Seventy-Third Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS "Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241 Truth Will Prevail"" Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. FRIDAY, JUNE 28, 1963 NIGHT EDITOR: H. NEIL BERKSON TODAY AND TOMORROW: French Set Barriers Before European U- 0- EMU vs. State Board: Funny But Tragic IT MAY NOT win any Oscars, but the recent production of "Eastern Michigan University Follies of 1963," starring Gov. George Romney and the State Board of Education, can surely be considered the equal of any play now tour- ing the Michigan "straw hat circuit." It had everything one could possibly ask for-laughter, thrills, suspense, even a surprise ending. The play began with the 'firing of EMU President Eugene B. Elliott, a 68-year-old Re, publican, by the State Board of Education which is controlled by four Democrats, follow- liig repeated refusals on Elliott's part to resign of his own accord. From here on, it became increasingly hard to tell what was going on without a program, but the gist of the confused matter seems to be that one member of the Board, state school superintendent Lynn M. Bartlett, was out after the post to be vacated by Elliott (himself a former state school superintendent). Bartlett gave out the usual disclaimer to anyone who would listen, none of whom probably took him very seriously. Yet there was a brief stay of excution for the Board, to show what generous, kind- hearted souls they really were, said they would allow Elliott to retain his position for a year. This was in spite of their personal opinion, which they made no attempt to keep secret, that he was sending the university to hell in a handbasket with his "out-moded policies." ' E ACTION of the Board (outwardly, at least) seemed to stem from a report by the North Central Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools, an accrediting organiza- tion paid for by the Board to the tune of. $1,946.45, taken from tuition and fee pay- ments made by EMU students. But when people began to ask embarrassing questions about the details of the report, the Board suddenly got coy, claiming that release of the report would hurt "personalities" referred to therein without saying just who these "personalities" might be. In fact, they were quite uppity about refusing to let anyone else in on it-even Gov. Romney- indicating that it wasn't anybody else's busi- ness anyway. Well, this sort of hanky-panky might have been enough to stop the average man on the street, but not Romney. As one would expect, this only whetted Romney's appetite all the more; and our hero served word that he was out to get a copy of the NCA report by hook or by crook. End of Act I. As the curtain rose on Act II, one saw various good citizens of Ypsilanti, home of EMU rushing back and forth like so many chickens with their heads cut off. They pestered Rom- ney with petitions. to immediately fire all four members of the Board for "misfeasance and malfeasance" in refusing to give Romney even so much as a peek at the report. But there was method- to their madness: hidden amidst all the ranting and raving about the "serious damage" the Board was doing to EMU's reputation (to say nothing of Elliott's) were salient references to the amazing coinci- dence that with Elliott out of the way, no obstacle stood in the way of Bartlett's taking over the presidency of EMU next year. THE CITIZENS also noted the "unwarranted and unjustified pressures placed'on Elliott by the Board because he worked diligently for the new state constitution and the provision that will now give (EMU) its much-needed separate board of control." Through all of this uproar from Ypsilanti, Romney was strangely "unavailable for co- inept," whatever that meant. However, his sidekicks indicated the Governor would take no action against the Board purely on Elliott's behalf (a wise move, considering that Elliott hadn't even asked for Romney's assistance and, in fact, seemed more or less resigned to his fate). If Romney was not particularly interested in Elliott's plight, however, he was very much in- terested in that mysterious NCA report, and he made no bones about it. He fired off a missive to the Board, requesting a copy for his own perusal. But it appeared that Bartlett was not overly eager for Romney to get his hands on it. In refusing to comply with Romney's request, however, Bartlett hastened to add that he was only acting as the agent of the Board, who unanimously denied the Governor access to the document. This only made Romney mad, and a mad Governor is nothing to be taken lightly. In the song and dance which followed, the Board made the Supreme Sacrifice: they told Romney that he could look at the report if he promised to be a good boy and not tel a soul what it said. NOW THE GOOD Governor had really reach- ed the end of his rope. He summoned his old antagonist, Attorney General Frank Kelley, and asked him for an "informal opinion" on whether or not he had the power, as Governor, to demand a copy of the report (Said Romney: "That must be some report!"), while he (Rom- ney) went on with his plan to obtain the by now famous document. Although there was no specific word from Lansing that the Board would be removed, Romney indicated that his plan of action would. probably take the form of a special hearing at which Magnusson and company would be made to "show cause" why the re- port should not be made public. Such a hear- ing is generally considered the first step toward formal ouster proceedings against state of- ficials. Realizing the chips were down, the Board acquiesced at long last, with only temporary stalling to "ask permission" from the NCA. But their erstwhile claims that that agency had sworn them to secrecy on -the details of the report crumbled when the NCA denied any such thing and said, in effect, that the Board could shout it from the top of the Capitol for all the NCA cared. With no further ado, Bartlett sent the report to Romney, bringing down the curtain on Act II. O GET ACT III off to a flying start, Romney announced that he was ready to "forgive and forget" as far as his threats of legal action against the Board were concerned and turned his attention to the report itself. But to the surprise of everyone except the Board and the NCA, the document was found to be more incriminating to the Board than any- one else (even Elliott, who had insisted all along that the report be made public). For at last it was made all too clear that the "personalities" the members of the Board had been shielding were none other than them- selves. In its devastatingly lucid report, the NCA indicated that saying the Board had been doing a botched-up job to put it mildly. Its members, the report stated, were so "pre- occupied with administrative details" that they had failed either to establish policies for ad- ministrators such as Elliott or to co-ordinate the areas and objectives of the schools under the Board's jurisdiction. Despite whatever faults Elliott might have had himself, a goodly share of the blame for unrest at EMU could now be traced directly to the Board's own in- competence. In his role as whipping boy for the Board, Elliott had provided much of the "comic relief" in the play, whether he knew it himself or not. AMONG OTHER THINGS the report also scored the Legislature for not coming up with more money for EMU and cited the lack of experience of many administrators under Elliott. But the most important implication of the document was the recommendation of an "accrediting visit" by the NCA in the latter part of 1964. The agency reported that EMU now suffers from an "indeterminate status" since becoming a university in 1959 and, has lost much of its "clearly defined educational mission-the preparation of teachers." In other (and blunter) words, the Board has sat around for four years and done little or no- thing while a highly-rated teachers college became a second-rate "arts and sciences school." There is a moral somewhere in this play, if the Board will take the trouble to look for it. Given a good musical score and a competent director, it might make the Big Time. But this is hardly likely. It would probably be funny, were it not so inherently tragic. -STEVEN HALLER By WALTER LIPPMANN BEFORE THE PRESIDENT left Washington, General de Gaulle withdrew the rest of the French navy from the NATO command. The timing of the action and the blunt and curt manner in which it was done have to be taken as no- tice to the President that France will not only refuse to help the revival of NATO; but will act pos- itively to obstruct the revival. There is little question but that General de Gaulle has the power to force the issue if he chooses to do so. Strategically, the NATO command and the core of its com- munications and supply are on French territory, and there is no telling how long France, which has withdrawnits navy and most of its army, will leave the arrange- ments as they are. Certainly, Gen- eral de 'Gaulle has very strong bargaining power in any discus- sion about the future of NATO. He has also a very powerful leverage on the other five mem- bers of the'Common Market. By withdrawing from it. he can de- stroy it. and the career of the General shows again and again that one of the weapons he uses most efficiently and is most likely to use is to abstain and withdraw. Ndne of his fellow members in the Common Market is prepared to risk a dissolution.' That is one of the compelling reasons why we can afford no illusion about the chances of West Germany chal- lenging General de Gaulle effec- tively for the leadership of Europe. IN HIS WELCOMING 4peech at the airport near Cologne, Chan- cellor Adenauer wasted little time on the diplomatic niceties. He read the President a lecture whicn was sharp notice that while the United States must guarantee the military security of Western Europe, the President must not challenge the primacy of the Paris-Bonn com- S bination 'in making the policies for dealing with the Soviet Union. He went so far as to quote to the n the President sentences taken out of a and the context of what the President t fra- said at American University. The io not President will be making several speeches in Germany, and it will be important to see if and how he extricates himself from the posi- tion to which Dr. Adenauer nailed him on his arrival at the airport. In any event, the chancellor's speech may be taken to mean that, unless flis successor makes a sharp break with present German policy, West Germany will remain com- pletely dependent on Paris. For only Paris will support Bonn on an absolutely hard line about fast Germf.n' and Berlin. In all the other allied countries, mluding the United States, there is an in- clination to exjl.ore the possibility of reunification to be brought about by dealing with the two German states. This is what Dr. Adenauer had in mind when he lectured the President at the air- port. * * 4. WE MUST NOT let ourselves be misled by the plea that the Ger- mans and the other Europeans need to be reiassured once more that the. United States will wage a thermonuclear war to defend them. The real situation is not nearly so simple as that. The French, who are more frank and lucid than most, say that in the nuclear age no ally can be counted upon to risk its own overwhelming destructioninorder to protect the national interests of another ally. At the same time, the French are a very long way from having a nuclear deterrent of their own capable of dealing with the Soviet Union without the help of the United States. The question, then, is: why do they treat us so scorn- fully? The answer is that they are entirely certain that there is no real danger of Soviet military ag- gression against Western Europe. That is the missing key to. the Gaullist policy which seems so destructive and so reckless. The French do not believe that NATO will be needed That is why they are pulling it apart. They do not think that the American alliance is really necessary. In the French view, even if it were necessary, the United States could not be count- ed upon as a result of promises and pacts. (c) 1963, The Washington Post Co. "A 1FENNI4 EAc CCYOUlk TNO 1.C, iS. LETTERS TO THE EDITOR: Integration Story Misleads Reader To the Editor: THE MICHIGAN DAILY article' covering the Sunday march of 125 to 250 thousand Negroes from Detroit's black ghetto opened with the misleading headline "Northern Integrationists March in Demon- stration." The employment of the term "integrationist" plus the in- complete reporting on the march leaves the reader with a distorted view of the event. I am referring specifically to The Daily's failure to mention the large amount of expression by the marchers of mil- itant and nationalist sentiment. This was expressed by the Ne- groes who have seen the great society into which they're told by SCLC, CORE and the NAACP, to integrate into. It's the society whose ruling class lets its school buildings literaly fall apart; that puts out fifth rate education; that can not prevent the nimber of school drop-outs from increasing; that can't find jobs for its youth. It's a society that is totally un- able to deal with change. It's rul- ing class screams foi an invasion of Cuba or black Haiti but lets the black South go to the dogs; it tries to preserve itself in the name of saving the "Free World" by propping up the fascists in South Viet Nam, South Korea, Spain, Formosa and elsewhere. It says that we must defend our corrupt society by threatening to blow the world up with H-bombs. And it lets its own people starve and go without medical attention. Miners in Kentucky, migrant workers in the southwest, auto workers in Detroit all know the painful experience of trying to provide for their families while working under sub-human condi- tions, or living off unemployment compensation, or trying to find work while they're laid off so Ford or GM can make more millions. And it is a system that proves its devotion to the cause of freedom by the suppression of criticism from any and every segment of the society. THESE WERE the Negroes that walked through the streets of De- troit and saw wnat integration would mean to them: integrated relief lines, integrated soup houses, integrated charity houses for them to die in, integrated misery and- suffering. Consequently, the only reply one can expect from a sec- tion of the population already doubly exploited: "You can keep it." That's why there were signs calling for an independent Negro party, for a Negro state separate from this dying society, for death to all Uncle Toms, and for Free- dom Now. A larger and larger number of Negroes up south here are becoming more and more con- scious of the needs of these ti; es -complete and thorough social and economic upheaval replaced by a new social and economic or- der. And The Daily by choosing the word integrationist to charac- terize the marchers unfortunately suppresses the expression of this need by the most co'iscious ele- ment of the population. one can hope that. in the fuiture The Da ,1u I know, from the basis of ob- servation at the Canadian high school I attended, where scholar- ships were awarded regardless of financial need (there were bur- saries for those with financial need rather than those without. This occurred even though my school's composition tended to be from the upper income bracket. The reason was simple-those without financial need lacked the motivation (even though money was prof erred as an Incentive), which the students with need pos- sessed-the motivation of being able to attend college (one can hardly claim intellectual stimula- tion and curiosity as motivation in most high schools). This was often supplemented with the rationaliza- tion that it would be wrong to work and deprive those who really needed it of a scholarship (a kind of perverted noblesse oblige). The situation however may have been somewhat different in that there was no Canadian university to which only the top two per cent could aspire-such as Harvard. The upper ten or 20 per cent of the class could usually gain ad- mittance to the same university. Thus it did not matter in terms of university admittance, whether one graduated number one or twenty-one. Therefore I believe that some smaller scholarships should be es- tablished for the academically bright yet solvent student rather than solely for the needy, and that this could oe accomplished with- out the disastrous effect of a del- uge of rich scholarship winners. This policy would iotiN ate some students and also aid a group sorely neglected today-those stu- dents whose parents iall in the $10-$16 thousand income bracket with several other children in the family. These students are too "rich" to receive a scholarship-- yet have to be constantly worry- ing about every penny unable to pledge should they wish to do so, and so forth. As for the University, it would undoubtedly benefit from the raising of its student calibre should such a policy be imple- mented. m Anthea Thorp, '65 Honors Students ... To the Editor: 'N THEIR LETTER concerning honors housing, Mr. Rivlin and Mr. Walker made the statement that "they(honors students) can think and certainly seem to do so more than most fraternity and sorority people. I believe that this statement was extremely unfair and misleading for several rea- sons. First, why single out fraternity and sorority people as opposed to honors students? Just as wide a difference (if there is one) would exist between honors students and those students living in dorm- itories; in fact, considering scholastic averages (the basis of selecting honors. students), the sorority average, at least, has al- ways been higher than the girl's dormitory average. This would in- dicate that a greater difference greater percentage than it dormatories. But Mr. Rivlir Mr. Walker seem to feel tha ternity and sorority people d think. This leads to the absurdity that honors students in dormitories think, whereas honors students in sororities and fraternities do not ... and as evidenced by Mr.;,Rev- lin's and Mr. Walker's- statement, there apparently are students, not living in fraternities or sororities who do not think too carefully. -Susan Montgomery, '65 Therapeutic Work..,. To the Editor: pECENTLY, as a participant in in a program sponsored by the Society of Friends (the Quakers), I had an opportunity to engage in therapeutie work for patients at the Ypsilanti State Hospital for the mentally ill. The services the program's vol- unteers provided involved talking with the patients, inducing them to sing, organizing games - in other words, activities of any na- ture that would bring them out of themselves.' By establishing rapport with the patients, we (the volunteers) ex- posed them to an element of real- ity. In the process of this exposure we entered their lives, gaining an understanding of the depth and extent of their pr blems that we could not have claimed before our contact with them. The significance of this exper- ience cannot be underestimated. Our services in assisting the effort to rehabilitate these people was of undeniably great value. Equally important was the appreciation we acquired of mental illness as an actuality.,No longer will we enter- tain an image of this terrible mis- understood social and human problem which, as is true of too many people, is constructed by an uninformed or regrettably mis- informed imagination. If you can visit a mental insti- tution and work with the patients, I guarantee an invaluable and un- forgettable experience. -Richard Wishnetsky, '64 WRITES LETTER TO SOUTHERNER: Faulkner Aids Student On Racial Integration (EDITOR'S NOTE: During the Autherine Lucy riots in 1956, a University of Alabama student, Da- 'vid. Kirk, -wrote Nobel Prize-winning novelist William Faulkner, asking him what Southern students could do in order to best meet the deseg- regation problem. Faulkner's answer to that letter follows. It was first printed in the Alabama Crimson- White and is reprinted here from the "Summer Reveille," the summer student newspaper of Louisiana State University.) Oxford, Miss. 8 March, 1956 Dear Mr. Kirk: Your letter of March first is at hand several days. I wanted to think first before I tried to an- swer. I won't try to tell you what to do in order to meet the problems you will face. The reason is, these problems will be individual ones, peculiar to the time and the place they will occur in. I mean, rise into sight, when they will have to be coped with. I have found that the greatest help in meeting any stand. That is to have in words what you be- lieve and problem with decency and self respect and whatever courage is demanded, is to know where you yourself are acting from. I have tried to simplify my own standards 'by and from which I act, as follows, which I pass on to you. 1) Segregation is going, wheth- er we like it or not. We no longer have any choice between segrega- tion or unsegregation. The only choice we have is, how, by what means. That is, shall segregation be abolished by force, from outside our country, despite everything we can do; or shall it be abolished by choice, by us in the South who will have to bear the burden of it, before it is forced on us. I vote that we ourselves choose to abolish it, if for no other rea- son than, by voluntarily giving the Negro the chance for whatever equality he is capable of, we will stay on top; he will owe us grati- tude, where, if his equality is forc- ed on us by law, compulsion from the outside, he will be on top from being the victor, the winner against opposition. And no tyrant is more ruthless than he who was only yesterday the oppressed slave. That is the simple expediency of this matter, apart from the mor- ality of it. Apart from the world situation in which we are steadily losing ground against the powers which decree that individual free- dom must perish. We must have as many, people as possible' on the side of us who believe in individ- ual freedom. There are seventeen million Negroes. Let us have them on our side, rather than on that of Russia. That is the problem, as I see it. Why don't you get in touch with the Student Council or the "Tar Heel" editorial board at North Carolina, Chapel Hill? They have handled this question splendidly. I can think of nothing which would do more to hold intact in- tegrity and decency and sanity in this matter, than a sort of in- ter-state university organization for simple decency and rational- ity among Southern college men and women. A confederation of older men like me would not carry half this weight. I can imagine nothing which would carry more weight than a sane, sober union of student representatives from all the Southern schools, standing for the simple things which democra- cy means and which we have got to show the world that we do mean if we are to survive, the simple principles of due process of the majority will and desire based on decency and fairness to all as rati- fied by law. This may be difficult at first. It is a sad commentary of human nature that it is much easier, sim-, pler, much more fun and excite- ment to be against something you can see, like a black skin, than to be for something you can only be- lieve in as a principle, like jus- tice and fairness and (in the long view) the continuation of individ- ual freedom and liberty. And remember this too, when you have to meet these individual problems: you will be dealing with enrds. M~RAnst PLgtin+1ni ct, .a Guns and Butter ,, :. s . . - ., .,,,,,r,,_ q .31i SII/ "IG N s ..-- t .s. w YOU WOULDN'T go to the desert for water. You wouldn't plant corn if you wanted potatoes. It therefore seems incongrous that we pick up weapons, the instruments 'of war, to preserve peace. Aren'twe kidding ourselves really? Guns are for shooting, bombs are for killing. Therefore everyone loads up on both so there won't be shooting and killing. There must be some kind' of logic in it somewhere, mustn't there? Every year the United States and other leading nations of the world spend billions of dollars for the upkeep of their armed forces. Meanwhile, people starve, roads remain un- paved, people remain illiterate. Five years of education to spend two years in the Army. Two years of job opportunities postponed, further education put aside to get the requirement out of the way. Two years out of a life. They will be scattered throughout the world and if a conflict develops somewhere they will be sent. Wars and "police actions" cost lives. The guy that fell in Korea, just out of zollege or high school, may have been another Einstein or the equivalent. Somewhere way back when, man got off on the wrong track. Is fighting really his nature or are we really peace loving as we are told?