-1

E1he Lirbiuun &ziI
Sixty-Ninth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241

"When Opinions Are Free
Trutb WiU Preva"

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 27. 1958 NIGHT EDITOR: BARTON HUTHWAITE

Public Opinion
And Public Schools

Dear Old Non-Golden Rule Days
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AT THE MICHIGANs
'Damn Yankees'
Meet Movie Match
"DAMN YANKEES" will probably delight anyone who doesn't thor-
oughly despise baseball. This adaptation of the Broadway money-
maker turns out to be a pretty happy affair all-around. It is a clever
and spirited film with a wonderfully implausible structure.
The movie really couldn't fail. It is chock full of singing, dancing,
Jokes, sex, and the national sport.
The story rests on the wild contention that the American League's
New York monopoly is, in fact, vincible. That proposition alone would
automatically make the whole thing a farce; that's really what it is.

SOUTHERN RESISTANCE to the Supreme approval as "the will of the people." The way
Court's integration orders stiffened, this the referendum is set up-requiring a majority
past week as segregationists in Arkansas and of the qualified voters and not just of those
Front Royal, Virginia formed non-profit cor- voting, to upset segregation-there seems no
porations to take over the operation of the now likelihood the segregationists can lose.
closed public schools. Another possible solution would be for the
. United States to wait for private parties such
Arkansas Gov. Orval FaubusignoredAt as the National Association for the Advance-
torneyGeneral William P. Rogers' protests that ment of Colored People to attack each of the
the private school leasing plan was not leagl, state laws preventing integration and as each
knowing that the Attorney General didn't have suit began to intervene as a friend of the court.
the authority to say one way or another.
This was the situation in the Little Rock case
At almost the same time Rogers was explain- when the United States urged the statutes be
ing his futile position, Sen. Jacob K. Javits struck down.
in his Thursday speech at Hill Auditorium de- Sen. Javits has explained this solution is
manded a s'pecial session of Congress in order difficult since a number of Southern states have
to impower the Attorney General with the passed so-called anti-barratry statutes making
proper legislation to enforce school desegrega- it difficuit for test cases to be brought or for
tion. help to be given to those who would bring them.
The New York senator's proposal represents To leave such a delicate and fundamental issue
the type of intervention Gov. Faubus has said as desegregation in public schools seems a
he will meet with "cold fury." Just exactly what neglect of duty on part of the Federal Govern-
Gov. Faubus means by "cold fury" is not known ment, and probably will not provide a final
as yet but Sen. Javits and other integration- solution. f
minded government officials have finally decided
to meet his challenge with some cold fury of GOV. FAUBUS' closing of public schools in
their own. Little Rock and his "will of the people"
referendum scheme demonstrate the need for
ATTORNEYGENERAL ROGERS has empha- immediate legal action on the part of the United
sized his belief that the Administration States. As of yet, the Attorney General lacks
should now depend on the force of public the legal machinery- with which to meet the
opinion to achieve its ends. While this plan Southern governor's challenge.
may help to soothe the violent feelings of the Many Southerners still cling to the hope that
Arkansas governor, it offers no concrete solution a peaceful solution will be worked out whereby
to the desegregation issue. < they can have public schools and segregation
Segregationists have demonstrated their at the same time. But their hopes for racial
ability to overcome public opinion in the past inequality in the South fail to take into con-
and probably will do so in the future. Gov. sideration one important point-the validity
Faubus' "popular referendum" to be held today of the Constitution is at stake.
is just another method to disguise public dis- -BARTON HUTHWAITE
Nasser Plots as French Vote

d

'ii'f9S'F3 nh'F Ase' j146 Tc'A3 i QoSr'ts

* ..-. r Y .v -e -

"Damn Yankees" is great fun, for-
the rest of the movie is just as
wild and hellish as this first propo-
sition.
The hero of the story, is natu-
rally a baseball fan, a loyal rooter'
for the seventh-place Washington
Senators. The Senators have miles
and miles of heart, but they lose
all the time.
Joe, who is supposed to be a
fairly typical fanatic, swears in a.
fit of rage that he would sell his
soul for a long-distance hitter for
the Senators. And, in a sudlden
technicolor flash, a little man ap-
pears to take him up on the offer.
The deal is made, and Joe, the
paunchy real estate salesman, is
suddenly transformed into Tab
Hunter. He is now a ,crew-cutted;
college-type slugger, minus paunch.
* * *
JOE MAKES the team, and with
his devilish backing he soon resur-
rects the Senators into the first,
division. Joe, however, is not alb
ways happy with his new role. He
cannot forget his middle-aged wife
back home.
Joe's satanic benefactor must
therefore use all. he has to keep
his protege in line. Applegate, the
devil, has a secret weapon named
Lola (Gwen Verdon). Lola gets
whatever she wants, and appar-
ently she has never missed yet.
Lola exploits all her talents rather
exuberantly, and the movie cen-
sors are to be congratulated for
their liberality. Yet, even Lola has
a tough time making Joe forget.-
The crisis comes when Applegate
discovers that he is bringing joy
to the Washington fans. He
changes his tactics, and this spells
tragedy for a while.
Applegate, played by Ray Wal-
ston, is a wry little demon who
takes great delight in his work. He
does a fine job, and so does Lola
who takes great delight in hers.'
The Adler-Ross songs are good,
and the action is lively. The plot
may be a little hard to follow, but
the thing works out all right in
the end.
It might even be possible to en-
joy "Damn Yankees" without lik-
ing baseball.
-Beverly Gross

LETTERS
to the
EDITOR'
Pearson
To the Editor:
It apparently seems that some-
one has finally, with bold and
forthright action when no one was
looking, disposed of Drew Pearson.
I object to this. In my mind he
helped your otherwise bland
"news"paper.
When I read on the editorial
page vast schemes to straighten
out what's wrong with the South,
or set us straight on Quemoy com-
pletely thought - out by half vast
people on your staff, then men, I
want something more for my
money than the Daily Official
Bulletin.
As I recall, this past summer
when you' were thinking of drop-
ping Pearson you received and at
least printed several letters in fa-
vor of him, I can not remember
many against him. - I see the
majority have had the "right"
thing decided for them again.
Perhaps if you stopped being such
goody-noncontroversial fellows
and maybe now and then printed
something that almost got you
censored, as in the days of yore,
then you might have more support
for this salt-free diet of a-student
newspaper you're at present try-
ing to feed to the college mind.
If you print this, don't bother
correcting grammer or spelling, it
would ruin my standing in engine
school.
--Wallace Platts, '599
CIsion . .
To the Editor:
I am one who is unable to
understand why the University
cannot afford to keep open its,
libraries, surely necessary to its
ostensible purpose, but in the face
of a, budgetary crisis can afford
to employ a full-time football re-
cruiter.

1


I'I

As FRANCE prepares to vote on a'new con-
stitution, a Provisional Government of the
Republic of Algeria has been set up by Algerian
rebels under the proteective wing of Gamal Ab-
dul Nasser and the United Arab Republic.
Nasser seems to have had two motives in
promoting such a move: first, he regards it as
a slap in the face for France to let her know
that she cannot hope to be on anywhere near
friendly terms with the UAR as long as, she
continues to support Israel; and second, an
Algeria as part of de Gaulle's France puts an
imposing obstacle before Nasser's plans to con-"
trol all of Africa.
.There is little doubt Gen. Charles de Gaulle's
proposed constitution will be passed, and even
less doubt that it will be supported in Algeria.
All of the sixteen parties campaigning there
support the proposed constitution.
Even if Algeria should not support the con-
stitution, it is the one French overseas territory
not entitled to withdraw from the French
Union; it is considered part of metropolitan
France, somewhat as Alaska is part of the
United States. And, although France may no

longer be one of the world's leading powers, it
nevertheless means that one of the important
Western powers has a sure and powerful foot-
hold on the African Continent. Gen. de Gaulle
will not be one to see this foothold slip.
NASSER therefore is faced with the problem
of how to- get France out of Algeria and
achievement of his "Africa for the Africans."
His reason for keeping the Algerian rebels
active seems to be hope of deterioration of the
situation in France, allowing the rebels to seize
Algeria. Under the proposed constitution, this
does not seem very likely.
The other possibility is Nasser is trying to
show the West that as long ,as they continue
to support Israel and resist the- UAR's attempts
to incite revolution in other Arab countries,
they cannot hope to be on good terms. This
prospect doesn't seem to bother the Western
n'ations. They seem determined that Nasser
shall not succeed.
It looks at last as if Algeria might be one
place where Nasser will be stopped.
-THOMAS KABAKER

;:. CAPITAL
Mo
WASHINGTON -The moderate
Southern politicians are con-
ducting a slow retreat of immense
skill against the heavy pressures
of the Southern extremists on one
flank and of the advanced North-
ern Democratic liberals on the
other flank.
These moderates are the mas-
ters of the art of politics in this,
country, whether one agrees or
disagrees with them.
No other set of political men
has been in such danger in gen-
erations. They are literally and
painfully in the middle of the
most passionate domestic issue of
this century, that of civil rights.
THE DEEP Southe'rners are
attempting to destroy these mod-
erates and to head the South into
a campaign of total and endless-
and hopeless-resistance to school
integration. The Northern Demo-
cratic liberals are not so much
trying to end the political lives of
the moderates as to wrest control
of the party from them.
Thus, the Southern moderates
can only fall back and try to limit
their losses. This is the strategy
that is now unfolding-and bril-
liantly unfolding, given their des-
perate circumstances. The field
marshal is the Senate Democratic
leader, Senator Lyndon B. John-
son of Texas.

The man who will now be per-
haps his chief lieutenant has
been chosen not from Senatorial
or Congressional ranks and not
even from the upper South -
where there is at least some pres-
ent possibility of accommodating
the integration issue.
Instead, this new subordinate
officer comes from the deepest
South; he is J. P. Coleman, Gov-
ernor of Mississippi. Mr. Coleman
has just been made chairman of
the Conference of Southern Gov-
ernors. His election involved
"jumping" him over the head of
the man who would normally
have got the post by seniority,
Gov. Orval Faubus of Arkansas.
COLEMAN, Mississippi or no
Mississippi, has steadfastly re-
fused to talk in terms of a new
war between the states over inte-
gration. He is now taking the
lead, moreover, in squelching any
talk of a Southern bloc breaking
away from the Democratic party
in 1960.
For the central problem of the
Southern moderates, always acute,
is sharpening daily, as well they
know. What they now have most
to fear is far more than a rejec-
tion at the next convention of
their efforts to hold the civil
rights plank to a middle-road one.
The nightmare they must face is
that the Northern liberals, so long

exasperated, may turn up this.
time determined to drive the
whole South from the party, with-
out making much distinction be-
tween "good" and "bad" South-
erners.
* * *
THE MODERATES, therefore,
are maneuvering not to permit
any situation to arise in which
they could reasonably be charged
with any association with any
prospective Southern bolters.
Some Northern liberals are not
exactly happy in the obvious fact
that, right or wrong as they may
be on issues, the Southern moder-
ates are incomparably and un-
deniably more able.
(Copyright, 1958, by
United Feature (Copright 195, Inc.)

l

COMMENTARY:
derate Southerners Hurt.
By WILLIAM S. WHITE

c'

-Elizabeth Jacobson

ON FRENCH CONSTITUTION:

/7

A verage A lgeria n Afraid To Vote

By ANDREW BOROWIEC
Associated Press Foreign News Analyst
TIZI-OUZOU, Algeia - Some
time this weekend, Mohamed
Amar of the village of Attouch will
be told to vote on a new French
constitution.
Like most of his compatriots,
Mohamed has never voted before.
He has seldom ventured outside a

IN TOMORROW'S ELECTIONS:
French Ballot on Presidential Role,

Adams Case Parallels Oppenheimer's

THERE IS a certain-and significant--simi-
larity between. the departure of Sherman
Adams from government service and the similar
departure of another highly qualified publio
servant, Dr. Robert Oppenheimer.
Both men are of unquestionable personal
loyalty and integrity; neither committed any
legal or moral wrong. Both were forced obt of
office because of personal relations: Oppen-
heimer for having friends and relations who
were communists; Adams for helping-and no
one has even suggested that Adams did any-
thing ethically wrong, he was just "imprudent"
-a friend, Bernard Goldfine. .
Both men were forced out of office by public
opinion and a more formal political force: the
Atomic Energy Commission in Oppenheimer's
case; and the Republican National Committee
in Adams' case.
The significance of this parallel is more than
that it is "interesting."' It reflects a basic prin-
ciple of democracy: the merciless, unrestrained
and extremely important-if not all powerful--
'orce of public opinion. Both men were dumped,
and rather unceremoniously, because of political
expediency. Extreme liberals were very con-

cerned about Oppenheimer being sacrificed at
the altar of McCarthyism, and, if he were a
Democrat, the liberals would, no doubt, have
been concerned about the fate of Adams.
THIS ATTITUDE implies that there is some-
thing "wrong" or "evil" about public opin-
ion. It implies that the people are grudgingly
given the vote, because Thomas Jefferson said
that they should have, it, and that they should
leave all public questions to the intellectual
elite.
There is also the disparaging attitude toward
public opinion: J. P. Morgan expressed it
rather concisely when he said, "the public be
damned." And Joseph Stalin seemed to refine
this philosophy to its roughest degree when he
began his collective farm experiments in the
1930's.
There is a third alternative philosophy: for
every right there is a corresponding responsi-
bility.
CONGRESSIONAL committee investigations,
inquiries by federal agencies, and a free.
press are freedoms essentially beneficial and
essential to our form of democracy, but they
have vastrand largely unrestrained powers. To
limit the power of either of these forces would
be dangerous and perhaps fundamentally
wrong. But these forces have the power to en-
danger an American's basic civil rights.
If the press and the Congress are to exercise
their right of free inquiry and the right Ito
publish the results of this inquiry are to be
exercised, they must be exercised with restraint,
preferably voluntary.- Ever since the rise of
McCarthy, it has become clear that some code
of ethics must be devised for the protection of
innocent victims of Congressional and Federal
Agency inquisitions. Similarly, the press must
devise an equitable formula for handling this
type of news.

By CHARLES KOZOLL
Daily Staff Writer
GENERAL Oharles de Gaulle's
controversial government will
receive the strongest test of its
popularity tomorrow when French
voters decide upon the newly pro-
posed constitution.
Primarily, the document aims at
strengtheneing the presidency of
the Republic. Formerly elected by
the assembly, the president will
now be chosen by an electoral col-
lege composed of the Assembly,
the General Councils, the Assem-
blies of Overseas Territories plus
the elected representatives of the
municipal councils.
THREE OTHER areas of change
involving the president's account-
ability to the other branches of
the government, his power to dis-
solve the Assembly and, particu-
larly, his ability to assume excep-
tional power in times of emer-
gency.
Under the proposed constitution,
the president will be responsible
to the Assembly for all of his
action as stated in Article five:
"The President of the Republic
shall see ,that the Constitution is
respected." The Assembly, or
Parliament as it is now referred
to, will serve as a watchdog and
can indict the president for trea-
son in case he oversteps his posi-
tion.
The President will also be given
the ability to dissolve the National
Assembly, a power enjoyed under
the constitution of 1875 but with-
held in 1946. However, this situa-
tion has been tempered by Article
12 of the new document which
makes consultation with the Pre-
mier and Presidents of the Assem-
bly and Senate imperative before

Article 16, the President may only
assume these exceptional powers
when the institutions, indepen-
dence or integrity of the nation
are in grave and immediate dan-
ger.
The fraliers of this new consti-
tution further stipulate that if
the regular functioning of the
government be interrupted, the
President may, after consulting
the premier, the presidents of the
assembly and the constitutional
council, assume these powers.
However in this type of situation,
such as occurred during the Ger-
man invasion in 1940, the Na-
tional Assembly may not be dis-
solved.,
Thqpnew document also provides,
for a greater delegation of pri-
marily administrative powers to
the executive department of the
government. The department will
be given the responsibility of im-
plementation of the laws as op-
posed to the Assembly's ability to
legislate.
IN THE realm of lawmaking, the
Constitution allows the Assembly
the right to legislate in 13 specific
areas which include social legisla-
tion, education and civil rights.
Parliament is also assured the
power to determine the country's
electoral system, and also, the
scope of its national defense.
To speed up these processes, the
framers have placed restrictions
upon the durations of the two
regular sessions. Limiting the of-
ten verbose French politicians to
four and one-half months of meet-
ing time, the Constitution will aim
at speeding up the often lagging
French legislative machinery.
In substance, the proposed docu-
ment represents an extreme evolu-

situation has taken place under
strong American presidents, where,
the presidency has assumed a
leading role in directing the legis-
lative course of action.
But while the majority of
Frenchmen would welcome this
new Constitution as the beginning
of a new era of governmental
stability, many are leery and feel
that the politicians wil not change
along with the new document.
Many consider the passage of
the referendum a foregone con-
clusion, but regard the situation in
Algeria with a combination of
bitterness and bewilderment. While
the Constitution does not mention
Algeria specifically, Gen. de Gaulle
singled the North African country
for special attention on his nation-
wide speech yesterday which closed
out the campaign.
Calling on the Algerians to re-
main closely allied With France,
Gen. de Gaulle carefully avoided
comment on the future of the
turbulent area.

20-mile radius around his village
and he has never been to France,
the country whose destiny he will
be called to decide.
But Mohamed Amar's identity
card says he is a Frenchman.
French army-propaganda ,officers
who registered him on the voting'
lists told him he is a Frenchman.
One morning this weekend -
Mohamed still doesn't know when,
for security reasons--army trucks
will come to Attouch to take Mo-
hamed and all other voters of the
village to the nearest polling place.
Neither Mohamed nor the others
dare to refuse to go.
He will have at his disposal a no
ballot. But Mohamed Amar doesn't
know exactly what he will be vot-
ing for
The fact that he will vote at all
already endangers his life as far
as the nationalist rebels are con-
cerned. They have been warning
all Moslems to abstain. Will Mo-
hamed also want to get in trouble
with the French by voting no? The
chances are he will not trust the,
guarantee of complete secrecy,
* * *
MOHAMED AMAR is the aver-
age Algerian Moslem, illiterate,
worn out by the four-year-old
war, scared and pleading for help.
Attouch 'is the average Moslem
douar (village). In the daytime it
is controlled by the French, at
night by the rebels.
Like 90 per cent of the other
Moslenis- in Algeria, Mohamed is
placed between the guns of French
soldiers fighting for the remnants
of the French overseas empire and
the knives of nationalist rebels,
who now have the added prestige'3

of a provision government behind
them.
Then there is the magic name of
General Charles de Gaulle,- Pre-
mier of France. A yes vote means a
vote for -de Gaulle, say French
propaganda officers.
Many Moslems remember that
14 years ago de Gaulle spoke
vaguely of independence for North
African peoples. Will they vote for
him now because of that old and
'ambiguous pledge? A yes, vpte
means a vote'for integration with
France,- claim propagandists of the
diehards who. staged the coup of
May 13th.
Mohamed Amar, the average
Algerian voter, will go to the polls
this week end with fear and un-
certainty in his heart.
DAIL'Y
OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of the Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no edi-
torial responsibility. Notices should
be sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3519 Administration Build-
ing, before 2 p m. the day preceding
publication. Notices for Sunday
Daily due at 2:00 p.m. Friday.
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1958
VOL .LXIX, NO. 10
General Notices
Choral Union and Extra Series ush-
ers and Lecture Series ushers must pick
up their usher tickets from 5 p.m. to
6 p.m. Monday, Sept. 29, at the box of-
fice in Hill Auditorium. This is the
final notice and tickets will absplute-
ly not"be given out at the door on the
night of the concert or lecture.,-
Carol Anderson; Donna M. Ashton,
Richard Lbuis Asch; Anabel Anderson,
Maria V. Auffant, Helen Anderson,
Stanley Davis Blown, Charles Botero,
Dorothy Burnes, Carol' Bamberger.
Mary L. Boerema, Hannelor Busch,
Shirley H. Bell, Dale A. Bell, Philip R.
Beltz, Morris Brown, Shirley Burkhart,
Lois Brunner, Susan Bergholz, Ankie
Braam.-
Barry L. Cutler, Judy Cimildoro, Vir-
ginia D. Connor, Amber B. Cox, All-
sande Cutler. Chee-Wah -Chva, Alex-
aader L. Ciechinelli, Jane Carpenter,
Edward H. Cohen, Ann Di Camnillo.
Florence Duesing, Duane E. Deal,
Daniel L. Docks, Judy Dickstein, Erma
Hare Donner, Robert Gerald Denison,
Jorge A. Desmaras-Luzuriaga, Sylvia
Doody, Joel Epstein, Bernice Epper-
son.

''.

Sen more Says .. .

Editorial Staff
RICHARD TAUB, Editor
EL KRAFT JO
rial Director

)HN WHICHE
City Editor


DAVID TARR
Associate Editor

E CANTOR..................Personnel Director
SWILLOUGHBY.......Associate Editorial Director
.TA JORGENSON......... Associate City Editor
PABETH ERSKINE .. .Associate Personnel Director
N JONES-.........................Sports Editor
L RISEMAN................AAssociate Sports Editor
OLEMAN .............Associate Sports Editor
ID ARNOLD.................Chief Photographer
Business Staff
STEPHEN TOPOL. Business Manager

The battle for headlines between the forces

I

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