Ghe Mt igalttBiy
Sixthy-Ninth Year
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MAJORITIES AND CIVIL RIGHTS:
Senate To Debate
Cloture A rnendrntent

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual-opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 7, 1959 , NIGHT EDITOR: BARTON HUTHWAITE
Difficulties of Universities
Dramatizes Need for Tax Revision

THE UNIVERSITY has been forced to borrow
$500,000 to pay its employees, with another
loan of $3 to $3.5 million probably necessary
before the end of January. In addition, between
$600,000 and $700,000 in payments to University
creditors has been held up, thus costing the
University extra charges for cash purposes, late
payments and inability to purchase supplies in
large quantities.
With added supply charges come the interest
on the loans, which will present an added bur-
den to the University's empty treasury. This
financial crisis for the University has been
caused by the state's inabilty to meet its pay-
ments to the "big three" state universities.
The state has withheld payments from the
University and Michigan State University be-
cause of all state fund recipients, they alone
have the constitutional authority to borrow
large sums of money. Thus a state financial
crisis has been, in effect, turned over to the
state universities to do with it what they can.
This action is doubly unfortunate for the
schools in light of the reduced budgets which
the state legislature appropriated for this year.
THE WISDOM of cutting the"university bud-
gets was questioned last spring when the

legislature voted them their skimpy appropria-
tions, and the current shifting to the univer-
sities of a state cash crisis is being critically
questioned. The recession has cut deeply into
state revenues, but the failure of the Legisla-
ture to provide adequate taxing sources is at
the root of the problem. When the already
scanty funds failed to come in to the state,
they had no choice left but to manage finances
as best they could.
State universities should not be expected to
bail the state out of trouble; this is the state
government's responsibility. Since the univer-
sities have been made the scapegoats, they are
forced to manage already close finances even
more closely.
A large benefit can result from this crisis.
A new tax proposal will be put before the
legislature when it convenes next week. The
need for a new tax structure to replace the
piecemeal setup now in effect has been dramati-
cally demonstrated by the University's recent
crisis. The current situation has shown that if
the new tax proposal, which has been atacked
by some members of both parties, is not
adopted, something equally good is necessary.
The current situation is a most inefficient way
to do business.
--ROBERT JUNKER
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By WALTER
PRESUMABLY, the first business
before the 86th Congress which
opens today will be the question of
amending the rules to prevent fili-
busters. Under the existing rules,
which were adopted In 7,949. de-
bate can be ended by what is called
cloture only when two-thirds of
the entire Senate - or at least
sixty-six Senators-vote in favor
of it.
There is one exception. If the
question is on amending the rules
of the Senate, there can be no
cloture.
Probably not more than twenty
Senators in the new Congress will
want to keep Rule XXII exactly
as it is. A great and overwhelming
majority will support amendments
to Rule XXIIL But they differ on
how far they want to go. There
are two main choices. The one is
supported by Sen. Lyndon Johnson
of Texas and the, other by Sen.
Paul Douglas of Illinois. Under the
Johnson proposal debate can be
ended by two-thirds of the Sena-
tors present and voting. In theory,
this could mean that cloture might
be applied by as few as thirty-
four Senators, that is to say two-
thirds of a quorum which is fifty
Senators.
The proposal of Sen. Douglas,
which has the support of men like
Javitz, Keating, Humphrey, and
Case, also provides that within
two days of the filing of a cloture
petition debate can only be closed
by a two-thirds vote of those pres-
ent. But if debate continues for
as long as, fifteen days, clouture
can then be voted by a simple
majority of the whole Senate, or
fifty affirmative votes. Under the
Douglas proposal there could be a
long debate, perhaps as much as
eight or nine weeks, but in the end
fifty Senators could bring the bill
to a vote.
* * *
THE CHOICE will be between
Johnson and Douglas proposals,
and in all probability the Johnson
proposal will prevail. The real issue
at the bottom of this complicated
argument about the rules of the
Senate is, I believe, a constitu-
tional question. It is not what the
letter of the constitution says. For
it says nothing. It is about what
is in accord with the spiit of the
constitution.
The question is how big a ma-
jority must there be in order to
overrule the opposition of a de-
termined minority. Rule XXII, as
it now exists, says that sixty-six
Senators must favor the legisla-
tion before a determined minority
can be overruled. The Johnson
proposal says that a determined
minority can be overruled, in
theory at, least, by as few as
thirty-four Senators. In practice,
on a controversial measure there
is, of course, likely to be a very
full attendance. So, the Johnson
proposal is not substantially dif-
ferent from the existing rule.
There is one exception to this. It
does not contain the indefensible
provision of the present rule,
which is that there never can be
cloture on any proposal to amend
the rules.
The Douglas proposal, while it
permits extensive debate, allows

LIPPMANN
fifty Senators to close te debate
and to pass a controversial bill.
SEN. DOUGLAS has not dealt
with the real issue. The real issue
is not whether measures shall be
fully debated. The question is how
they can be passed. There is no
doubt that eight or nine weeks of
debate is quite sufficient for any
measure, and that after there is
no hope of anybody's mind being
changed by the debate itself.
The real question is what are
you to do with a minority which
is not open to being converted by
a debate. Under what conditions
should you over-ride it?
In my mind, the proposal to
decide highly controversial ques-
tions by a vote of no more than
one plus one-half of the Senate is
not good enough. While the con-
stitution itself says nothing about
the question, it is a fact that the
constitution is by no means devoted
to the principle that a simple ma-
jority should' rule. Treaties and
impeachments require two-thirds
of those present and voting. Con-
stitutional amendments, the ex-
pulsion of members, the over-rid-
ing of the President's veto, require
two-thirds of all the Senators
elected. What is the reason for
these exceptions to simple ma-
jority rule? Is it not that what
is at stake is of such great mo-
ment that it should have the con.
currence of more than half of te
representatives of the states?
Why should it have this con-
currence? Between when contro-
versial matters are decided by a
too-narrow majority, the prospect
of resistance and nullification is
increased. To enforce difficult laws,
there should be a very large ma-
jority which concurs in them.
- * *
THE ISSUE of the rules is a
hot one because the filibuster is
a principal instrument of obstruc-
tion against Federal legislation on
behalf of the civil rights of Ne-
groes. The substantial question is
whether the indisputable rights of
Negroes can be achieved and
maintained by simple majority
which over-rules the South, or
whether progress depends on win-
ning the assent of the rapidly
growing enlightened opinion in the
South.
In addition, we must forget that
majorities are not always liberal,
and may indeed be quite tyranni-
cal. It is a short view of history to
equate simple majority rule, as
does Sen. Douglas, with the de-
fense of civil rights. He might
ponder, for example, the case of
President Truman's emergency
strike legislation which proposed
to break the railroad strike by
drafting the railroad men into the
Army. The House was stampeded
into passing this bill two hours
after the President's message by a
vote of 306 to 13. But Senators
Tait and Wagner held it up in the
Senate, and after six days of de-
bate its sponsors were compelled
to omit the provisions for a draft.
That, too, was a civil rights case,
and a very striking example of
why simple majorities are not he-
cessarily the guardians of civil
rights.

RULE XXII:
Filibusters Have Varied Hist ory

For Students or Samplers'?

ARGE HOLES in the financial structure of
many universities and forewarnings of an
invasion of "war babies" is prompting more
conservative educators to question the motives
of college students.
John R. Everett, president of a small Virginia
institution, recently leveled his intellectual
sights on the phenomena of "degree-seekers."
Forcing large colleges to offer a multitude of
skimming, survey courses, the oft-times blase
"sampler" picks a semester's program on a
"snap" basis.
To Everett, allowing individuals who have no
other purpose in mind than skimming the
cream from the top of a wide variety of fields
is a miscarriage of higher education.
If universities are forced to continue this
handout service to casual, liberal education
seekers, they will short change- the more seri-
ous minded individuals who will have to con-
tend with watered-down superficial courses
before reaching solid educational ground.
Institutions will continue to clamor for
funds, but sizeable chunks will slide into sample
courses, Everett said, as institutions work to
broaden work in all educational areas.

THE POINT of Everett's argument and in
ssome respects, the complaint of many edu-
cators is that they are forced to cater to stu-
dents with only a lukewarm interest. The
prestige associated with possession of a college
diploma still attracts crowds to campuses
throughout the country.
But drawing a division line between those out
for glory and those for truth is one task even
the most qualified psychologist would shun.
Students themselves may fail to answer a ques-
tion of this type.
Ideally, students use the universities as the
main avenue to advanced learning and dis-
covery. The value of complete development in
the widest range of real subject areas is an asset
which can never be measured, even in a society
which tends to glorify rote specilization.
Although colleges can no longer house the
group looking for "rolled-up glory" on diplomas
they must always have a place for students
desiring a purposeful education . . . liberal,
broad and searching.
--CHARLES KOZOLL

By JOHN CHADWICK
Associated Press Correspondent
W ASHINGTON -- The Romans
battled over filibusters in
Caesar's day, just as United States
senators will do when Congress
starts a new session today.
Filibustering is a relatiyely
modern term, but it is an ancient
art for blocking legislation by long
speeches and dilatory parliamen-
tary tactics.
It was practiced in this country
before Congress even came into be-
ing. In a number of state conven-
tions called to ratify the Consti-
tutionitself, full use was made of
it.
And in the very first Congress
there was a protracted filibuster
during the fight over the location
of the nation's capital.
The Senate has been the scene
of stormy filibusters for over 100
years. Numerous efforts also have
been made over the years, largely
unsuccessful, to make it easier to
choke off filibusters.
PRESENT DAY filibusters have
been associated in the public mind
.with Southern opposition to civil
rights bills, but most filibusters
in the Senate have had nothing to
do with civil rights.
However, filibusters waged by
Southern senators against anti-
lynching and anti-poll tax bills
and legislation to create a fair em-
ployment practices commission
have been among the most suc-
cessful.
A study of Senate filibusters by
George B. Galloway of the Library
of Congress lists 36 bills that have
been delayed or defeated. But all
except 11 of these eventually be-
came law, in some cases after com-
promises had been made following
futile efforts to halt filibusters.
Of the 11 never enacted, three
were anti-lynching bills, four were
anti-poll tax bills, and two were

fair employment practices bills.
In short, nine of them were what
are commonly called civil rights
measures.
The other two were a bill to
permit the arming of merchant
ships prior to United States entry
into World War II and a "force
bill" proposed in 1890 to authorize
federal supervision of congres-
sional elections.
The "force bill," designed to
prevent disqualification of Negro
voters, touched off one of the
most famous filibusters in Senate
history. Authorities differ, how-
ever, on how long it lasted.
Galloway gives the duration of
the filibuster as 29 days. But
Franklin L. Burdette, in his book
"Filibustering in the Senate," says
the bill occupied the Senate's at-
tention for 56 days, "33 of them
spent in the throes of a filibuster."
Senate press gallery records show
46 days.
THE OBSTRUCTIVE tactics
characteristic of a filibuster were
practiced in the House long before
they became common in the Sen-
ate. It was not until the start of
the 27th Congress on March 4,
1841, that the first Senate fili-
buster is recorded.
* Lasting a week, it was against a
bill by the new Whig majority to
oust Senate printers who had been
elected by the Democrats in the
previous Congress.
One of the longest Senate fili-
busters occurred in 1846 in a bat-
tle over a bill to end the joint oc-
cupancy of the Oregon territory
with Great Britain. The measure
finally passed after a filibuster
lasting two months.
A rash of filibusters broke out
in 1914. A Panama Canal tolls bill,
a Federal Trade Commission bill
and an antitrust bill were each
hit by filibusters lasting 30 days.
A Rivers and Harbors bill was
filibustered for 32 days.

A turning point came in 1917
with the successful filibuster
against the armed merchant ship
bill. President Woodrow Wilson
wrathfully denounced the fili-
busterers as "a little group of
willful men."
The upshot was:the adoption of
the Senate's famed rule 22-the
first rule in its history providing a
method for bringing debate to a
close.
Under this new rule, debate
could be halted by the vote of
two-thirds of the Senators pres-
ent and voting.
This rule was successfully in-
voked four times-to close debate
on the treaty with Germany
(1919), on a world court resolu-
tion (1926), and twice in 1927,
on a banking bill and a bill to
create a Bureau of Customs and
Prohibition.
However, 15 attempts between
1921 and 1946 to invoke the rule
and shut off debate failed to ral-
ly the necessary two-thirds ma-
jority.
* * *
IN 1949, the cloture rule adopted
in 1917 was revised to require
the votes of two-thirds of the en-
tire Senate membership, instead
of two-thirds of those present
and voting, to shut off a filibuster.
However, it was made to apply to
certain motions exempted from
the original rule.
Three attempts have been made
to invoke the revised rule. Each
has failed.
Last year, Sen. Strom Thur-
mond (D-SC). set a record by
talking for 24 hours and 18 min-
utes in opposition to a civil rights
measure.
But Sen. Thurmond was playing
a futile lone-wolf role. Southern
Senators did not stage an organ-
ized filibuster against the legis-
lation, and it was enacted.

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Ik's Education Plan No Solution
ESIDENT Dwight D. Eisenhower was un- in special sections. Although it has been argued
eniably correct when he declared recently again and again that this will hurt the stu-
under the United State's present educa- dent's pride, it is questionable whether his
I setup, the hkh school graduate is not pride would remain less scarred if he stayed
ped to cope with the complex, sophisti- in the "normal" class and was flunked.
society of today. If these approaches, already being tried in
wever, his remedy, to lengthen high school some areas of the country, were nationally
ation by an additional two years, does not implemented with accelerated programs offered
the best way out of the public education superior students, special programs given to
em confronting the nation. those not capable of "average" work and a
ucators are joined by parents and students greater amount of instruction, coupled with a
eir criticisms of the public school systems greater degree of outside work, given to the
e United States. Most of tlhose concerned majority of the students, American public high
t request that more years be spent in the schools would produce a more learned student.
n, but rather that the academic program , And if high school juniors and seniors were
epped up considerably-a more plausible released from the watchful eyes of hall guards,
on. trusted to, enter lavatories without passes and
e starting point might be borrowing from given some degree of responsibility, then per-
f the better policies of higher education, haps the schools would also help graduate a
classroom time for teaching only, and more mature student.
ig all assignments for homework. The
c picture of the teacher who sits unoccu- IT IS SUGGESTED that the President make
at his desk while his students prepare an certain that a vastly improved high school
ament is all too frequent. program can not,be set up within the present
boundaries before he attempts to extend these
ELERATED programs in as many subjects boundaries unnecessarily.
possible should be instituted in all public He should further make certain that in
ls. Students showing proficiency in certain suggesting that the student remain two addi-
should be offered advanced courses. tional years in a high school environment, he
the other hand, those students who will is actually helping to develop the student's
enefit themselves and who may hinder an maturity,
class by their slowness should be placed -JUDITH DONER

DAILY OFFICIAL BULLETIN,

I

CAPITAL COMMENTARY:
Nixon, John1
By WILLI

son Wage War
[AM S. WHITE

INTERPRETING THE NEWS:
Expediency, Ideology Merge

By J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
YOU CAN LOOK at the new alignments now
taking place in Congress and come up with
several answers, all of them only partially com-
plete and none of them standing alone without
the others.
It is being said that the liberal-conservative
split ih the Republican ranks is a result of
modern pressures which have been growing for
30 years. But it is also the result of the belief of
more and more Republicans, a belief enhanced
by the last two elections, that conservatism is
not the weapon with which to beat the Demo-
crats.

political unity in an organizational unity of
the labor movement. Others expect an outright
labor party, either as a third party, through the
capture of the Democratic party, or through the
growth of a comparatively new liberal-labor
group.
However, all this involves the split between
Southern Democrats and the rest of their party
in the nation over both labor and civil rights
issues. Time after time the Democrats have
separated over these and other states rights
issues only to be homogenized again by the
lever this gives the Republicans.
TIME AFTER TIME in the last six years the

WASHINGTON-The whole long
story of our national politics
has rarely provided so clear-cut a
human struggle as the new year
will certainly bring between Vice-
President Richard M. Nixon and
Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of
Texas.
Politics usually pits against each
other large and impersonal groups
-- blocs against blocs, parties
against parties-in contests more
collective than personal. This time,
the circumstances will make in-
evitable a plain, bare - knuckled
contest between two tough, young,
able, powerful and highly deter-
mined men.
Vice-President Nixon is, in fact
if not in form, now in charge of
the Republican party nationally.
President Eisenhower, in this eve-
ning-time of his last Administra-
tion, has largely left the party's
operational direction in Mr. Nix-
on's hands.

lighted protagonists for the next
year.
There are other striking simi-
larities. Mr. Nixon is an aspirant
for the 1960 Presidential nomina-
tion. Senator Johnson has said re-
peatedly that he would not be a
candidate -but few believe he
would turn it down. Each man
thus has a special need, as well
as special responsibility, to con-
trol the Congressional record of
his party in the period before the
1960 national conventions.
And each, as by far the smart-
est professional his party can pre-
sently offer, has many enemies.
Mr. Nixon's enemies are mainly
those who resent the savage com-
bativeness of some of his past
campaigns; they consider him al-
together too much of a "fighter,"
Senator Johnson's enemies are
mainly those who resent him as
too soft, rather than too hard, on
the Republican opposition.
4P4 r

is cautious-when he thinks of it.
But he is a warm, careless, subjec-
tive and sometimes sentimental
man. His gift is for handlink peo-
ple.
Nixon's gift is for handling
situations and circumstances.
Johnson is much bigger physically
-six feet three and about 190
pounds to Nixon's perhaps five feet
ten and 160 pounds. And, most of
the time, Johnson is bigger in
other senses. Quicker to anger, he
is also quicker to forgive.
* * *
NIXON FIGHTS with a cold,
total calm. Johnson fights either
with a grin or with a dark, Open
scowl and with the sulphurous, un-
ashamed cuss words of a rancher
trying to round up loose cattle in
the rain.
Nixon is matchlessly competent
always. Johnson on his best days
is brilliant and on his worst days
an unrepentant trial to friend and
foe alike. He has a strong touch of
frank vanity; Nixon's vanity, if it.

The Daly Official Bulletin s an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan, Daily assumes no edi-
torial responsibility. Notices should
be sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3519 Administration Build-
ing, before 2 p.m. the day preceding
publication. Notices for, Sunday
Daily due at 2:00 p.m. Friday.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 7, 1959
VOL. LXIX, NO. 79
General Notices
J-Hop Parties Regulations for Par-
ties:
Student groups wishing to have par-
ties during the J-Hop period are in-
structed to seek approval from the Of-.
rice of Student Affairs following usual
procedures. Requests for approval for
specific social events should be filed on
or before Fri., Jan. 16. Chaperones are
subject to the approval of the Dean of
Men. Two married couples, 26 years of
age or older, or one such couple and
the chaperone-in-residence are re-*
quired as chaperones. Exception: For
dinner preceding and breakfast follow-
ing the J-Hop dance, only one qualified
married couple or the chaperone-in-
residence is required. It is suggested
that chaperones be selected from such
groups as parents of students, faculty
members, or alumni, who will be will-
ing to cooperate with the president of
the house to assure that University
regulations are" observed.
No house parties will be approved
for the night of the Hop. Pre-Hop din.
ners must end not later than 9:30 p.m.
Fraternities are closed to callers during
the hours a group attends the Hop and
may re-open if desired at 2:00 a.m.
Breakfast must close in sufficient
time to allow women students to re-
turn to their residences before 4:00 a.m.
Fraternities occupied by women guests
must be closed to men promptly at 4:00
&.m.
Parties are restricted to the Ann Ar-
bor arei.
Women's Housing and Hours:
Arangements for housing women
overnight during J-Hop period, in
men's residences must be separately ap-

6 and 4:00 a.m, permission following
the w-Hop on Feb. 7. Regular calling
hours, in women's residences' will not
be extended. This includes fraterni-
ties which are housing women, unless
a party in the house has been ap-
proved by the Office of Student Affairs.
Fraternities housing women guests
must remain open during the hours of
the Hop and the chaperone-in-resi-
dence must be in the house.
Phi Kappa Phi Honor Society Initia-
tion and Reception: tonight,3Jan. 7,
8:00 p.m., Rackham Building, 3rd floor
amphitheater. Dean Roger W. Heyns
will speak on "The Proper Climate for
Scholarship." Members, initiates and
friends are cordially invited.
All graduating seniors planning to at-
tend graduation exercises Jan. 24,
go to Moe's Sport Shop, 711 N. Univer-
sity, immediately, to be fitted for caps
and gowns.
STUDENT ACCOUNTS: Your atten-
tion is called to the following rules
passed by the Regents at their meet-
ing on Feb. 28, 1936: "Students shalL
pay all accounts due the University
not later thanthe last day of classes
of each semester or summer session.
Student loans which are not paid or
renewed are subject to this regula-
tion; however, student loans not yet
due are exempt. Any unpaid accounts
at the close of business on the last
day of classes will be reported to the
Cashier of the Universityand
"(a) all academic credits wil be
withheld, the grades for the semester
or summer session just completed will
not be released, and no transcript of
credits will be issued.
"(b) all students owing such ac-
counts will not be allowed to register
in any subsequent semester or sum-
mer session until payment has been
made."
Students who expect to receive edu-
cation and training allowance under
Public Law 550 (Korea G.. Bill) or
Public Law 634 (Orphans' Bill) must
fill in lonthly Certification for the
Veterans Administration in the Office
of veterans' Affairs. 142 Admin. Bldg.,
between 8:30-11:15 a.m. and 1:15-3:15

''