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Truth Will Prevail"'
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"How Long Is A Boarding-House Reach?"
P~Ot s

CELESTIAL ACTORS:
Familiar Cast
In New Roles

BAR

HARBOR-Two familiar"

AY, JULY 24, 1963

NIGHT EDITOR: ANDREW ORLIN


Stassen Speech Transcends
Identity of Two Parties,

characters in an unusual
alignment delighted audiences
scattered throughout Maine last
Saturday as the 1963 Sun Eclipse.
opened on schedule. Vastly more
costly than "Cleopatra" and "Ben
Hur" combined, the spectacle was
visible on new wide-sky natural-
color Astro Vision although, oddly
enough, there was no sound.
Skeptics abounded in the au-
dience. "But how do they know
there's going to be an eclipse,"
was the phrase most often heard.
In spite of the lateness of the
hour (4:45 EDT), the sun was
still fairly high in the sky while
the moon, invisible offstage, pre-
pared for a hasty entrance. One
hour later, at 5:45 EDT, the last
bit of sun was obscured, and the
countryside was plunged into

darkness. Birds searched fi
roosts, and isolated Maine res
dents began preparing for bed.
A few moments later, the st
began to emerge and withinf
hour, was once again visible
a complete circle, for those wl
had taken the precaution to o
serve the earlier phases throuE
filters.
New England residents we
generally satisfied with the recel
tion given to this phenomena
and have scheduled another pe
formance for 1970. Since Main
features mainly inexpensive a
commodations for tourists, ti
authorities have decided to pl
the next eclipse for Cape Co,
where housing rates are conside
ably higher. From this a mo
profitable afternoon and eveni
can be expectedK
.-David Kessel

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CRITICS of the American two-party system
seem to argue against its viability on the
grounds that the Democratic and Republican
;arties are scarcely any different: their con-
servative, moderate, and liberal blocs have
fore in common with the respective blocs of
Ihe opposing party than with each other. Some
;olitical theorists now call for a realignment
>f the nation's political parties along liberal-
onservative lines,
Harold Stassen, who calls himself a Re-
ublican, last week provided one recent exam-
ple which tends to confirm this latter theory.
St ssen in a speech at the University presented
t tentative platform which he plans to take to
he presidential primaries next year. The pro-
tram he offered makes President John F. Ken-
iedy look like a hopeless reactionary by com-
>arison.
It is, however, generally acknowledged that
stassen commotted political suicide when he
>ublicly came out against the renomination of
llchard Nixon for the vice-presidency in 1956.
thus his recent announcement of interest in
he Republican presidential nomination in 1964
net with'hardly a ripple of interest from news
neda and politicians. Whatever his program or
opular appeal may amount to, his chances of
aining political power are slim indeed..
HAT STASSEN DID in 1956 was to violate
a fundamental political axiom which oper-
tes under a two-party system. Although Nixon
ould never have won a .popularity contest in
956, it *7as known he was President Eisen-
ower's personal choice as a running mate. He
Lad served the party for four years, and Eisen-
1ower did have tremendous popular appeal.
tassen's accusations hence, were amazingly
1-timed, since in President Eisenhower there
ras a strong'figure at the party helm, who ob-
Jously disagreed with him, defending a loyal
arty member who had been in the White House
br four years. Out of necessity, Stassen ha 
0 be cast in the role of a boorish antagonist.
Has Stassen outgrown his political provincial-
r HE PROGRAM Stassen is' now offering-
which he admittedly plans to take to the
rimaries in three states next year-is further
the left than that 9f q ny other serious Re-
ublican contender.
As articulated in his speech last week, it in-
Ludes: 1) Support of a foreign policy less na-
.on listic than that of President John F. Ken-
edy, 2) support of concrete steps toward dis-
rmament, including specifies he cited which
ould require definite trust in the Russians, 3)
uishing for admission of Red China to the Unit-
I Nations, 4) agreeing to recognize East Ger-
Lany and bringing both Germanies into the
N and 5) closer and more frequent consulta-
oL with European allies in all matters of mu-
ial concern.
Stassen criticized Kennedy's recent European
unt, likening it to a Broadway ticker tape
Grade. He pointed out thet the gist of Kenne-
y" offerings to Europe was the spread of nu-
ear warheads. This is true. Were it not for the
ssent of their Scandinavian sisters, central,
iropean nations would have, reaped the dub-
u1s benefits of Kennedy's "defense" plan.
Instead of offering our weapons as friendship
kens, Stassen suggests implementation of a
an whereby we would use German scientists
iWd other European technicians toward our
'ace effort. These countries would share in
e gains as well.
T FIRST THOUGHT, this may seem a de-
lightful plan. It is certainly idealistic. How-
er, It is pragmatically impossible, and con-
adicts another point Stassen makes. He says
e should do more than Kennedy has done to
oltivate the love of our allies. But, however
uch Stassen may dislike it, this love is cur-
ntly measured by the amount of defense we
fer tbhem: Until Stassen shows concrete ways
change the predominate European attitude,
is grand image is certainly incompatible with
litical realities.
The one suggestion, however, is a mere
icrocosm of the concept of foreign policy Stas-
n advocates. He wants us to work for the
od of the world, not for our own good at
e expense of others. Because of the. recent
issian overtures, Stassen may have caught

ld of a general policy that displays insight
to the times and may be more politically pos-
>e in the future.
Stassen's argument for bringing Red China
id both Germanies into the UN are sound.
e are not going to eradicate East Germany
Editorial Staff
NALD WILTON ......................... Co-Editor
ILIP SUTIN ....................... Co-Editor
NE GOOD..................Co-Sports Editor
IARLES TOWLiE ............... Co-Sports Editor
TH HETMANSKI...............Night Editor
DREW ORLIN+.................. Night Editor
AN TENANDER ................Night Editor

or China by pretending they do not exist, and
it is possible that we will have a better chance
of keeping the peace if they do belong.
BUT THERE IS an important corollary to the
China question which he apparently dis-
misses. In light of the recent Chinese display
of the-bloody-revolt-of-the-oppressed-is-neces-
sary-for-the-salvation-of-us-all, what guaran-
tees are there that the. Chinese would agree to
join an organization like the UN?
Second, it is foolish for us to continue trying
to ignore East Germany, but one of the major
reasons it is supposedly being done is to mol-
lify the nervous West Germans. By not admit-
ting this problem, he does not confront it in
any way that might lead to a politically con-
structive plan.
Stassen's step-by-step plan to achieve dis-
armament is totally naive, not because dis-
armament is not necessary or not possible, but
because it must be carried out in the proper
way in order to be enduring.
THE IDEA he set forth has been considered
before by those who are very concerned
about disarmament, as student groups. In fact,
when one University student last week pointed
out to him the impracticality of the plan he
was offering, he gracefully changed the subject.
He made no attempt to qualify ,his views or to
make them more valid. This was certainly dis-
turbing evidence of lack of concern for facts.
Yet, if one can summarily dismiss Stassen as
a serious presidential hopeful, who are the Re-
publicans who do have a chance to get the
nomination?
Governor Nelson Rockefeller is certainly
political poison for the Republican Party. Those
who predict his recent marriage will not be a
significant popularity factor' point to earlier
claims that Kennedy wuld never win the
nomination, or election, because he was a Ro-
man Catholic. Yet there is certainly a differ-
ence between being Catholic (the typically
American view might be: "You can't hold a
man's religion against him-as long as he has
one"), and breaking up two families. This would
undoubtedly indicate to a large segment of
Americans that Rocky has no religion. His nom-
Ination is' about as likely as that of Elizabeth
Taylor.
The only real alternative contender of presi-
dential timber is Senator Barry Goldwater of
Arizona. Assailed by a barrage of "Bury Gold-
water" buttons, the states' rights spokesman .
-has openly conceded the votes of Negroes and
of the urban, northern cities. He hopes to sweep
the West and South. Yet there is considerable
question as to whether he can make any seri-
ous headway in the electoral college without
support from the large cities.
FURTHER, Goldwater's concept of "individual
freedom" makes it impossible for him to even
attempt to backtrack or politic in order to win
the Negro vote. Rockefeller recently tried to
win Negro support with firm civil rights pro-
posals at the National Governors' Conference.
But Goldwater would utterly betray himself
were he to try to come out even half-heartedly
in favor of welfare plans or civil rights legisla-
tion.
He is the only prominent Republican hope-
ful who is not trying to imitate liberals. The
ironic thing about this is that nearly half of the
Democratic Party is closer in their over-all
political view to Goldwater than Kennedy. In
fact, nearly half of the Democratic Party is
more conservative than Rockefeller. If one is to
believe Stassen, he is much further to the left
than Kennedy.
This presents a confusing picture of precise-
ly what the two parties. represent today, and
will represent in next year's presidential con-
test. A realignment is most certain, sparked
by Kennedy's strong civil rights proposals.
The Republicans might take a cue for 1964
from two classic political thinkers. Niccolo
Machiavelli once wrote, "I am not concerned
with things as they should be, but as experience
has shown that they are." Plato took the oppo-
site view, ,and argued for an ideal state, never
once considering the way these "ideals" could
be realized from an historically evolved society.
A man like Stassen is neither considering
nor appreciating the unpleasant realities which
are in existence now, and which he would need
to grapple with rather than ignore, were he

chief executive.
Goldwater, conversely, seems without a vision
of what he could mold these realities into in
order to create a semblance of a better world,
somewhat more appropriate to future socie-
ties than past.
(NE TYPE OF CANDIDATE may capture the
fancy of American imaginations, but not
their votes. The other may appear unquestion-
ably, practically sound, but he offers nothing
except what exists today or existed yesterday,
something Americans will never again commit
themselves to.
Perhaps it is most alarming to realize that
the Republican political opponent most likely
to challenge Kennedy's re-election would be a
candidate very nearly like himself. This raises

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TODAY AND TOMORROW:
T reasuryResists
Monetary Re form

SINO-SOVIET CONFLICT:
Politics, Economics Yield Rift

By RONALD WILTON
Co-Editor

THE CURRENT split between
the Soviet Union and Com-
munist China ranks as one of the
most important events on the in-
ternational scene in the past ten
years. While the true extent of
the split is open to speculation it
is evident that the once vaunted.
"monolithic unity" of the Com-
munist bloc is no more. That it
will reappear again in the future
is highly unlikely; the main causes
of the split are not likely to be
rectified for some time.
The split is commonly referred
to as an ideological one and there
is much truth in this. Certainly
different interpretations of Marx-
ism-Leninism make up the bulk of
the official charges and counter-
charges hurled back and forth.
However the nature of each side's
dogmatic interpretation can be di-
rectly traced back to economic,
political and social conditions af-
fecting the two countries.
If Leninism is "Marxism in the
era of imperialism," then Khru-
shchevism can be said to be Marx-
ism in the atomic age. The world
knows this as "peaceful coexis-
tence." Put very simply it en-
visions a world where capitalist
and Communist states will co-exist
peacefully, with the only competi-
tion being an economic one de-
signed to show the underdeveloped
nations which of the two systems
is superior.
THIS POLICY is not a result of
altruism or a loss of faith in Com-
munist theory so much as it is a
recognition of the state of modern
weaponry and Russia's economic
position. As one of the two strong-
est nations in the world and as
one which is rapidly rising to the
forefront of the developed nations
Russia knows full well what the
effects of nuclear war would be on
her internal structure and de-
velopment plans. Therefore her in-
terpretation of Marxist-Leninist
doctrine is conditioned by the
fact that she has much to lose
should war break out.
Khrushchev himself has describ-
ed the effects of a nuclear war
in terms which would endear him
to the most avid member of the
American peace movement. He
fully realizes that his country's
population, while relatively large,
is still within the limits of those
able to be well decimated by a
major war. As far as peaceful
competition with the West for the
underdeveloped nations is con-
cerned he has much to be pleased
with concerning his progress to-
ward winning them over goes.
Thus the fear of a nuclear holo-
coust plus unbounded optimism in
the superiority of the Russian sys-
tem is responsible for the policy
of "peaceful coexistence." The
ideological reasons given for the
policy are merely window dress-
ing.
s s
THE CHINESE, on the other
hand, reject the notion of peace-

pies of "the imperialist policies of
aggression and war," and to urge
them to maintain a high degree
of vigilence against these exam-
ples. They charge the Russians
with being opposed to the expos-
ure of imperialism and its agents
and of trying to prettify it as
much as possible.
The second area concerns the
question of safeguarding world
peace. The Chinese Communist
Party asserts that world peace can
only be safeguarded if the Social-
ist camp and the national demo-
catic movements in the develop-
ing n a t i o n s are constantly
strengthened. As the "People's
Daily" put it, "to achive world
peace it is necessary to rely main-
ly on the strength of the masses
of the people of the world and on
their struggles." China does 'not
rule out negotiations as a means
of reducing world tensions as long
as they do not damage "the fund-
amental interests of the people."
They claim that the Soviet Union
is trying to get the people of the
world to have faith in the sensi-
bleness, assurances and "good in-
tentions of the imperialist powers."
The third issue concerns sup-
port for the national liberation
movements and the revolutionary
struggles for independence going
on in the underdeveloped world.
The Chinese view these as power-
ful forces weakening the power of
the imperialists, and claim that
these , struggles are inseparable
from the problem of the defense
of world peace. They call on the
people of the world to support
'these movements and "wars of na-
tional liberation and peoples' re-
volutionary wars." According to
the Chinese their enemies attack
these views as "warlike" and place
the search for world peace in
opposition to these movements of
national liberation.
THE CHINESE position is sup-
ported by Marxism-Leninism, par-
ticularly Lenin's work, "Imperial-
ism-the Highest State of Capit-
alism." However, here too, we can
look behind the ideology and find
political, social and economic rea-
sons which form, the basis and
cause for the Chinese position.
China became a Communist na-
tion only 14 years ago and as op-
posed to the Russians she is still
a part of the underdeveloped
world. Since she lacks capital and
her ratio of cultivatible land to
area is not too great her main
asset in development lies in her
huge, mobilized population, the
largest in the world: This factor
of population has affected her
military strategy and shaped her
view of nuclear war. Ever since
Mao Tse-Tung in 1946 called the
atomic bomb a "paper tiger," Chi-
nese military theorists have tend-
ed to downplay the importance of
nuclear. weapons. Instead they
boost the mass army and the guer-
rilla warfare type of conflict. Since
she could come out of a nuclear
war losing half her population
and still possibly end up as the
most populated nation in the
world, her leaders have no hesi-
tation in proclaiming that the

joy the fruits, of which the de-
Stalinization program is one.
Another explanation for her
militancy lies in her international
position. As the most populated
nation in the world China wants
to be recognized as a world power.
However, due to the efforts of thej
United States she has been kept
out of the United Nations, pre-
vented f r o m expanding into
Southeast Asia and across-the For-
mosa Straits, and in general been
isolated from the intercourse of
the major powers. Since she is
denied big power status by the
West and. prevented from domin-
ating the Communist bloc by the
Soviet Union, her one hope for
major international recognition is
to gain the leadership of the un-
derdeveloped nations. Thus, in
her contacts with these countries,
she emphasizes the similarities be-
tween herself and them. She also
supports any elements in these
countries which push hard for
nationalist or Communist revolu-
tion, since these groups, once in
power, are likely to be friendly
to her.
Thus the Sino-Soviet split will
get worse before it will get better.
The Chinese have quite a way to
go before they feel economically
and internationally secure enough
to feel the need for moderation.
Until that time the best the world
Communist movement can hope
for is tenuous peace between the
two nations. What effect the split
will eventually have on the East-
West cold war remains to be seen.

T H E ADMINISTRATION pro-
gram for dealing with the defi-
cit in our balance of payments is
quite evidently provisional.
Something had to be done, be-,
cause the deficit has not really
been reduced in the past year. But
only provisional measures were
judged to be practical in the pres-
ent climate of international fi-,
nance. The most seriousproposal
is to check the outflow of dollars
fcr foreign investment. This is to
be done by taxing the sale to
Americans by foreigners of long-
term foreign securities. This tax
is to last for two years, ending
on Aug.-16,'1965.
NO ONE CAN be certain that
these measures and the underly-
ing situation will bring American
payments into balance in two
years. However, even if they do,
as the President allowed, "As we
close our payments gap, we will
cut down on our provision of dol-
lars to the rest of the world."
This will put serious difficulties
in the way of an expansion of
world trade and economic develop-
ment. If deflationary pressures
develop,, as is probable, there will
be needed big reforms in thd in-
ternational monetary system.
It is perhaps fair to say that
while the Administration has been
in the past opposed to such re-
forms, they have been favored by
the British, who share with us the
burdensome honor and privilege of
providing the world 'with a reserve'
currency. There are many Ameri-
can experts within the Adminis-
tration and outside it who favor
major reforms.
THE TREASURY is hoping to
maintain confidence in the dollar
by the time-honored banking rule
of not allowing anything to let the
dollar be questioned. While ,meas-
ures may be necessary to enlarge
the reserves at the base of the in-~
ternational monetary s y s t e m,
these measures must not be talked
about publicly or treated as im-
portant, but must be made to
appear as an unalterable, rock-like
monetary system. The rule of our
conduct must be, therefore, that
the reform of the monetary sys-
tem must come after, and not be-
fore, we have closed our own pay-
ments gap.
But these arrangements were;
not designed to solve the underly-

ing balance of payments problem.
With regard to that, as Secretary
Dillon told th, Joint Economic
Committee on July 12, progress
has been "disappointingly slow
and uneven over the past 12
months."
* * *
THAT IS why the President has
Just sent his long message to Con-
gress which includes among other
things the proposal for a two-year
emergency tax to cut down Ameri-
can foreign investments. Despite
all the efforts at home and abroad
to close the gap, the "hard core
of our deficit" is greater by well
over a billion dollars than the
apparent deficit. For the accounts
include a number of what Secre-
tary Dillon calls "special transac-
tions," which cannot be repeated
very often. Thus there has been
prepayment on old debts. There
have been advanced payments on
military purchases which will
soon be completed.
N o t counting these special
transactions, the deficit is still at
the 1962 level, which is much too
high. This leaves the Administra-
tion with the task of trying to in-
crease our dollar receipts by in-
creasing our exports and encour-
aging investment by foreigners in
the United States, and of reducing
our dollar outflow by 1) cutting
military expenditures a b r o a d,
which are $2.4 billion, 2) cutting
foreign aid, which is $3.5 billion,
3) cutting down on private foreign
investment, which is $2.5 billion.
, The military expenditures can-
,not prudently be reduced until
and unless there is a much greater
accommodation with the Soviet
Union than is yet in prospect.
Foreign aid, which looks like the
easiest mark, turns out on exam-
ination to consist increasingly of
"tied loans" which call for the
export of goods, but not of dollars.
That leaves foreign investment,
which in a gingerly way the ad-
ministration proposes to tax.
IT IS A plausible guess that
within the two years of the emer-
gency tax, the Treasury will be-
come increasingly interested in
international monetary reform. It
will be realized. generally that the
burden of providinga reserve cur-
rency for the world cannot be
solely an American and British
task, but is in fact a world ob-
ligation.
(c) 1963, The Washington Post Co.

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