Seventy-Third Year
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Truth WiW Prevail"a
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 9, 1963 NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SUTIN
FEIFFER1
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'Respected' Leaders Ignore
Meaning of Constitution
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SCHOOL WILL BEGIN against this Septem-
ber as it always has, but with one noticeable
difference.
The United States Supreme Court has ruled
that daily prayers in the classes are uncon-
stitutional. In. two separate instances, once
last year and once during their last session,
this high tribunal rule'd that the reading of
prayers in public schools violated the First
Amendment's separation of church and state
provision.
Last year, the court ruled that the recitation
of a New York State Regents prayer in that
state's schools violated the Constitution.
In the two cases that came before the court
this year, Justice Tom C. Clark writing the
majority opinion said the state must maintain
a "neutral" position when dealing with religion.
The decision that no state or local govern-
ment may require recitation of the Lord's
Prayer or Bible verses in public schools evoked
a storm of vocal discontent.
Many persons claimed that this country was
denying God and religion. Although the United
States has a strong Christian tradition, this
country has never been legally associated to it.
BUT THE STORM of protest is now spread-
ing to state politicoes and education lead-
ers. This is most evident in the overzeaious
South.
Many of the state governors have issued
statements supporting the reading of prayers
when school starts in September: That strong
supporter of "God, Country and Liberty," Gov.
George Wallace of Alabama has vowed to go
back to school for the second time in over a
years
Wallace has vowed that if prayers are not
continued at an Alabama public school becausex
of the decision, he will go there personally and
read to the students from the Holy Book.
OFFICIALS IN FLORIDA have come up with
even a better idea. They figure that in order
for the decision to have any effect in the state,
a case will have to be brought from Florida-
from each county school district, in fact.
Florida with over fifty counties, will for a long
time be saying prayers before they are forced
to adhere to the decision.
But there has been equal attempt to violate
the law of the land in many Northern states.
New Jersey an4 Massachusetts school officials
have been sending out statements to the
schools to disregard the court ruling.
The belief in God and religion has suddenly
come to a pinacle. The populace is so worried
about the welfare of the poor children who
will be damned to eternal perdition without
their only' hope, the daily prayer of salvation.
THEY CLAIM that it is the government's
duty, through the public schools, to instill
the meaning of God within these children.
However, this is not the government's func-
tion; it is the function of the parents. If the
clergymen who most severely scored the court
for its decision cannot see the difference be-
tween a "neutral" position and an intolerant
position toward religionby the state, let them
take a closer look at the status of religious
institutions under Hitler or in the USSR.
Let these ministers instill withini the minds
of their flocks that this country doesn't have
an established religion and that even atheists
(who are not all degenerates) have the right
to the protection of the First Amendment. Let
the parents instill within their children he
moral and religious code that they believe is
right. And let these children grovw up with a
healthy respect for the Constitution and what
it means.
Let them realize that this document is not
just for a certain segment of the population,
even a major segment of the population, but
for all citizens.
If this is done, then possibly we will not
have "respected" officials disregarding and
violating the supreme law of the land.
-ANDREW ORLIN
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SUCCESS POSSIBLE,
Malaysia Faces Many Barriers to Federation
Senators Face'Crucial Decision
By ISAAC ADELEMO
Daily Guest Writer
THE PROSPECTS of creating
the Federation of Malaysia by
August 31 are at this moment very
slim. Tunku (Prince) Adbul Rah-
man himself is no longer insisting
on this date and the British can-
not help but give up on the date if
the present trend continues.
Agreeing to the suggestion of
t&he presidents of Indonesia and
the Philippines that there should
be a referendum or at least an
evaluation of the recent elections
in the British colonies of Sarawak,
Brunei and North Borneo to as-
certain the wishes of these people,
he further conceded to extend the
date of proclaiming the federation
"if the United Nations would need
more time." The problems of a
Malaysiar federation date further
back than this recent and perhaps
most simple of them all.
The truth is that President Su-
karno dislikes the whole idea and
has made public statements in-
dicative of this. President Maca-
pagal of the Philippines is also
opposed signifying this by laying
claim to the territory of North
Borneo as soon as he knew about
the proposal to include it in a
federation with Malaya. The facts
underlying their opposition will be
touched. upon. The problems in-
herent in the proposed federation
itself are many and varied.
ONE OF the objectives of the
federation is the solution of the
Malay-Chinese problem. It must
be realized that the old and per-
sistent Malay - Chinese tension
(which incidentally is a common
problem all over Southeast Asia)
can only be eased by a federation;
the solution to the problem is
something more elusive. Singapore
is joining the federation on the
condition that she would be auton-
omous in the areas of education
and labor. These are the two areas
in which Singapore's Leftist-
inclined Chinese (which are in
the majority) have most of their
political power. What this means
for the federation is this. While
tpe Chinese may be relatively in
the minority their influence in
education and commerce may be
a threat to the very security Tun-
ku Abdul Rahman is trying so
hard to preserve. If the Chinese
continue to be pro-Peking and
reflect this in their educational
policies, there is nothing prevent-
ing Singapore from still being the
base where Communist subversive
groups could be trained to over-
throw the Malaysia government.
Remnants of the Communist ter-
rorist groups of the late 40's and
early '50's are still hiding in the
jungles of the Malaya-Thailand
border.
The question of Brunei's parti-
cipation in the federation hinges
on how cleverly the prime minis-
ter of Malaya can handle the
touchy question of Brunei's oil
royalties and the relation of sub-
sequent finds to Malaysia's econ-
omy. Brunei is barely the size of
Delaware and is totally dependent
on her oil reserves. Royalties from
oil exceeded $20 million last year
and an annual income of $12 mil-
lion accrue to her from foreign in-
vestments totalling some $300 mil-
lion. It is no surprise then that
the proposition to transfer owner-
ship of oil discovered after August
31 to the federation has not been
favorably. received by the Sultan
of Brunei.
The charged political qtmos-
phere in Brunei and Sarawak may
make these places potentially fer-
tile for subversive activities against
the federation. Their distance from
Kuala Lumpur is a further asset
for any group wishing to m"ake
them their bases.
THESE, HOWEVER, are not the
most pressing problems facing the
proposed federation. They are
problems that the government of
the federation, when it is formed,
would have to face. The real prob-
lems which threaten the peace of
this relatively peaceful part of
Southeast Asia was mentioned
above. A determined Malaya want-
ing to form the federation and
proclaim it by August 31 whatever
Indonesia's feeling may be can
only expect violence or subversion
from an equally determined but
hostile Sukarno. Many reasons can
be advanced for Sukarno's reaction
to Malaysia.
Djakarta's foreign policy is es-
sentially that of neutrality. Indo-
nesia also practices and advocates
socialism. Sukarno once refered to
Liu Shao, Red China's chief of
State as "comrade-in-arms in the
fight against imperialism." Indo-
nesia's geographical situation how-
ever is such that the formation of
Malaysia, according to Sukarno,
would jeopardize his ideological
stand. Indonesia will be hemmed
in by Malaysia and Australia both
of which are strongly West-orient-
ed and capitalist countries. It will
be too much to ask Sukarno to
take this kind of threat sitting
down.
Another reason for Sukarno's
reaction is the personal relations
between him and Prince Abdul
Rahman. Many observers comment
that the relation between the two
has not been very cordial. Only
recently; after a meeting in Ma-.
nila, didboth of them decide to
desist from using insulting lan-
guage when refering to each other
and to seek better relations be-
tween their governments. Under
such an unfriendly situation; Su-
karno would naturally claim that
the extension of Prince Rahman's
dominion to North Borneo threat-
ens the security of Indonesia since
it might "tempt Kuala Lumpur to
subversive activities" against Kal-
imantan (Indonesian part of the
island of Borneo). Feelings be-
tween the two have since improv-
ed. Consultations on governmental
levels have been possible and some
progress is being made recently to
reach an agreement on Malaysia.
* * *'
SOME OBSERVERS, however,
think that there is more to it than
mere personal animosity. They at-
tribute Sukarno's hostile po'icy to
his expansionist policies. Propon-
ents of this theory do not have to
search too far to substantiate it.
They can always refer to the long
drawn out struggle with the Dutch
for Irian (West New Guinea). The
rich oil reserves of Brunei can be
very tempting and the fact that
this is going to be the second
mainland border with an indi-
genous government (Indonesia has
a border with Australia in New
Guinea) may be good reasons for
Sukarno to be interested.
A fear commonly shared by both
Indonesia and the Philippines can
be gleaned from General Nasu-
tion's address to a Youth Con-
gress in Indonesia. He inferred in
his speech that Malaysia; will be
dominated eventually by "a aion-
Malay power that will be the
source of foreign dominated sub-
version against Southeast Asia."
The Philippines have reasons to
be afraid of this. Filipinos are ap-
prehensive that the inclusion of
North Borneo in Malaysia would
encourage the Chinese Communists
to establish a Borneo beachhead
far away from Kuala Lumpur and
yet within rowboat range of the
southern Philippine islands. In-
donesia on her own has adopted
a "confrontation policy" which :n-
cludes frequent flights of jet bomb-
ers towards Singapore and the
readying of .armed forces to con-
front the "Malaysian menace" as
well as promising aid to anti-
Malaysia forces in the North
Borneo territories.
The paradox of this is that Ma-
laya is pushing the creation of
Malaysia because she shares the
same fears with her two neigh-
bors. Malaya earlier refused a Ma-
laya-Singapore merger because of
the fear of a Chinese majority and.
Communist infiltration. It is not
likely that she would forget her
experiences fighting Communist
guerrillas for ten year and let her
guard slip so easily as the Philip-
pines and Indonesia are suggest-
ing.
WHILE INDONESIA'S "con-
frontation policy" may be a major
threat to the normal functioning
of Malaysia, it is not as serious a
threat as the Philippine claim to
North Borneo. Creation of the new
state may actually depend on the
decision of the Philippines if the
claim is valid. Neither Britain nor
Malaya has seriously disputed this
claim which is based on the as-
sertion that the transactions be-
tween the Sultan of Sulu and the
British 85 years ago was not a
cession of North Borneo but a
lease. The British, before now, in-
sisted that it was a cession of
sovereignty and paid very little
attention to the Philippine claim.
Recently, however, the British
have been unusually enthusiastic
about discussing the claim. This
may be an indication of the valid-
ity of the claim or Britain's an-
xiety to create Malaysia. A recent
communique of the meeting of the
Foreign Ministers of Malaya, In-
donesia, and the Philippines stat-
ed that the Philippine position "on
the incliusion of North Borneo in
the Federation of Malaysia is sub-
ject to the final outcome of her
claim to North Borneo" and that
her inclusion before the settle-
ment of this claim would not pre-
judice either the claim or any
right that may result from the
claim.
A better solution to the South-
east Asian problem (from the
point of view of Sukarno and Ma-
capagal) is a loose federation of
Malaya, Indonesia and the Philip-
pines in what Macapagal calls
Maphilindo. An agreement to this
effect was actually signed by the
three heads of state during their
latest meeting in Manila. To Tun-
ku Abdul Rahman, however, this
is not a substitute for Malaysia.
He signed the agreement prob-
ably as a means through which a
forum for ,peaceful consultations
and discussions could be created.
If recent trends continue, if the
three heads of state can continue
to meet in a peaceful and cor-
dial atmosphere as they have been
doing, the prospects of a Malaysia
being established in Southeast
Asia as a bulwark against Com-
munism may not be too Qrmote
after all. This would mean a lot
of concessions on the part of the
three personalities concerned and
they will not be losing much if
only to ensure peaceful coexistence
in their part of Southeast Asia. In
fact they have everything to gain
and practically nothing to lose.
HE NUCLEAR TEST BAN treaty has been
signed. Yesterday it was sent to the Senate
for ratification. Now it is up to that august
body of 100 to prove that the United States
is sincere in its desire for world peace.
In all probability it will do so. Congressional
mail has been running heavily in favor of the
ban, and numerous nation-wide 'Polls have
confirmed great sentiment in its favor. How-
ever, in search of an issue that would make
good campaign material, many Senate Repub-
licans have expressed grave doubts about the
treaty and one, Sen. Barry Goldwater, has in-
dicated that he would not vote for it-though
even he appears to be changing his mind in
the face of public opinion.
No one will begrudge the opportunity for
senators on both sides of the aisle' to hold
hearings on the treaty, to solicit the opinions
of scientists and the military, and to then
make up their minds as to whether the treaty
is in the best interests of this country and all
humanity. It is so that this will be done that
he Senate has to ratify treaties at all.
BUT THOSE REPUBLICANS who take the
negative simply to get what political mile-
age they can out of it are failing both in their
role as the "loyal opposition" and making a
mockery of ratification procedures. They will
vote for the test ban treaty this time because
they will be unable to make political hay out
of an issue where public support is so over-
whelmingly favorable.
Unfortunately, however, this may not always
be the case. There will be times when public
sentiment will be divided equally on issues, or
perhaps even greatly on the negative side. It
is then that the grave dangers of the attitude
now being displayed by the Republicans will
become apparent. What is best is not always
politically popular, and the Republicans seem
more than willing to emphasize the latter at
the expense of everyone's welfare except pos-
sibly their own.
The Republicans who oppose the treaty for
the sake of political gain are only one example
of a practice followed by many members of
both parties. Little wonder there are no more
statesmen around today. Little greater wonder
that there may be no more country worth
caring for tomorrow.
EDWARD HERSTEIN
Playing 'Chicken' with Trade
"In This Boat We're All Integrated"
100,-0
STRATFORD:
'Troilus' Shows Heights
Of Festival Artistry
THEUNITED STATES is about to embark on
a harmful and futile trade war with the
Common Market which will only weaken and
divide the West. This clash of economic powers
was hardly envisioned when the market was
formed six years ago, but sticky agricultural
problems plaguing the United States and all
market countries have brought the clash to
a head.
Ironically, this clash is known as the "chick-
en war," for both in a literal and figurative
sense, these two great economic superpowers
are playing chicken. The Common Market has
tripled chicken duties to protect West German
poultry growers against cheaper American birds.
This cost the United States $46 million and this
country is now preparing to retaliate, prob-
ably on wines, or air-cooled engine cars, such
as the Volkswagon. The United States and
Common Market are daring each other to
raise the tariff walls higher. There may be a
frightful crash.
Editorial Staff
RONALD WILTON ......................... Co-Editor
PHILIP BUTIN.......................Co-Editor
DAVE GOOD ...................Co-Sports Editor
CHARLES TOWLE ................. Co-Sports Editor
RTH HTMANSKT ..................... Night Editor
FARM PROBLEMS are the basic source of the
United States-Common Market clash. They
have proved the monkey wrench hindering the
attempts at unifying the market, blocking Brit-
ian's entry and now sparking a trade war with
the United States.
Like the United States, most market coun-
tries have farm surpluses and marginal farmers.
Their governments pay subsidies to support
often archaic markets. However, each country
differs in the means of support and attempts
at unifying the market have floundered, par-
ticularly over France's reluctance to loosen
her protectionist system.
Yet, the market is agreed on one thing-
no outsiders will undercut their farmers. The
United States with an equally rigid and un-
successful farm program as the market coun-
tries cannot integrate its farm products into
the market structure. In the poultry industry,
this works to the American advantage as Ger-
man chickens are more expensive to raise and
sell. So the Germans got market protection.
THIS "CHICKEN WAR" of rising tariffs and
retaliation has ramifications beyond the
two sides involved. Under international tariff
agreements, tariff increases have to be applied
across the board to all countries, proliferating
rising tariff walls all over the non-Communist
world. These walls only serve to hinder trade
STRATFORD, Ont.-It is dif-
ficult to imagine Shakespeare
better served than by the magic
combination of Michael Langham
and the Stratford Festival acting
company. This year the two have
joined forces to create in "Troikas
and Cressida" one of the most
memorable productions in the fes-
tival's history.
A drama of realization, of un-
derstanding, of disillusion, "Troi-
lus and Cressida" chronicles the
enlightenment of men blind to the
actions and, natures of persons
about them and the ways in which
those men react to a world that
has suddenly become brighter-or
darker.
The play begins in the late days
of the Trojan War, when Ulysses
finally awakens the Greek captains
to the reasons for the war's hav-
ing dragged on for ten years
without issue, and follows the
quickening chain of events to Hec-
tor's death and Troilus' final
realization that Troy is doomed. A
parallel story recounts the love of
Troilus for Cressida and the death
of that love when, with the help of
all-wise Ulysses, Troilus is brought
to see Cressida for the "daughter
of the game" she is.
* * *
FROM THE very first moments
of the play, when the arm'd pro-
1n-ni gptt h e np ann +he man
self, Troy's "second hope," who
comes to the fore in the Stratford
production, largely through Peter
Donat's vigorous portrayal of the
youth. Handsomely wigged and
costumed, Donat's, Troilus is a
striking,dhot-tempered young man
who embodies the excitement of
the play and arouses the passions
of the audience.
*' * *
MARTHA HENRY'S Cressida
may also arouse some passions, but
her flirting nature, which Ulysses
is swift to recognize, is skilfully
shown from the beginning.
As Pandarus, surely the most
disgusting character in all of
Shakespeare, William Hutt tones
down the sheer dirty-mindedness
of the old man by making much
of his effeminacy. Flitting about
the stage in a long white gown of
sorts, Pandarus makes a fitting
and traditional companion for his
neice Cressida.
Douglas Rain, who has acted in
all of the 11 Stratford Festival
seasons and who has come, in re-
cent years, to give, nothing less
than outstanding performances,
portrays Ulysses with wisdom and
determination that make him a
moving force in the play.
* .* *
AND SO IT GOES: The list is
long, for the company is large and
eminently capable. In a four-play