I1tr Rutgan Daily Seventy-Tbird Year EDrrED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS "Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241 Truth Will Prevail"' Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. JESDAY, JULY 9, 1963 NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SUTIN Long Range Planning Must Meet Human Needs "Sorry, But You Have An Incurable Skin Condition" d~eK7AL . i 4!F PT 109: AThrill Of Weak E EVERY ONCE in a while you wake up in the morning and you know that no matter what you do during the day you can do no wrong. For most people it only happens once in a while; for Jack Kennedy, if you believe this movie, it's a style of life. Without flinching, Cliff Robert- son (as Kennedy) zips through two hours of epic pageantry un- scathed. Without a flicker of emo- tion he watches his boat and his men go from bad to worse, and, running on will power alone, per- forms deeds of heroism unparal- leled except maybe in Terry and the Pirates. While he doesn't exactly walk on the water,, he does tread it all night, and his crew, dying all about him, loves him. His super- ior officers, amazed and enchant- ed, love him. His peers, respectful and awed, love him. Strangers, when he completely demolishes their pier and boat shed in a puck- ish fit, love him. Even island na- tives on the prowl for enemies throw down their rifles when he appears and comply with his re- 'ng Blend nchantment quests; in their own way, they lov him. * * * AND IT'S NOT that everyor knows who he is. No, theseadve tures belong to a time long ag when only a secret few can whi per remarks like "Shine his boot porter, he'll need them when h gets back to Hyanisport," or fee him lines like "D'you think ti men will do a good job for us? The answer peals in with its fu weight of historical inevitabilit and rings ominously, "If we do good job for them." For the rest, there's plenty c blood and gore, lots of shootin bombing, burning, smashing, ey ploding, and all the other goo things that make war movies he But the natives sing a chorusc "Rock ofnAges," and that alone worth waiting for. The night I was there, there wi a sneak preview of an exception: film called "Spencer's Mountair starring Henry Fonda as Spence about which I quite honestly be lieve that ifButterfield Theatre brings it to. Ann Arbor, they wi pay you to see it. --Dick Pollinger ANN ARBOR is engaged in massive city ners and opposition to its cost. Mayor Cecil O. planning, but this planning does not go far Creal finally administered the death blow by enough. It is generally planning for property vetoing an application for federal funds. At rather than people and it will not meet present the time he sought to replace urban renewal or future human needs. with city-aided local self-help. But this died The Central Business District "Guide to Ac- out. Then the city turned to the CBD. tion" is perhaps the best example of this trend So Ann Arbor is not putting in muchi effort in city planning. This document sketches out on meeting human problems-housing, employ- both short- and long-range plans for revitaliz- ment, education-that will grow as the city gaaut buxdla[ .oj puv ago 2utdunis au kul expands to 100,000 by 1980. The city has done the competition of fringe-area shopping cen- well in CBD planning and the University is ters and stores. augmenting it. It is time city government It is a complete document-attacking both turned toward planning for these needs. public and private problems and assigning re- However, planning for human needs is much sponsibilities for solving them. The city is more difficult than planning for the expansion meeting its share, beginning work on alleviat- of property values. Many more factors must be Ing CBD traffic problems. The chamber , of ;considered. The city's experience with urban commerce is moving more slowly, hampered by renewal shows that a single method will not the need to persuade diverse private interests solve these problems. to follow the CyD plan. Planning has to be flexible and must at- In a similar vein, the city council finished tack human problems from many sides. How- recodifying the zoning ordinance to give future everhamaneplmnoinanproadesfor Ann Arbor development coherence and direc- ever, a master plan outlining approaches for tion. The city planning commission and - eliminating dilapidated buildings and racial cil are currently wrestling with the knotty ghettos, for creating new jobs for an expanding nny population and for educating an increasing problem of multi-unit developments. They are number of children is needed. attempting to decide whether to limit them to the campus area and downtown or toy, allow OME OF the tools are al'eady at hand. The apartment developments next to single-unit M subdivisions, proposed fair housing ordinance can allevi- ate the crush on substandard housing by allow- MATCHING CITY planning, the University is Ing Negroes to move to better neighborhoods and more modern homes. sketching guidelines for its own develop- ment. Out of a rough North Campus plan The city can use its own and federal funds evolved a detailed Medical Center plan which to aid home owners to renovate deteriorating called for its northeasterly development and neighborhoods. The city planning commission the construction of a new entrance along the can offer advice. City housing codes can be Huron River. A new guideline for Central Cam- more strictly enforced to eliminate sub-stand- pus-the Central Campus plan-is nearly com- ard housing, perhaps with city aid where the plete and will be revealed shortly. landlord cannot afford to make the necessary But these basically deal with location and repairs without greatly increasing his rents. use of property with the aim, on the city's part, Urban renewal is still available to remove of expanding property values and business. hard-cdre slum or debilitating neighborhood Similarly, part of University planning aims to influences like the junk yard in the original minimize the dislocation of city interests as 75-acre urban renewal project. well as to provide for orderly expansion of the The city-county job survey undertaken by .University. Prof. George Odiorne of the business school The Parks and Open Space plan comes closer is the first step in planning for increasing jobs. to dealing with human needs by attempting to The research park is another laudable effort maintain Ann Arbor's beauty and expand its in this area. Planning to create jobsshould be- recreation facilities to meet future population come a permanent part of city activities. growth. Another aspect of this plan is the at- A 20-year master plan of school needs might tempt to balance recreational facilities for all help convince voters to support the local schools parts of the city. as well as to prepare for educating an increas- Ing number of students in the best possible PARKS- ARE, unfortunately, as far as city manner. Such efforts should be an integral officials are willing to plan to meet human part of city planning. needs. Ann Arbor's first attempt at city re- The city already has some of the tools to development was an effort to remove sub- do the necessary human planning. Now all it standard housing to improve the lot of people needs is will and the effort. living there through urban renewal. But this Ann Arbor had taken excellent first steps in worthy project got caught in the cross-fires city planning. It now needs to go all the way. of bigotry, divisions within the affected area, PHILIP SUTIN brealdown of communications with city plan- co-editor Kennedy Trip Successful Y/ , TODAY AND TOMORROW: Negroes Need Trust In Power Structure- DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: Basic Philosophy Must Be Realized AMERICANS, subservient to the interpreta- tions of the news doled out by the Krocks, the Restons, the Alsops and Time Magazine and obliged to parrot those interpretations for lack of first-hand information, are almost sadistically happy when the pundits are proved wrong. The nation's citizens, who often ask why the press doesn't run the country since its writers are so all-wise, enjoyed themselves immensely when Harry Truman outsmarted them in 1948. A smaller dose of this gratifica- tion was certainly felt here with the return of a triumphant Mr. President from Europe. It was a la mode two weeks ago to deplore the proposed Kennedy venture into European territory; it is now a la mode to call the trip' a success. The New York Times even did it in an editorializing headline on page one. The pundits, prior to the trip, in an argument with which we are all too familiar, noted that Ken- nedy could not hope to achieve much in deal- ings with lame duck European governments. From the diplomatic point of view, the Ken- nedy gains" were small: only the Germans have shown interest in the Administration's high priority mixmaster nuclear force. A substantial strengthening of the Atlantic Alliance cannot also be counted as one of the trip's gains, for any momentous progress in this decision pre- cludes French participation, and la belle France was not even in the presidential map this trip. INTERESTINGLY enough, the same analysts who underrated the youthful Kennedy's chances for success in pre-presidential pri- maries in 1959 again neglected to weigh a most important consideration in an analysis of this venture: the President's enormous popular appeal. There have been few receptions of an Ameri- can president or another foreign leader in the Editorial Stafff past to rival the welcome accorded Mr. Ken- nedy in Germany. It is not surprising that the greatest crowds should have assembled in a nation which is indebted to American foreign aid and its role in the miracle of German economic recovery and which at the same time sees Kennedy as the embodiment of a young, successful nation. The Germans are highly susceptible to great personalities; their adula- tion of Kennedy is certainly healthier than earlier experiences. The President reasserted an American policy of defense of European cities in the event of nuclear attack. His crystal clear declaration was certainly reassuring to Europeans who fear that America would sacrifice capitals abroad to save herself. His sideswipe at de Gaulle and those who would undermine the Atlantic Alliance was important to the co- operating, but discouraged members of the Alliance. Kennedy, then, reached the people; the Italians, the Irish, the Germans, the English all felt a little of that "Kennedy magic." The European tour resembled an intense political campaign more than a diplomatic venture. It' was the best strategy; for through the people Kennedy reached their leaders. The aging Chancellor Adenauer, who looks down on JFK from a fatherly vantage point, was notably impressed by the President's tremendous mass appeal. The French were alarmed enough at the popularity of the President to issue com- muniques answering his speeches. And Mr. Khrushchev arrived in Berlin earlier than scheduled in an attempt to somewhat soften the Kennedy impact. THERE IS LITTLE doubt that the European trip was a personal victory for the President who was encouraged to call it off. The Presi- dent has returned to a Congress delaying work on his programs for area redevelopment, civil rights, tax reduction and tax reform. He has also come back to a nation which had slowly lost confidence in his leadership abilities: Ken- nedy's Gallup poll rating had slipped below 50 per cent for the first time since his election. It was beginning to look as though the Re- publican presidential nomination would not By ROBERT SELWA AMERICANS may celebrate the anniversary of the Declara- tion of Independence, but Amer- ica has yet to fully realize the philosophy of the Declaration. This is unfortunate since the Declaration of Independence is one of the most significant doc- trines in world history. It not only served to justify the move- ment that launched what is now the leading country in the world, but it also has served to inspire movements for liberty through- out the rest of the world. The nat- ural r.ghts philosophy may have diminished, but the need for uni- versal freedom and for an articu- lation of fre edorn has not di- minished. The Declaration as a statement of American independ- ence from, Great Britain may be outdated but as a statement of democracy it lives on, inspiring those who will listen. Lister; feel the harmony of the phrases and the spirit of the words; relive the fervor of those daring rebels as they began a new nation - "We hold these truths to be self-evident. that all men are cre- ated equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain un- alienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness - That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriv- ing their Just powers from the consent of the governed That whenever any Form of Govern- ment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness." * * * ALL MEN are created equal, it says, meaning politically that there shall be equal justice under law for all people and meaning socially and economically that there, shall be equal opportunity for achieving Happiness in life. Then comes the natural rights sta t e me n t about unalienable rights. Jefferson originally wrote it like this: "That from that equal creation they derive rights inherent and inalienable among which are the preservation of life, of liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." When the Continentai Congress finally adopted it, the Declara- tion's "inherent and inalienable" had become "certain unalienable" rights. This change made the af- firmation ot liberty more positive and absolute. The absoluteness was continued 15 years later in the First Amendment to the Con- stitution: "Congress shall make no law . .. abridging ..l:e freedom of speecn, or of the press; of the right of the people peaceably to assemb..e ..." * * * THROUGHOUT history before the Declaration people had been regarded as the servants of their Rnovrnmentis The Declaratinn was outlining a system of self-govern- ment and civil liberty. There is a notable correlation between these grievances and the provisions of the Bill of Rights 15 years later. And there is correlation with the aspects of an American democracy woven by the eras of Jackson, Populism and Progressivism. Note some of these grievances- "He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good." The turn-of-the-20th-century re- forms of American democracy re- sulted in a better realization of the opposite of this grievance. The initiative, referendum and:recall, the popular election of Senators, the secret ballot and the en- franchisement of women all con- tributed to public assent of laws for the public good. * * * "HE HAS obstructed the ad- ministration of justice by refus- ing his assent to laws for estab- lishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone . . ." As American his- tory unfolded, an independent Ju- diciary unfolded that at least part of the time protected the / rights of citizens. Today the Unit- ed States Supreme Court defends and furthers civil liberty, and the same probably could be said for most lower courts. "He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legis- latures." Later the Third Amend- ment protected citizens from the quartering of soldiers in their homes - a matter that the Dec- laration also mentions. Today, with the United States a warfare state, there are standing armies which violate the spirit of the Declaration; buthat least no sol- diers are quartered in private homes. "He has affected to render the military independent of, and su- perior to, the civil power." Today, despite the efforts of some gen- erals and other persons, the civil- ian powers stand superior to the military powers. But the military is so gigantic and all-pervasive today that the danger remains that this principle of democracy can be undermined. "For protecting them (soldiers) by a mock-trial from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states; . . . for depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury; for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pre- tended offences . .." Already the concept of due process of law was developing. The Bill of Rights framed this concept, and Ameri- can jurisprudence filled it in. To- day American citizens are pro- tected by a tradition founded on the Fifth and Sixth Amendments which provide for trial by jury, protection from double jeopardy and self-incrimination, a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury, the assistance of counsel for their defense. and other rights. * * * "HE HAS waged cruel war aaainst human nature itself. vio- the exploitation of Negroes was struck out of the Declaration by Congress because South Carolina and Georgia objected. Today those two states continue to treat Negroes with cruelty; but at least Jefferson and the other members of the drafting committee noted the wrongness of racial exploita- tion .Together with the equality provision of the Declaration, this grievance sought a democracy based on equal opportunity . and equal justicenunder taw. These principles found their way into the Constitution in the form of the Fourteenth Amendment -- "Nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." Note the' resem- blance of language - "life, liberty or property" -'as well as thought, to the Declaration. The Declaration of Independ- ence was a noble and inspiring suggestion of the democracy that was to develop in America and of the ideal that was to spread throughout the world. When Walt Whitman and Woodrow Wilson popularized demociacy, when the Populists of the 19th century and the civil libertarians of the 20th century furthered democracy along, the Declaration of Inde- pendence came to be realized in part. The responsibility of Amer- ica today is to realize the Dec- laration in full. By WALTER LIPPMANN SUDDENLY, AS IT WERE, the struggle of the Negroes toward equality of status in American so- ciety has taken a sharp turn. The demonstrations in Birmingham have proved to be something more than the work of outsiders playing upon the imaginary grievances of otherwise docile and contented masses. Nobody can now doubt that the grievances are genuine and deep under the rule of such men as Bull Connor and Governor Wallace. For a hundred years since Lin- coln freed the slaves, this country' has relied upon the education of the Negroes and the persuasion of the whites to bring about that equality of status to which it is committed. We are now realizing. that ,the present rate of change will not be fast enough. The re- dress of the grievances of the Ne- groes is, for the new generation, too slow in coming. History teaches us that when this point is reached in the struggle for what men re- gard as their just rights, a revo- lutionary condition exists. Then the supreme questions are posed. Will the ruling and privi- leged classes take command of the coming changes? Or will they cling to their privileges and become the immovable object in collision with an irresistible force? The Negro rebellion is now led by men like Martin Luther King who preach and practice the Gan- dhian doctrine of non-violence. It is a difficult doctrine in any coun- try, and this is a rather violent country. The doctrine worked ef- fectively in British India. But there, the ruling power was under the restraint of the long British habit of constitutionalism. We cannot count upon non-vio- lence persisting in the face of bru- tal and illiterate resistance. The outstanding danger is not that there may be rioting and brawling, for these can be suppressed. The outstanding danger is a loss of confidence by the Negro people in the good faith of the white people. This is where the turning point lies at the present time. If confidence is lost that there is a legitimate remedy for genuine grievances, there will be lost at the same time confidence in the doc- trine of non-violence. What will come after that is unpleasant to contemplate. * * * THE TIME has come when there must be a change in the American policy, as it was laid down under Eisenhower and continued under Kennedy. This is the policy of leaving desegregation, which is a national commitment, to the con- flict between private lawsuits and local authorities. The cause of de- segregation must cease to be a Negro movement, blessed by white politicians from the northern states. It must become a national movement to enforce national laws, led and directed by the na- tional government. I think this is the direction in which the President and his brother, the attorney general, are now moving. They should move directly and boldly and take com- mand of a cause which cannot now be left to irresponsible people. If it is still possible, and I think it is, to hold and even to recover the confidence of the Negroes in the good faith of the whites, then this is the basic principle by which to do it. It is .to make plain by word and deed that the Negroes are no longer a weak and isolated minor- ity trying to push the nation into- doing what the national law and American principles require it to do. Then, because the national power is behind the movement toward equality of status, that national power, which will be more than sufficient, can be exercised without violence, with wisdom and with restraint. For it is the very weak rebels who feel that they must resort to the extreme measures. (c) 1963, The washington Post Co. I ', ' t' L 4.. y' ii 1