Sixty-Ninth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
"Wheen Opinions Are Free UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Truth Will Prevail" STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8, 1959 NIGHT EDITOR: SUSAN HOLTZER

"Now in This Case, They're All Waiting for a Call"
Ns
96c!:


TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Reunification Now

The University's Product:
Well Molded but Empty?

Dead Issue in Berlin
(EDITOR'S NOTE: Walter Lippmann has just returned from Europe, where
he has taken a first-hand look at the Berlin crisis. This is the second of a
four-part report on the situation.)
By WALTER LIPPMANN
IN YESTERDAY'S article I said that the present German crisis
centers upon the fact that the reunification of the two Germanys
is now recognized as impossible within the foreseeable future. This is
the hub from which, like the spokes on a wheel, radiate all the current
German problems, including the future of Berlin. For reasons which I
shall sketch in this article an understanding of this momentous his-
torical fact is essential to the formation 'of a workable Allied policy.
Until last November, when the Soviet Union precipitated the pres-
ent crisis, it was the official assumption on both sides of the Iron
Curtain that Germany would eventually be reunited with Berlin as its
capital. As late as the summit meeting at Geneva in 1955 the Russians
were still endorsing the idea of German reunification. It is only since
November of last year that Russia has openly and explicitly announced
that its policy is to have two German states.
We would underestimate the weight and impact of the Russian
action if we treated it as a mere example of Mr. Khrushchev's im-
pulsiveness or as a case of bluff. Nor is it correct, so it seems to me,
to regard as the main reason for the Russian action such incidental
and subsidiary factors as the contrast between the brightness of West
Berlin and the drabness of East Berlin, or the embarrassment of the
refugee movement to the West, or even the irritation caused by Western
propaganda and subversive agencies operating from West Berlin. Tile
Soviet Union has lived for years with these things, and the Soviet
Union could go on living with them.
EAST BERLIN is primarily a working class district and the stand-
ard of life has always been notably more drab than in West Berlin,

X
.I

DOES THE University foster anti-intellec-
tualism?
It certainliy does, in that a number of its
methods and institutions pose definite ob-
stacles to creative thought, a prominent fac-
ulty member charged recently.
He referred specifically to methods (em-
ployed here and at other schools as well)
which concentrate student attention on grades
rather than on development of the mind or
even mastery of course content. Chief offend-
ers, presumably, are the examination and
grading procedures themselves.
If this is so, and the creative tendencies of
the student are stifled at Michigan, then the
University is serving a singular disservice to
an already overspecialized and compartmen-
talized world. Philosophers for some thousands
of years have pointed out the pleasures open
to the well-developed mind, until blue in their
respective faces. And today's personnel di-
rectors in industry are only too willing to
hire now and teach on the job, if only the
graduate is capable of learning.
BUT THERE is an important distinction to
be made (which by no means refutes the
professor) between elimination of certain de-
terrents to intellectual development on the
one hand, and positive promotion of it on the
other. For the University is not dealing with
inert matter in the form of incoming stu-
dents but rather, those who by their previous
educational conditioning are unlikely to de-
velop no matter how few obstacles there are.
For evidence, the skeptic need only take a
look at a predominately freshman class in any
department, and hear the products of high
That's Why
"WHY SHOULD I vote? My vote won't mat-
ter," many citizens say.
They should look at Ann Arbor's First Ward.
Its City Council race was won Monday by two
votes out of 1282.
-P. DAWSON

schools the country over, barraging the in-
structor with questions regarding the percen-
tile significance of this quiz, of that bluebook.
And even the enlightened upperclassman,
who has read David Riesman's "The Lonely
Crowd," who is aware of the implications of
the Jacob report, and who wants to be free,
is forced to compete with others for graduate
school or employment in the long-run, and
hence for grades, here and now.
THE TASK facing the University is ponder-
ous. David Riesman and Philip Jacob char-
acterize the University in terms of being sig-
nificantly different from the student's previous
environments. It must shake the newcomers to
the roots of their self-centeredness, and be
tough enough and enthusiastic enough to keep
the pressure up for four years ,or until the
students have acquired impetus of their own.
This concept would need implementation in
the attitude and action of administration and
faculty. They in turn would have to pass it
on, initially at least, through changes in areas
near and dear to student hearts. And this is
where the dissatisfied professor comes in.
Changing the grading system to a hundred
scale, adding plusses and minuses to the pres-
ent five letters, or indicating only passing and
failure all might be a means to this end. Maybe
faculty members could refuse to say how they
graded the course, keeping students from
knowing what to conform to.
Changes of this sort would have their chief
value, however, within the context of a lively
University, one which carried no "gut courses,"
one which thought of its obligation to the state
of Michigan in terms of providing the state
with a fine school rather than being a recep-
tacle for Michiganders who'd like to spend
four years here - in short, one which taught
its students to think.
All of these things the University is now; but
there still is much room for improvement. Un-
til the University comes closer to these ideals,
it is fostering the marketable but not valuable
product of anti-intellectualism.
-THOMAS TURNER

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Nehru's New Outlook

EVER SINCE Red China began to flex her
military muscles, Prime Minister Nehru has
cherished the inseparable combination of
neutrality and security.
Last week the Indian leader was faced with
a "one or the other" decision when the Com-
munists exhibited the Asian brand of that
same ruthlessness forced on the Hungarians
in 1956. With the entire free world belittling
Nehru's desire to remain aloof in the struggle,
the Indian press began to demand action from
their government.
Action came when the prime minister al-
lowed refugees to cross the border into India
and a greater step forward was taken when
the young Dalai Lama was granted political
asylum. Monday, while addressing a news con-
ference, the "former neutralist" launched his
severest attack against the Indian Communist
party.
Bitterly chastizing the party for their con-
duct in the Tibetan affair, Nehru strongly
hinted that he is about to turn his back com-
pletely on the Communists for having "scorned
the deep-rooted sentiment of the Indian people
over Tibet."
IF NEHRU decides to chop down on the Indian
communist party, the move may accelerate
the recent trend toward deterioration of rela-
tions between the governments' in Peiping and
New Delhi.
The change in this case, however, would

have to originate with the Chinese. The In-
dian leader, despite his distrust of the main-
land rulers, isn't likely to risk antagonizing a
powerful neighbor and will probably try to
maintain the, same form of peaceful co-
existence he has continually upheld. Security
demands that he tread a fairly straight and
narrow course.
How the Chinese will choose to deal with
this problem may depend upon the manner
and form of asylum and aid that the Indian
government grants to the Lama and his sub-
jects. Weighing their own goals in the area,
the Chinese could decide to clamp down and
make more stringent demands of the Indian
government.
HOWEVER, the Peiping bosses possible de-
cision to change policy is only a minor likely
result of the Tibet crises. The result that
Western observers hope to see emerging from
the situation is a more realistic Indian ap-
proach to the problem of neutrality vs. align-
ment in the East vs. West conflict.
In every important world problem ranging
from the Suez Canal to the programs for cul-
tural interchange, New Delhi has been the
prime exponent supporter of detachment.
Faced with a problem at home demanding par-
tisan decisions, the India government will
hopefully view neutrality on a ground-floor
level rather than in abstract morality concept.
--CHARLES KOZOLL

CAPITAL COMMENTARY:
Democrats RLI
By WiLLI
WASHINGTON - The soft pur- greatest necessity pr
suit of the 1960 Democratic cause so many of the fI
Presidential nomination is begin- sibles are members oft
ning to provide the most arrest- And as it happens, t
ing political drama of our times. nA naoialpem (
This is an extraordinarily com-
plicated and subtle search for the field, Adlai E. Stevens
Presidency, and no wonder. In self wholly savvy. H
the first place, there is the matter much clear to some o
of sheer numbers. Not in decades paign associates whe
has the field of obvious and po-r
tential aspirants been half so running in 1956 as the
large. nominee.
In the second place, never in The fundamental a
history has that field been so able reality is this: an
overwhelmingly dominated by nominated this time m
United States Senators. The tra- fact that a middle-r
ditional powerhouses at national cratic regency is deepl
conventions, the governors, are control of Congress. T
overshadowed this time, as one of cannot conceivably be
them, Gov. Pat Brown of Califor- in the Senate short of
nia, has himself observed. years and is unlikelyt
* turnturned in the House in
time. This regency, ina
OF THE FIVE young to com- now and will long m
paratively young Democrats who much power that it cou
are now Presidential "possibili- and break any Democr
ties" four are members of the Sen- istration before it had
ate - John F. Kennedy of Mas- months in office.
sachusetts, Hubert H. Humphrey
of Minnesota, Stuart Symington
of Missouri and Lyndon B. John- BY WINNING three
son of Texas. Congressional elections
And in the third place, no party party was losing two
has ever faced a Presidential elec- Presidential elections1
tion with a sharper awareness cratic Congressional
among its top contenders that be- reached a uniquely
ing nominated, and even getting place in that party.
elected, is only a part of the job. Thus, whatever D
There is, way past the necessities nominated for Presid
of nomination and election, an ing his election, will
even more severe necessity, unavoidable necessityt
This is the requirement to be keep some form of
able actually to govern, once a partnership 'with tha
man has reached the top place. His only possible
There is a perhaps unexampled would be to walk into
understanding of this last and House on inauguratio

un Gentle Race
AM S. WHITE

ecisely be-
field of pos-
the Senate.
.e fifth and
er of the
on, is him-
e made as
f' his cam-
en he was
Democratic
nd unalter-
y Democrat
ust face the
oad Demo-
y lodged in.
Phis regency
overturned
f four more
to be over-
n any lesser
a word, has
maintain so
uld paralyze
atic admin-
been three
consecutive
s while the
successive
the Demo-
wing has
dominant
emocrat is
ent, assum-
be under
to seek and
peace and
at regency.
alternative
the White
n day and

embrace the failure of his admin-
istration on the doorstep.
This, then is the special nature
of the difficulty confronted by
the Democrats in the 1960 Presi-
dential test. The Republicans,
though certainly not withodt their
own problems, have none of
equivalent delicacy. Their Con-
gressional party simply has no
power of which any GOP Presi-
dential candidate need be afraid.
ALL THIS IS why the pre-
convention contest on the Demo-
cratic side can accurately be
called a soft pursuit. All present
candidates and hidden candidates
are aware that it would be a hol-
low triumph to gain the nomina-
tion and even the election at the
cost of mortal breaks with the
Congressional party. The Senators
who are in the race - or, like
Johnson, will be in it before the
thing is over - have not served
in the Senate for nothing.
And Stevenson himself is al-
ready so aware, though he never
spent a day in the Senate, because
he understands the true base of
power in the Democratic party.
This is, no doubt, one of the rea-
sons why he has so far resisted all
pressures to move from about the
center of the party over to the
identifiable left.
True, a man may refuse to ac-
cept these realities and may con-
ceivably still be both nominated
and elected as a Democrat. He
will not, however, win real power
in the White House; it will be to
him a costly victory, indeed.
(Copyright 1959, by United
Feature Syndicate, Inc.)

which has always had a large
middle class and many rich people.
Moreover, the Russians, having
drained East Germany for repara-
tions in the years immediately
after the war, fairly recently have
reversed the process and are mak-
ing big investments-estimated by
our economists as having reached
a total of $400,000,000. The rate of
industrial growth in East Ger-
many is believed now to be about
10 per cent per annum, and there
are competent American observers
who say that the standard of life
of working men and farmers is no
longer radically far apart in the
two Germanys.
Nor should we regard the flow of
refugees as a major element in the
Soviet initiative last November.
Traffic between the two parts of
the city of Berlin is quite free. If
the Soviets thought it important,
they could certainly reduce, even
if they could not wholly stop, the
migration from Communist Ger-
many to democratic Germany.
I am dwelling on this because
I am persuaded that if we over-
emphasize the nuisance value of
West Berlin, we shall miss the
chief significance oftthe Soviet
policy. By seizing the initiative
and making the indefinite per-
petuation of a divided Germany
the basis of their policy, the Rus-
sians have a chance to accomplish
two large objectives. One is to
stabilize the East German state
and the satellite orbit by extin-
guishing the hope of adherents to
the West. The other is to con-
found and confuse Dr. Adenauer's
West German state by a spectac-
ular demonstration that his policy
is at a dead end, and that it has
led to the partition of the German
Reich.
THE TWO-GERMANYS policy
which the Russians have adopted
rests finally, of course, upon their
military power. They cannot be
forced out of East Germany at any
calculable military price. But we
would be deceiving ourselves if we
thought that the division of Ger-
many rests only on naked force
thwarting the will of Europe and
of the Western world.
The truth, I believe, is that for
a variety of reasons the prolonged
division of Germany has very wide
support al, over Europe, both East
and West and also within Ger-
many itselr. It is not merely that
Hitler's war is still a living mem-
ory in Europe, and that the fear
of a rearmed and 'reunited Ger-

many exists in London and in
Paris and even in Bonn as well as
in Warsaw and in Moscow.
What we have to take account
of is the fact that in the fourteen
years which have elapsed since the
Allies occupied Berlin and abol-
ished the Nazi government of
Germany, the two Germanys have
grown apart. The Soviet Union on
its side, the Western allies on their
side, have developed powerful, in-
deed compelling interests in main-
taining tie division of Germany.
There is reason to believe that
Khrushchev's action last Novem-
ber had its origin in the uprisings
in east Germany, in Poland and
in Hungary. They occurred after
the summit meeting at Geneva in
1955--when the Soviets still spoke
of reunification. Almost surely the
uprisings convinced the Kremlin
that unless they held tightly to
East Germany, which is like the
cork in the bottle, the whole satel-
lite orbit would liquidate itself.
PARALLEL with this develop-
ment in the East, there have been
developments in the West which
point to the same end-the con-
tinuing division of Germany. One
of these is what is called the
movement "to make Europe" -
which means the movement to in-
tegrate economically, and eventu-
ally politically, the West Germans
within Western Europe. ,This
movement has great economic vi-
tality on the continent. And there
is reason to think that on the
political side it is for many in
the younger generation the one
most attractive ideal that has been
offered to them.
But in this West European cofn-
munity there is no comfortable
place for the East German state,
which vould be very left wing if
not Communist. It is no accident,
but quite logical, that the leaders
of the European movement are
not enthusiastic for German re-
unification. In their hearts they
are in fact opposed to it.
And then there is NATO. Its
strategical structure rests'on the
deployment of the Allied armies in
Western Germany, and on their
reinforcement by a West German
army. There is really not any way
by which this military structure
could be preserved in any conceiv-
able form of a reunited Germany.
Since all the Western allies regard
the NATO shield as indispensable
to their own security, they must
and they do in fact oppose any
German settlement which would
dismantle the military structure in
West Germany.
I do not wish to labor the matter
beyond making the point that be-
neath the official surface Khrush-
chev's policy of two Germanys
finds great resonance in Western
Europe. It is in this context-of a
general concensus that reunifica-
tion is not now practical politics
-that Berlin has become a new
and special problem. In this con-
text a new and special solution of
the Berlin problem has become
necessary It is, I believe, possible
to work out such a solution.
DAILY
OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no edi-
torial responsibility. Notices should
be sent in TYPEwRITTEN. form to
Room 3519 Administration Build-
ing. before 2 p.m. the day preceding
publication. Notices for Sunday
Daily due at 2:00 p.m. Friday.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8, 1959
VOL. LXIX, NO. 130
General Notices
Student Government Council Agen-
da, April 8, 1959, Council Rm., 7:30 p.m.
minutes previous meeting.
Officerreports: President Letters;
Exec. Vice-President-Council vacan-

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'BIGGER AND BETTER' THEME DISCARDED:
Detroit To Start Production of Compact Car

INTERPRETING THE NEWS:
Full Turn of Eastern Wheel

By J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
COULD THE leaders of the United States
and Japan have avoided war in 1941 if they
had understood fundamental pressures in the
lives of the two nations as well as they do
today?
President Dwight D. Eisenhower made an
appeal Saturday for the development of men
with such understanding generally. As an ex-
ample of the type of understanding needed, he
cited the economic relationship between Japan
and southeast Asia.
First he described the need of South Viet
Nam for economic development. He said such
development, enabling the new country to sta-
bilize the lives of its own people as well as its
defenses against the Communists to the north,
was important to the national security of the
United States.
THEN HE SAID that a healthy Japan also
is vital from this standpoint, and cited Viet
Nam's possession of raw materials which could
be used in promoting Japan's need for sale

militarists, saw only one way of accomplish-
ment.
The United States and other nations with
vested interests in the area, such as Britain
and France, instead of suggesting an endless
chain of economic arrangements, saw only one
way of preventing Japanese military expan-
sion.
They applied economic boycott instead of
economic cooperation.
Japan, having acquired Ivanchuria, Korea
and other Far Eastern possessions over pre-
vious years when the United States was unable
to awaken the European powers to the need
of resistance, moved into what was then
French Indochina.
W HEN SHE showed signs of extending this
movement into all southeast Asia, the
Western nations, led by the United States, got
their backs up. Japan, hoping Germany and
Italy would keep the world preoccupied in
Europe, joined the Axis.
War came between nations which had for-
merly cooperated.
Nwew hP. + 1 a.1 rn Arl eii un_ nd th+e.

By DAVID BLOOMGARDEN
Daily Staff Writer
THIS FALL, the American pub-
lic will witness the inception of
a new automotive cycle.
The race to manufacture a big-
ger, faster, and heavier auto is
slowing. Detroit is now preparing
to produce a more compact and
economical vehicle.
As of now, only Studebaker-
Packard and American Motors
produce small cars (i.e., around
108 in. wheelbase). However, bar-
ring changes in the small car
market, Ford, General Motors and
Chrysler Corporations plan to in-
troduce an economy car later this
year, but none appears anxious to
make the first official announce-
ment.
TO CUT into the small car
market, the Big Three have de-
vised a simple formula - build a
cheaper car than the current "low
price three," by squeezing down
on the size. Other changes will in-
clude exclusive use of six cylinder
engines and eventual elimination
of the hump by combining trans-
mission with rear axle.
The manufacturers will also de-
crease car weight through wide
snread uo nf alminmium in bodis.

DETROIT is finally succumb-
ing to the small car's popularity.
Many new auto buyers are de-
manding the operation economy
and low initial price of foreign
and certain domestic cars.
George Romney, president of
American Motors, recently called
the Big Three the "best salesmen'
for his product. Ford, Chrysler,
and General Motors have been
giving the driver progressively
larger automobiles loaded wi'

costly extras. Consequently the
initial costs have risen beyond
many new car buyers' means.
As a result of "gas guzzling"
and high prices, many new car
buyers have been forced into pur-
chasing a small car. And with the
rising demand, it appears that
few of the original little car buy-
ers have given adverse reports to
their friends.
th BUT AMERICANS aren't the

only ones not buying Detroit's
"monsters." The foreign market
for new American autos has be-
come almost non-existent. The
only American automobiles at-
tracting attention are used ve-
hicles - and the 'only country
where these are selling well is
Sweden.
However, it is unlikely that the
big car market will disappear.
Many in the industry, believe the
sale of large cars will not fluc-
tuate. Rather it is thought that
the medium-priced lines, already
losing ground to Chevy, Ford and
Plymouth, will be the most seri-
ously hit by this influx of the
compact car.
Romney has said that the en-
trance of the Big Three in the
small car field will have the effect
of expanding the compact car
market.Consequently small auto
sales "should reach an annual
rate of three million by 1963,"
predicted the boss of American
Motors.
Detroit has been quite hesitant
to confirm production of the com-
pact car, probably fearing an in-
terference in 1959 car sales. It
apparently doesn't realize that
this lack of confirmation is also

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