I I I I I I I I I I I I I I , I 1 11 1 1 1 1 1 I 11 11 1 ", . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... .. .. .. .. .. .. I I I I I 1 1, , "I . ", 11 , , I , I I I I I . I I - , - - - ii- , , - " , I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 11 1 11 1 11 1: " 11 I I I I I 111 c, , , I , I I . - , , i- - - , , . ,

Ultr oaC nser va ism
(Continued from Page 4) Cerns of these members

of thej

Status politics, on the other
hand, might be defined as an ap-
peal to resentments of people who
want to maintain or improve their
social status, or, as Hofstadter
puts it,-"The clash of various pro-
jective rationalizations arising
from status aspirations and other
personal motives."
In American history interest
politics comeawith economicrre-
form demands in times of depres-
sion and unemployment. Status
politics is on the upswing with good
times, prosperity, and full employ-
ment when many people can im-
prove their economic position.
BUT STATUS politics has no
clear cut objectives according
to Lipset. He sees in status politic
motivations, people moving up in
the social scale (such as immi-
grants). and not being accepted by
those already on a higher level,
and people who are being moved
down (such as old-family Ameri-
can and the type of person who
associates with such organizations
as the DAR) by social change and
do not like it.
Status politics is irrational in
character and has the tendency
to seek scapegoats; there is also
the common concern for "pro-
tecting 'traditional' American
values."

far right that become interwoven
with their politics. It is so because,
as one writer put it, "political life
is an arena into which status as-
pirations and frustrations are, as
the psychologists would say, pro-
Jected."
ALL OF THE forces contributing
to the strength of ultra-con-.
servatism in this decade were
brought together in the early
1950's in the person of Sen. Mc-
Carthy.
There is a considerable diver-
gence of opinion among members
of the ultra-conservative group on
many issues. The single issue which
unites it is vigorous anti-Com-
munism, the force that was behind
McCarthyism.
An obsessive fear of Communism
in the United States gave Sen. Mc-
Carthy an opportunity to unite the
ultra-conservatives.
McCarthyism was not a resuit of
the Senator's sudden rise in the
public world but a direct outgrowth
of the fears and apprehensions of
the far right on the numerous
issues already discussed. Com-
munism must be considered a
handy issue around which ultra-
conservatives could rally and use
as a sort of funnel through which
to vent their personal grudges on

United Nations: Anathema to Ultra-Conservatives
SEN. McCARTHY strongly de- per classes, by the prosperous, by
fended minority groups and the wealthy, by the well educated.
the underprivileged while attack- To the status-deprieved he is a
ing the upper classes; his usual critic of the upper class; to the
image of the American Communist, privileged he is a foe of social

And so it is the personal con- )a wide variety of topics.

White or tinted...

They're all-the-world to a
summer wardrobes Ready,
to answer every business
calling and gay invitation.
Pointed, hi or litile-heel
operas in.
WHITE COTTON RIVIERA
well tint any rotor, *
As seen in Mademoisellm.

according to Lipset, pictured him:
as an Easterner, usually of Anglo-
Saxon origins; Episcopalian; and
educated in schools such as Groton
and Harvard.
Typical was part of his famous
Wheeling speech at the beginning
of his anti-Communist crusade in
1950.
"It is not the less fortunate, or
members of minority groups who
have been selling this nation out,
but rather those who have had all
the benefits the wealthiest nation
on earth has had to offer - the
finest homes, the finest college
educations, and the finest jobs in
the government that we can giver
"This is glaringly true in the
State Department. There the
bright young men who are born
with silver spoons in their mouths
are the ones who have been the
worst."
"Over and over . again," says
Lipset, "runs the theme, the com-
mon men in America have been
victimized by members of the up-

change and Communism."
THE DECLINE of McCarthyism
coincided with the decline of
prosperity and the rise of economic
difficulties in this country.
Economic issues, however, are
not sufficient to explain the de-
cline of McCarthyism.
Perhaps the biggest single factor
that worked to destroy McCarthy-
ism, although there is considerable-
question of its effect on the ultra-
conservatives as a group, was Sen.
McCarthy's break with the so-
called Modern Republicans in the
Party.
While the Republicans were out
of power and fearful of ever again
getting back in, the ultra-con-
servatives could be sure of - no
direct opposition from the moder-
ates in the party; thus a clash
was avoided. But ,where the Re'-
publicans regained power and the
ultra-conservatites, Sen. McCarthy
included, discovered that Modern

Republicanism, Dwight Eisenhow-
er, Arthur Larson and fellow trav-
elers did not fit their needs the
only alternative was open warfare
between the two factions.
While it was impossible for them
to win control of the Party, Lip-
set says, it is entirely possible that
the Modern Republicans may take
over a few of the ultra-conserva-
tives' issues in order to retain
some support from the followers
of that faction.
WHAT SORT of an appraisal
can be given, then, to Sen.
McCarthy and the ultra-conserva-
tive movement? And if McCarthy-
ism has declined and died is there
anything to fear from it and its
living disciples?
Put very simply it has been said
that "ultra-conservative agitation
has facilitated the growth of prac-
tices which threaten to undermine
the social fabric of democratic
politics."
One of the better known con-
servatives who has already been
quoted extensively, Clinton Rossi-
ter, said of the far right:
"They apparently do not realize
the implications of their actions.
They are dabbling dangerously in
a form of radicalism in their mania
for amending the Constitution,
their reckless assaults on the Pres-
idency, their wistful plans for a
new party, their disregard for the
American traditions of fair play
and freedom of dissent, their en-
thusiastic support of the new
demagoguery and their cult of ex-
treme individualism. Men who en-
gage in this sort of political ex-
tremism can only be classed as
'pseudo-conservatives.' "
ON SEN. McCARTHY, political
analyst Roscoe Drummond had
this to say:
"It seems to me that one of' Sen.
McCarthy's greatest unfairnesses
"was his inability or unwillingness
to concede loyal, patriotic, honest
differences of opinion among his
fellow Americans over the ques-
tion of what ism-the best and most
effective means of dealing with the
Communist conspiracy."
The danger from the ultra-con-
servative movement has been
signaled by numerous writers who
warn that a prolonged cold war
could result in an institutionaliza-
tion of mafiy of the restrictions on
personal freedom that are now
either' law or government practice.
It seems only too clear that Sen.
McCarthy and the ultra-conserva-
tives have brought to this country
many practices which run counter
to the American tradition of poli-
tical freedom.
They can be seen in the height-
ened security program, political
controls on passports, political
tests for schoolteachers, increased
tightening by the government on
the release of information, and the
"increasing lack of respect for an
understanding of Constitutional
guarantees of civil and judicial
rights for unpopular minorities
and scoundrels."


Academic Mind
(Continued from Preceding Page)
provide the absence of restraint
and harassing worry and en-
courage the interstimulation of
diverse opinions required for im-
aginative learning, while, on the
other, we protect existing institu-
tions from applications of that
learning which are detrimental to
the public's long-range interests?
The discussion of academic
freedom has too long been carried
on in irrelevant assertions by its
supporters and its enemies. Thej
activities. of higher education do
have implications for the public
and we can depend on it that the
public will regulate higher educa-
tion. The issue is not whether we
shall have such regulation, but,
how it will be structured.
Like the doctor, attorney, clergy-
man, and other valued specialists,
the professor must exerecise judg-
ment on matters crucial for his
society. Unlike some other pro-
fessionals, the competence of
American professors is not certi-
fied through examinations pre-
pared by agencies of the state or,
as in the case of the clergy, by the'
special publics served.
As Lazarsfeld shows, only 13
per cent of the accredited colleges
have as many as 45 per cent of
their faculty members holding the
doctorate. In 40 per cent of the
accredited colleges, at least three-
fourths of the teachers do not hold
the doctorate.
MORE than this, the professional
ethics of college teachers are
not generally policed by public or
semi-public bodies. r
Unlike the practise in many
European countries, agencies of
government in America do not
participate in evaluating candi-
dates for leading professorships. If'
professional freedom must be ex-
ercised in the context of the pub-
lic's welfare, and if no semi-public
or professional bodies are avail-
able to insure that welfare, in-
terested publics will try to exercise
controls through irregular means.
This, I believe, is a major source
of the surveillance and harassment
so thoroughly documented in La-
zarsfeld's study.
The nature of support for much
higher education in America only
exacerbates an already difficult
problem. Many colleges are so de-
pendent on state or local resources
that narrow and transitory local
interests frustrate the stimulation
of imaginative learning.
Many colleges have responded to
public pressures with efforts to
educate the public concerning the
proper work of higher education,
and the facilities it requires.
This is desirable, but not likely
to succeed. Much of the public is
indifferent. Most of it cannot be
reached by means available to the
colleges. Minorities in violent op-

".. conserve, present and extend knowledge"

position to collegiate institutions
will not be convinced by mere
"public relations" devices.
What is required are arrange-
ments by which the several im-
portant and politically active pub-
lics can assure themselves that the
colleges promote the long-term
welfare of the whole public. Where
should we begin?
BECAUSE all things cannot be
done at once, we need a stra-

tegy for the employment of limited
resources.
It would seem that much would
be gained by showing special con-
cern for the larger institutions,
especially those which grant sub-
stantial numbers of doctoral de-
grees. These colleges set. the
standards which others follow.
They train the next generation of
college teachers. Their strategic
importance is increased by Lazars-
feld's finding that it is among

KNIT SPORb

their number that the likelihoodG
of incidents, worry, and caution is
highest. -
Fortunately, as we shall see, it
is exactly these pivotal colleges
which are most likely to be in a
position to solve the problem of
public assurance.
One might think, secondly that
there is merit in special efforts to
assure the public concerning the
orientations of liberal arts' col-
leges, and, within them, of those
disciplines which are at once most
concerned with values and re-
moved from immediate public ap-
praisal.
In contrast to that of most pro-
fessional schools, the devotion of
liberal arts' faculties to the public
welfare is not under the intimate
and continuing observation of pro-
fessional organizations and clients
outside the university. While this
is the situation of the liberal arts
disciplines generally, it seems truer
of the humanities than the social
sciences, of mathematics and
physics than of chemistry. Such
considerations suggest criteria for
priority of attention.
BUT HOW SHALL such assur-
ance be organized? Surveil-
lance-by government is unaccept-
able, and fortunately so, in our
free and heterogeneous society.
Boards of trustees, whether pub-
licly elected or not, are only par-
tially capable of affording assur-
ances. They are, first, burdened
with much detailed supervision of
the continuing operation of the in-
stitution and do not have suf-
ficient time for sustained atten-
tion to the effectiveness with
which the college serves the pub-

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