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AY, JULY 4, 1963

NIGHT EDITOR: H. NEIL BERKSON


Demonst itions Necessary
For Civil Rights Leoislation

)RESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY has asked
that there be no demonstrations during the
me Congress will be considering his proposed
viI rights legislation. Negroes who have pro-
.ded prominent leadership for the recent on-
aught of protests--from NAACP President
oy Wilkins to Rev. Martin Luther King to
.embers of the Student Non-Violent Coordi-
ating Committee- have given a uniform re-
onse to Kennedy's request: they publicly
>mmitted themselves to continuing demon-
rations for the duration of Congress' haggling
rer the proposed laws.
King, in fact, has said that if the Kennedy
rogram hits snags on its trip through the
litical mazes of either house, there may be a
ass picket in Washington, D.C., with demon-
rators coming from all over the country.
rgustu28 has been set as the tentative date
)r such a demonstration.
Are these leaders furthering their own best
terests by refusing to comply with Kennedy's
shes? What does a civil rights demonstration
complish, if anything, and can it be profitably
ed as a pressure for Congressional action?
PPROXIMATELY two months ago the Asso-.
cated Press circulated pictures all over the
obe of Negroes in Birmingham, Alabama,
ing torn apart by police dogs released through
Le city government.
The demonstration there began as a peace-
I walk on the Birmingham streets by local
Igroes. The city government refused to al-
w this peaceful exercise of protest, and re-
Bated with water hose and police dogs. The
egroes responded with anger and refusal to
operate. The emotional elements were present
Birmingham for a full-scale riot. And this
approximately what took place.
Recently a University official who has work-
in the area of discrimination for many years
fnd is hardly known for a radical civil rights
sition), contended that it was the Birming-
im news and the Birmingham photos, which
censed the American people, which began the
parent public swerving of sympathy toward
e Negro cause that has taken place recently
this country.
This official claimed that if Americans had
en photos of such a situation in France,
igland, Germany, any nation but our own,
ey would have been appalled. However, there
always the consolation that "It doesn't hap-
n here of course."
UtjT IT WAS happening here. And they were
not merely appalled in a comfortable, long-
stapce sort of way. They were horrified-be-
use of the demonstration and subsequent
:blicity-to the point where they began to
ink, to be aware of the moral problem. And
e American Puritan inheritance provides its
izens with a powerful collective conscience-
view of life with conditioned hypersensitivity
all moral issues.
There can be no doubt that the widely pub-
ized recent demonstrations were direct cat-.
msts to the public reaction of consciousness.
e mass media was flooded with news of Ne-
: protests-sometimes where the stakes for-
.ted turned out to be their lives-and the pub-
responded in an emotional fashion to the
lustice.
But there were cold, hard statistics which
oved that the Negro was very much a sec-
d-class citizen in this country. And the mass
edia also carried this factual information to
e public.,
Since being conscious of a problem is usually
cesary for its solution, we can specify the
monstration, in this case, as an instrument
ich has gained the Negroes an important
p toward a redress of their grievances.
'UT IT IS simple psychology that we are less
likely to sustain our cognizance of any ex-
mnal problem if that problem causes us undue

shame or embarrassment. These are the prob-
lems we try hard to ignore.
People who argue against the continuing
pressure of pickets while Congress considers a
civil, rights bill claim that thepublic is now
sufficiently conscious of the injustices being
perpetrated, that legislators are now aware
that legislation is necessary. More demonstra-
tions will only place tension upon resentful
legislators who might otherwise favor the law.
But this surely exaggerates the degree of
consciousness that does exist. Detroit was able
to rally well over 100,000 marchers in the recent
civil rights parade. Both daily newspapers
proudly pointed to this as evidence that De-
troit was eminently aware of the Negro strug-
gle taking place in other cities. "But Detroit is
different," The Free Press' editorial page claim-
ed.
But because 100,000 citizens, mostly Negro,
will march in a "protest" in Detroit it does not
negate the fact that most of the white people
in Detroit do not want to live next door to a
Negro, do not want their children to go to
school with Negroes, do not want to work with
Negroes. And this is true. Detroit is almost
completely, segregated, as is every large city in
this country.
Even this mammoth protest-the largest in
the history of the nation-was sorely miscon-
strued by the major sources of news media in
the city. For they construed it only as a sym-
pathy march for what was going on "somewhere
else."
THIS IS JUST ONE example. But it will al-
ways be "somewhere else." It is not only the
enormity of racial injustice which eludes con-
sciousness, but the instances of it in our own
lives and in our own home towns. For the for-
mer is sufficiently nebulous so that it is easier
to forget, but the latter is the more painful to
fully realize and accept.
From the size of Detroit's demonstration, it
would be logical to presume sizeable public
consciousness that race bias is unjust. But the
facts indicate that either the consciousness is
just not present or the people are doing little
to alleviate that injustice.
Certainly the public is not sufficiently aware
of the seriousness of the Negro protest. And
Congress is no exception to the public in this
instance. As long as we continue, as a nation,
to support the status quo in race relations all
peaceful methods of publicity and persuasion
are necessary.
Obviously demonstrations in themselves will
not upgrade Negroes on three significant levels:
educational, vocational opportunity and eco-
nomic. But the demonstration appears to be
the only tool which Negroes can use to bring
about public implementation of the efforts
needed to upgrade Negro opportunities on these
three vital levels.
IF CONGRESSMEN resent undue public pres-
sures, then they are of course contradict-
ing what they claim to do-represent public
consensus.
Congressmen manage somehow to survive the
massive American Medical Association lobbying
force who come prepared with no-ceiling ex-
pense accounts. There is no reason why they
shouldn't similarly manage to accommodate
representatives of citizens who perhaps do not
have unlimited expense accounts, and perhaps
cannot vote in their state nor get the equivalent
of a fifth grade education though they finish
a segregated high school.
These citizens must go to the picket lines
rather than the most exclusive restaurants in
the capital. But they do this with a sense -of
self-respect and faith in human dignity. They
have the responsibility to speak for themselves,
and the legislators have the responsibility to
listen.
-MARILYN KORAL

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ARIZONA SURVEY:
Kennedy Program Loses Support

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Tariff Walls Hinder
A tiantic Partnership,,

By MICHAEL HARRAH
Daily Correspondent
FLAGSTAFF, Arizona-This is a
land of towering peaks and vast
deserts, yawning canyons and fab-
ulous buildings, fabulous wealth
and miserable poverty, petrified
forests and gleaming oases.'
This is a land of wide-open
spaces and uncomplaining people,
a land of politics as contrasted as
its geography, its rich Caucasians
and its Navajo Indians.
This is Arizona, for over 50
years the nation's "baby state"
and today the "goingest place in
America."
Oh and incidentally-this is also
the land of Barry Goldwater, a
fact which every Arizonan seems
just a little bit proud of.
Unlike Southern California,
where the way-out type conserva-
tives hang out, the Arizonans are
good-old American type conser-
vatives (theirterm), which does
not explain the exotic presence
of a couple of way out liberals
(my term) like Sen. Carl Hayden
(D-Ariz) and Secretary of the
Interior Stewart Udall.
* * *
ARIZONANS ARE a friendly lot,
right down through the last Na-
vajo, but not including the Na-
tional Park Service, and they take
the events of the day seriously.
Needless to say, the Goldwater
support in Arizona is firm and ex-
tensive, but it did not seem to be
blind. Many of the same voters
who have cast their ballot for Sen.
Hayden all these many years are
confirmed Goldwater suplporters.
With these Arizonans it's a matter
of Arizona first (and last and
always too, for that matter), and
both Hayden land Goldwater have
supported this theory.
In 1960, Arizona went to Vice-
President Nixon, which isn't too
surprising. Arizonans support the
America-first attitude second only
to the Arizona first line. And how-
ever wishy-washy Nixon was on
the subject of America first, he
was head - and - shoulders over
President Kennedy; by all counts

today, anyone the GOP nominates
would still fit that description. The
President hasn't improved on that
score.
Unlike many areas of the na-
tion, Arizonans haven't weakened
in the face of the Kennedy charm:
He's notparticularly for Arizona,
so they're not particularly for
him. It's a friendly kind of ar-
rangement, though. As one citizen
here put it: They've sort of
"agreed to disagree."
SO IT IS SAFE to say that
the GOP will carry Arizona in
'64; that isn't what is important
about it. In recent history Arizona
has been'something of a weather-
vane, politically, for the states
west of the Rockies (excepting
California, of course-there's no
weathervane for that political
madhouse).
Aspiration
IN ANOTHER context, James
Baldwin has asked the provoca-
tive question: "What makes you
think the Negro aspires to be equal
to the white man?" It is time that
those of us who are in the peace
movement aspired to be equal to
the Negro children of Birming-
ham, whose vision of human dig-
nity made it possible for them to
rise above their natural human
fear and face, unarmed, the clubs
and police dogs of Bull Connor's
police force. If we take seriously
our own words about the in-
evitability of nuclear annihilation
under the system of massive de-
terrence and the sustaining, trans-
forming power of love, can we
really aspire to anything less?
Whatever the material costs may
be, can we evade the "unrespect-
able" direct-action tactics of
economic boycott, massive social
disruption, and civil disobedience
which have made the nonviolent
movement for integration a power-
ful force for revolutionary change?
-Liberation

If Sen. Goldwater becomes the
GOP nominee, it's safe to say that
Arizona will support him, and
some might feel this incidence
would throw off the weathervane
effect. Perhaps not. Just as Ari-
zona has the pioneer spirit, so do
her Western neighbors. While
Goldwater finds unabashedhsup-
port in Arizona, heis not without
wide support in neighboring states
-and for the same reasons he is
popular in Arizona.
Here the ultra-conservatives, as
active organizations, are not
strong; yet many of their doctrines
and their ideas, which existed long
before they did incidentally, are
held by the Americans of the
West. According to the outspoken
Phoenix and Flagstaff newspapers,
these ideas include a stronger
America-first foreign policy and
a more restricted domestic policy
than the President is pursuing.
* * *
THE SPECIFICS are stereo-
typed, including Cuba, Berlin, and
Southeast Asia on the foreign
front and spending, farm policy
and bureaucracy on the home
front. Just as in much of the
more rural area west of the Mis-
sissippi River, the civil rights ef-
fort on the part of the Adminis-
tration is not having its desired
political effect. Being far off in
Birmingham and Jackson, these
Americans of the West haven't the
burning interest in the matter
that besets their Eastern counter-
parts (once again California is
excepted). Thus the President's
aggressive action will do little to
gain their support.
And it stands to reason that the
President must make his political
gains west of the Mississippi. The
East and the South are already
in his column. Here will sustain
any losses that may befall him. He
must be prepared to compensate
for these losses in the West.
At this point, that doesn't seem
likely-at least not from this
weathervane vantage point in the
mountains at Flagstaff.

By WALTER LIPPMANN
SIMPLE AS IT sounds, in prac-
tice the idea of forming an
Atlantic partnership in a low-
tariff trading area is in fact huge
and- complicated. The preliminary
talks for what is called the Ken-
nedy round of tariff negotiations
began some time back with Ameri-
can inquiries about agricultural
products. The results were not
promising, and it has developed
that- the European market will
first have to agree on its own un-
settled agricultural problems be-
fore it can begin to think about
ours.
Now Governor Herter has been
at Geneva talking about the prin-
ciples by which tariff negotiations
should be governed in accordance
with the powers granted the Pres-
ident under the United 'States
Trade Expansion Act.
Although it was always evident
that the road to the Atlantic trad-
ing partnership was steep and
rough, the preliminaries have dis-
closed something which is, I think
for most of us, surprising and
new. We had been assuming that
Europe wanted so much to sell
industrial exports in the United
States that it would pay for the
privilege by opening its own mar-
ket to American farm products
and industrial goods. This may
prove to. have been a great mis-
calculation.
* * *
THUS, IT HAS been plain for
some time that the French farm
bloc has greater influence on
French policy than the French,
German and Italian industrialists
of the Common Market. French
farmers, who are beginning to
develop agricultural surpluses, will
not allow the Common Market to
be opened freely to the cheaper
food of American and other over-
seas farmers. Yet, the United
States Congress is not likely to
accept " agreement in which the
American farmer is discriminated
against.
If I have understood correctly
the problem at issue between the
Europeans and ourselves, it is
roughly speaking as follows:
The average level of our tariff
and of the Common Market ex-
ternal tariff is about the same.
But the averages conceal very dif-
ferent rate structures. In the Com-
mon Market tariff, 90 per cent
of all the tariff rates are between
10 per cent and 30 per cent. In
the American system, only 63 per
cent of the rates are in this range.
We have more low rates than
Europe, and we have more high
rates. Thus, 20 per cent of our
rates are under 10 per cent; only
9 per cent of the European rates
are in this low bracket.f On the
other hand, 18 per cent of our
rates are over 30 per cent, but

mass of rates. They have demand-
ed that before there is a general
linear cut, for which we are ask-
ing, there should be an "excret-
ment," which is a French word
for lopping off the peaks.
They point, for example, to the
very high tariff on coal tar dyes.
This ingenious tariff schedule im-
poses a duty of 36 per cent to 40
per cent. And it imposes this high
rate not on the F.O.B. price in
the country of orgin, but on the
selling price of similar products
of American origin. This device
roughly doubles the effective tariff
rate.
It is evident that the Europeans
have a grievance and that there
is something in their claim that
to cut such an exorbitant tariff
by 50 per cent would still leave it
an exorbitant rate. Had we not
acknowledged that there is jus-
tice in the European argument, the
negotiations would have failed at
the very beginning.
The actual negotiations, as dis-
tinguished from the preliminary
talks about procedure and prin-
ciple, will, presumably, begin next
May. But substantial agreement
is still far off. In order to agree
on a partnership in the vast At-
lantic world, there will be needed
in order to overcome the objective
difficulties not only unusual flex-
ibility and ingenuity on the part
of the governments and the legis-
latures, but an overriding will to
bring the Atlantic partnership in-
to existence. The best one can
say is for the time being -all are
agreed that there is no alternative
but to go on trying.
(c) 1963, The Washington Past Co.

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ROTC: A a Dose

HE DECISION to abolish the regular required
one-year program of ROTC here will not
universally popular. Despite the fact that
Defense Department itself has considered
anging the program, a few ROTC enthusiasts
1 mourn its passing.
When the Student Senate passed a resolu-
n, 15-7, favoring abolishment of the com-
sory program last spring, cries arose that
h action would weaken SUI's advanced pro-
im, from whose ranks are selected many of
commissioned officers for the Armed Serv-
s. They argued that some students would not
ve been enticed into the advanced program
I they not been acquainted with ROTC
ough a compulsory beginning program.
Editorial Staff
NAL1) WILTON.................. Co-Editor
LIP SUTIN..........................Co-Editor
VE GOOD....................Co-Sports Editor
ARLES TOWLE .................. Co-Sports Editor

On the other hand, the idea of a compulsory
program-with an emphasis, too often, on well-
shined shoes rather than an educated mind-
was repellant to many within its ranks. The
resentment thus engendered often spread to
students with less militant anti-military feel-
ings and probably projected an image of ROTC
that hurt the advanced-program.
The new plan approved by the Regents, with
its five non-credit orientation lectures, will give
new students a chance to understand the ad-
vanced program. It should help counteract any
possible loss to the advanced program without
disgusting those who could care less.
It is, in fact, the ideal program, It is a
salute to the university student who can make
up his own mind about what he wants.
The castor-oil theory which assumed that he
didn't always know what he wants has at least
been limited to five small doses. And that's
enough for anyone to decide how it tastes.
-DEAN MILLS
The Daily Iowan

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NUTTY PROFESSOR:
Threads A Thin Line
And Falls Of f

4 40


SCE

1

I WOULD LIKE to begin by re-
vealing the middle of the movie,
not because I can't keep a secret,
but because to understand the
middle is to understand just how
close Jerry Lewis is to the bottom
of his bag of gimmicks. Lewis in
the beginning and Lewis at the
end is the same old Jerry Lewis
that Dean Martin used to love,
and I suspect that you did too. He
plays a 90 lb. weakling chemistry,
professor who invents a super
tonic. The tonic transmogrifies

his idea of the most fabulous man
in the world is his idea of him-
self. O3peaking the little language
of the film world, he runs through
scene after scene treading the
thin line that separates Young &
Rubicam from withering embar-
rassment.
But worse of all, every one of
these "serious" episodes ends with
a little nervous comedy, as if to
excuse, "I wasn't REALLY acting
seriously just then; I could do
much better if I really meant it."

*ri: