingham are not the ideal-
istic middle class intellectuals who pioneered
the movement, who were fairly well-off them-
selves but fought the battle in behalf of the
masses.
The new "recruits" come from the rural
shack and the urban ghetto, and are fighting
in behalf of themselves. Again, in Rev. Camp-
bell's words, "They are not articulate or so-
phisticated or able to verbalize why they are
revolting ecept that they are tired of being
poor, and tired of being 'nigras'."
These trends continue; the movement grows
and approaches critical mass. As in an atomic
reaction, many things are possible. It can
fizzle out, but every day that becomes less
likely, it can explode, changing its bright
promise into an irrevocable nightmare. Or it
can be controlled, unleashing its mighty energy
in a rational surge toward a better future.
WHICH POSSIBILITY becomes reality is
largely up to the movement itself. True,
the behavior of the white power structure will
play a large role. But by and large its actions
are reactions to Negro initiatives.
The whites who now scurry to draft legis-
lation, set up biracial committees and de-
nounce injustice, and those who don hoods,
form homeowners' associations and hurl eggs
at picketers would not be doing these things if
the movement had not acted first. This places
heavy responsibility on the shoulders of the
civil rights leader-and his followers.
In discharging this responsibility, in trying
to prevent the fizzle or the explosion, the civil
rights leader must .keep several important
things in mind,
THE FIRST IS that the movement is an
appeal directed at the white power struc-
ture. There lies the influence and affluence,
the mainstreain of America which the Negro
seeks to enter. If, somehow, the whites can
be persuaded to give the Negro his rights in-
stead of forcing him to fight for them,, the
course of the movement will be not only more
pleasant but more rapid.
Thus it is necessary to understand the
reasons why whites resist attempts at racial
justice, to realize and take seriously their
hopes and fears as the 'movement presses its
demands
HERE ARE PLENTY of just plain bigots,
of course, who hate Negroes and that's that.
Their intransigence can only be overcome by
legal and economic force, the only hope being
that subsequent Negro achievements may make
some dent in their attitudes.
Between the bigot and the "white liberal"
lies the broad spectrum of Atericans to whom
the movement can make its appeal. To such
people, civil rights are only polite conversation

pieces until they affect their home, job or
family. Unlike the hard-line bigot, they do
not hate black skin per se, but greatly fear
what it symbolizes.,
They see the coming of the Negro as a
neighborhood disaster, bringing in crime, 11-
legitimacy, drunkenness, vagrancy and all the
sorts of personal and civic irresponsibility they
most fear. Whatever their individual views on
racial justice, such matters pale into insignifi-
Editorial Stafff
RONALD WILTON. ......................... Co-Editor
PHILIP SUTIN............................. Co-Editor
DAVE GOOD.................. .Co-Sports Editor
CHARLES TrOWLE ................. Co-Sports Editor
RUTH HETMANSKI ..................... Night Editor
ANDREW ORLIN ........................ Night Editor
JEAN TENANDER ....................... Night Editor

Vhites' Fears

cance in the face of such a threat to the private
things they value most.
r10-THE EXTENT that this stereotype is
false, the movement should of course point
this out. But to an extent it is true, and civil
rights leaders should be the first to face these
facts and act to change them. It must acknowl-
edge that, by various criteria which are pre-
requisites to success in the United States,
Negroes as a group make a poor showing.
There are two reasons why the movement
should face these facts. First, it prevents seg-
regationists from exploiting them. For in ad-
dition to presenting the cold statistics, civil
rights leaders can interpret them. They can
show how the racial-caste system is the basic
causal factor behind Negro shortcomings. They
can counter the argument that this inferiority
is inherent in the race. They can point out
that even the facts which are statistically
true of the group are not true of any in-
dividual.
MORE IMPORTANT, recognition of the grim
statistics is the first step to doing some-
thing about them. This must be the second
great prong of the civil rights attack. These
facts do not call for cessation of civil rights
activity, they underscore the need for a full-
scale, simultaneous assault on both the cause
-racial discrimination-and effect-racial in-
feriority-of the American Negro's dilemma.
The movement must also remember that it
is in the spotlight today. Its opponents know
this and gleefully wait for it to make a mis-
take which they can use against the Negro. It
is especially important that the activists main-
tain standards by a constant process of self
evaluation. If constructive criticism from inside
is greeted with contempt and charges of
"Uncle Tom-ism," the movement will be vul-
nerable to destructive criticism from outside.
FOR EXAMPLE, the mass demonstration:
this cornerstone tactic of the movement
must be used with discretion. Any mob situa-
tion is inherently susceptible to irrationality
and violence, especially in a hostile environ-
ment, as events at Cambridge and Savannah
have painfully shown.
On the other extreme, in friendlier areas,
many "freedom marches," peaceful but with
about as much purpose (and about the same
atmosphere) as a weekend picnic have begun
to proliferate. Whites watch both kinds of
irresponsibility and nod their heads in smug
disgust.
AMUCH STICKIER question involves just
what demands the movement should make.
Clearly, it should protest instances of clear bias,
in which Negroes have been denied something
or penalized simply due to race. But such cases
are not always easy to spot. An employer claims
"no one qualified has applied"; a policeman
insists he shot a Negro only out of necessity;
a fraternity says it rejeted a Negro as an
individual, not as a Negro.
Such arguments may be lies or rationaliza-
tions, or they may represent the honest truth.
Civil rights leaders must be careful not to
witch-liuht, to se prejudice where it doesn't
exist, or they will win and deserve contempt
from the white community.
BEYOND THIS is the question of "positive
discrimindtion." Recognizing that the Ne-
gro's problems run deeper than simple exclu-
sion from diners and beaches, rights leaders
cifically aimed at training, hiring and pro-
moting Negroes in business, at ensuring Negro
frequently ask that the Negro masses be con-
sidered an "underdeveloped people"' and given
special accelerated treatment to catch up with
society.
Thus the demands for crash programs spe-
membership in professional groups, at placing
Negro teachers in all-white schools, and so on.
All these programs have in common that they
would give the Negro a special break, because
he is a Negro.
Certainly some sort of "positive discrimina-
tion" is necessary to counteract 300 years of
degradation. But it is a controversial path
to tread, where the line between just and un-
just demands is hazy. Because the masses are
less idealistically motivated than the "hard
core" which started the movement, many may

take selfish advantage of "positive discrimina-
tion," thus perpetuating race-consciousness and
provoking resentment among whites.
Again, it is essential to understand "moder-
ate" white attitudes here, and why many who
will acquiesce to other civil rights demands
will balk at "positive discrimination." First, it
is difficult to understand why a movement
seeking to stamp out racial distinctions must
first make some. And if he feels he must
sacrifice something himself for such programs,
this reasoning leads to bitterness. The move-
ment must take these objections seriously, not
only when making its demands, but when
deciding what demands to make.

By MICHAEL HARRAH
Daily Correspondent
RANCHO SANTE FE-Southern
California is perhaps the heart
of the Goldwater movement. It is
here that the genesis of the con-
servative move to take over the
GOP is ripening.
But these Goldwater backers are
not the right-wing nuts-at least
not all of them. These are long-
time Republicans who have mi-
grated to California from all over
the country. They supported Nix-
on, Eisenhower and Dewey, and
they will vigorously protest they
were not among those conserva-
tives who "sat on their hands."
There has been much talk of
late of a Goldwater victory, and
the pressat last has begun to
take serious notice of it.
AS HAS BEEN recognized, the
Goldwater strategy (as I shall call
it, even though Sen. Goldwater
himself does not as yet embrace
it) depends on garnering the votes
of the Midwestern, Mountain,
Southern and Western states while
abandoning the New England,
Eastern and industrial areas to
the Democrats.
The line-up of electoral votes is
as follows (needed to win, 268):
For Sen. Goldwater, 28 states,
253 electoral votes: Alabama, Ari-
zona, Arkansas, Colorado, Florida,'
Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, Kansas,
Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi,
Montana, Nebraska, North Caro-
line, North Dakota, Ohio, Okla-
homa, Oregon, South Carolina,
South Dakota Tennessee, Texas,
Utah, Virginia, Washington, Wis-
consin and Wyoming.
THERE ARE, however, some
possible chinks in this armor.
True, if the senator took all 28
of these states, he would need only
15 more electoral votes to win. And
all 28 could quite conceivably vote
for him. Except for several of the
Southern states, all are quite
staunchly Republican states
On the list, however, there are
several shaky assumptions. First
of all, the non-Republican South-
ern' states (Alabama, Arkansas,
Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi,
North and South Carolina) repre-
sent 66 votes out of the total. They
also represent a long-standing
Democrat tradition-a tradition
which will be difficult to break,
even under the strain which Pres-
ident Kennedy has placed upon it.
This is not to say that Gold-
water couldn't win them over. He
has shown a powerful appeal with-
in their borders and finds a tre-
mendous support among their
leaders, regardless of party af-
filiation.
SOME HAVE SHOWN definite
signs of weakening. Louisiana has
voted for two Republicans: Gen-
eral Eisenhower and Herbert
Hoover. It is no longer safe Demo-
crat territory. South Carolina
came within a whisker of going to
Nixon in '60. Alabama all but
elected a Republican to the United
States Senate in '62. Mississippi
and Alabama, with their unpledged
electors, could easily go to Gold-
water, regardless of the popular
vote.
In reality, the South probably
cannot be counted either way at
this juncture. There is too much
history still to happen there.
* * *
FOR PRESIDENT KENNEDY,
10 states and the District of Co-
lumbia, 151 electoral votes: Con-
necticut, Massachusetts, Minneso-
ta, Missouri, New Jersey, New
Mexico, New York, Pennsylvania,
Rhode Island, and West Virginia.
All are fairly safe Kennedy
states, for all are "liberal-leaners."
True, Minnesota and Rhode Island
are controlled by the GOP as a
result of the 1962 elections, and
New Mexico, Missouri and Penn-
sylvania are not necessarily devot-
ed to liberalism. But in general,
they will probably not be within
the reach of Sen. Goldwater.

In addition, the Goldwaterites
list several non-Southern states,
which are traditionally Republi-
can, as going for Goldwater, when
in fact, the outcome might well
not be so certain. Ohio, for in-
stance, is firmly controlled by the
GOP at present. Looming is a hot
senatorial race ' between GOP

Congressman-at-Large Robert A.
Taft Jr. and incumbent Democrat
Sen. Stephen Young. The pundits
generally concede that Young will
be beaten, which of course bodes
well for Goldwater.
Washington and Oregon, usually
Republican in national elections,
sport many incumbent Demo-
crats in state and Congressional
offices, who could swing the state
away from the,GOP, with a can-
didate like Goldwater heading the
ticket.
TWELVE STATES with 132
votes, the Goldwater strategy sees
as marginal. Let's examine them
separately, for each must go one
way or the other, and Goldwater
must glean at least 15 votes more
to win, even supposing he carries
the 28 attributed to him.
Alaska, 3 votes. Went to Nixon
in '60 by the thinnest margin. All
state and Congressional incum-
bents are Democrats. Probably will
go to Kennedy.
California, 40 votes. Went to
Nixon in '60, but most state and
Congressional leaders are Demo-
crats. Strong and vocal Gold-
water support. The political pic-
ture can best be described as a
kaleidoscope. It is quite unstable.
Improbable that Goldwater could
carry it, as things look now, but
far, far from impossible. For the
sake of argument, count it for
Kennedy.
Delaware, 3 votes. A border
state, without strong leanings to
either party. Two GOP senators
but a Democrat Congressman and
governor. Carried by Kennedy in
'60 with a paper-thin edge. Seems
to be edgy about racial problems
in nearby Maryland. Thus, it could
go to Goldwater by a thin, thin
edge.
Hawaii, 4 votes. Thin edge for
Kennedy in '60, but all except
one Republican have since been
bounced. (Only Sen. Hiram Fong
remains.) Usualy marginal politi-
cally, but probably wouldn't go
for the Goldwater-type conserva-
tism. Count it for Kennedy.
ILLINOIS, 24 VOTES. Thin
edge for Kennedy in '60, with
charges of vote fraud in Gook
County. As a result, the GOP
organization will undoubtedly
strengthen its watch at Chicago
pools, which will reduce the nor-
mal Democrat margin there. The
question at hand is whether Gold-
water can hold all the usual GOP
strength. Democrat Gov. Otto Ker-
ner now is in trouble over welfare
program, most likely to be op-
posed by industrialist Charles
Percy, who will run strong. But
for the sake of argument, let us
award Iliinois to Kennedy any-
how.
Indiana, 13 votes. Went to Nixon
in '60 and always turns in a sub-
stantial GOP presidential major-
ity. Two incumbent Democrats,
Sen. Vance Hartke and Gov.
Matthew Welsh, will be up for re-
election, and the voters haven't
been at all satisfied with either of
them. Both could easily be bounc-
ed, and since there seems to be
no strong opposition to Goldwater,
he could ride in with the usual
party vote.
Maine, 4 votes. A GOP strong-
hold; only Democrat Sen. Edmund
Muskie breaks the unanimity, and
that could be somewhat short-
lived. Some New Englanders don't
like Goldwater;kbut then some
do. Since they liked Coolidge and
Hoover, they'll probably be able to
stand Goldwater before they'll be
able to stand Kennedy.
Maryland, 10 votes. Racial un-
rest and the state gambling con-
troversy are making things hot
for the Democrats under the des-
perate leadership of Gov. J. Mil-
lard Tawes. Though the state
gave Kennedy a hairline margin
in '60, it has been a Presidential
GOP state of late, and it may
return to Goldwater by a hair.
* * *
MICHIGAN, 21 VOTES. Usually

Republican on the national level,
but the state GOP organization is
in disarray, even though Gov.
Romney holds the reins in the
statehouse. Unlike neighboring
Ohio, the party will undoubtedly
split up over Goldwater and Ken-
nedy will go up the middle.
Nevada, 3 votes. This state drifts

back and forth politically, but it
tends away from conservatism,
and thus probably to Kennedy in
'64. He carried it in '60.
New Hampshire and Vermont,
4 and 3 votes respectively: Will
probably stick with the GOP, and
Goldwater, for the same reason
as Maine.

SO THERE we have it. Gold-
water could win. It is very, very
possible. From the 12 marginal
states, he could very possibly
carry half of them, with 37 votes,
more than enough to win. In fact,
just normally Republican Indiana
and the New England states could
put him across.

And thus we can see it is
longer rational to laugh off
Goldwater victory. It is a very re
possibility. Granted, it is based
a number of 'ifs,' but those
are getting more certain eve
day.
At least, that's the way th
have it figured here in Californ

"The Prospects For A Test Ban Are Hopefl ...

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MILITANT GEORGIA WHITES:
Screams from. the Klan

By ROBERT B. ELLERY
'THE NEGROES have vowed
they would commit violence,
even death, to achieve their aims.
We advise the Negroes, scalawags
and political leaders of Georgia,
that we will protect our loved
ones."
So goes the sales pitch of the
Ku Klux Klan in a leaflet dis-
tributed throughout parts of
Georgia recently. The one quoted
above was found in Albany, a
city which prohibits the distri-
bution of handbills and a city
which is ready and willing to
pounce on violators of the or-
dinance when they are connected
with the Albany Movement for in-
tegration.
Apparently it isn't quite as dif-
ficult for the Klan to break city
ordinances in Albany, however;
mayor of the town, Asa D. Kelley
said he found one in his auto-
mobile after a fireworks display
on the Fourth of July.
THE KLAN also challenges
Georgia's Gov. "Carl 'Dimiples'
Sanders to let the people know
how active the Communists are
in the State of Georgia."
If ever there is an effective
blood pressure raiser among the
ignorant, cross burning savages of
the Klan it is the word "Commun-
ist." Few of the Klan members
to whom I spoke seemed to know
what a communist really was; but
one smear word seems, as good as
another. Tagging the integration

struggle and particularly Rev.
Martin Luther King Jr. with the
epithet has been effective from
its standpoint.
Not so effective, however, is the
fact that the Klan, along with
professed Communist organiza-
tions in the nation, appears on At-
torney General Robert Kennedy's
list of subversive organizations,
while the Highlander Folk School,
to which the Klan points as "A
COMMUNIST HOT BED" does
not. The school, although admit-
tedly liberal in its approach to
political philosophies, has been
cleared of any such charges.
Still the Klan bases its sole,
evidence for Rev. King being anti-
American on a photograph taken
of him attending an anniversary
lecture there in 1958.
THE KLAN is also effective in
spreading wild assumptions about
the dangers of staying in inte-
grated "flop-houses" (the Klan
lists several of the South's most
posh hotels) "due to the disease
infested in these places carried
there by the BLACK MAN!" I
call this effective, because the
Klan still has a limited following.
But even a limited following is
several thousand too many.'
"White people of Georgia," the
handbill screams, "your lives are
in danger. It is up to you to take
a stand now."
* * *
THE STAND the Klan wishes to,
take parallels, surprisingly enough,
the tactics used by Negroes all
over the country today.

The Grand Imperial Wizard of
the Klan called for a demonstra-
tion march in Savannah, Ga. "50,-
000 strong" to be staged today. If
the demonstrations are unsuccess-
ful, the leader said, later demon-
strations would be staged in At-
lanta and Albany.
Not unlike the "thought police"
of George Orwell's "1984," the
Klan members are uncanny in
their ability to spot Communists
.on sight. Referring to a demon-
stration in Albany Recorder's
Court, County judge Clayton Jones
said at the Albany "ralley," "Them
Nigras stood outside the court-
room whistling, and singing and
stomping their feet-trying to
break up the court. I looked to
the back of the courtroom and saw
them and one word came to my
mind-COMMUNISTS."
* * *
THE KLAN may have lost a
lot of the violence it had in the
Reconstruction Days, and it may
have lost a lot of members in
the years since then, but it isn't
dead.
The low level of intelligence to
which it appeals is also, unfor-
tunately, still very much alive.
There is no secret about the Klan
-the only requirements are a
strong belief in the divinity of
motherhood and country and (if
you're smart) a membership in
some strongly segregationist Pro-
testant church. Anyone interested
in renovating an old bedsheet is
cordially invited by .the Klan to
write P.O. box 10753, Atlanta,
Georgia.

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