Seventy-eight years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan under authority of Board in Cortrol of Student Publications 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552. Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers - for the editors, This must be noted in all reprints. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 13, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: STEVE NISSEN Ray- trial security measures: Balancig civil liberties THE LEGAL profession's concern for the rights of defendents has gotten out of hand.' Not the concern for protectirig a de- fendent from bullying or coercion by po- lice, prosecutors, or judiges, but the legiti- mate concern for preventing pretrial publicity from prejudeing a jury. I1 The issue arose after the Supreme Court overturned the murder conviction of Dr.. Sam Shepard on the grounds that pre- trial publicity in Cleveland newspapers made it impossible for him to obtain a, fair trial. Following that decision, t h e Free Press and ,Fair Trial committee of the American Bar Association began an intensive. study Of the problem. Its report, t h e so-called Reardon Report, recom- mended a number of restrictions on in- formation that could be released before a trial by lawyers and prosecutors. MOST NEWSPAPERMEN thought that the Reardon Report itself placed re- strictions on the press which were in vio- lation of the First Amendment guaran- tee of freedom of the press. When the Bar Association presented the Reardon Report to the Michigan Supreme Court for incorporation into official Michigan court procedure, the Court unanimously rejected the report as placing undue re- striction on a free press. Lately, however, judges have been im- posing restrictions on the press which go even further than the report intended. A good case in point is the upcoming trial of James Earl Ray for the murder of Dr. Martin Luther King. It is true that there has been some pre- judicial publicity about Ray (references to him as "the murderer of King" keep slipping into print). It is also true that in view of the circumstances, unusual secur- ity precautions are indeed called for. BUT THE RESTRICTIONS imposed by Judge W. Preston Battle go far beyond the requirements of the case and seem intended more to muzzle the press than to protect Ray. For example, Battle has restricted the working press to o n 1 y 42 seats in the courtroom, with 38.of them assigned per- manently and four of them given out on a rotating basis. There are 1,500 daily newspapers, not to mention wire services, networks and countless radio a n d TV' stations in the country and obviously a lot of people were left out. Those who got left out include the New York Daily News, the country's largest circulation daily; the Washington Post, one of the most influential newspapers in the United States; and the New York Post. The judge has also ordered stringent security measures for the trial, including the searching of all spectators, reporters and lawyers each time t h e y enter the courtroom. The controversial Canon 18' of the ABA baning photographers from courtrooms has been taken one step fur- ther by Judge Battle. He has banned all photographers f r o m the courthouse grounds and has also banned all sketch artists from the courtroom. THE PURPOSE of these restrictions is somewhat unclear, since the man who should be most concerned with the pro- tection of R a y, defense counsel Percy Foreman, has vehemently objected and has informed the judge that he does not intend to. allow himself to be searched. Perhaps Judge Battle thinks he better serves Ray's interest than Ray's attorney. Or perhaps he is just somewhat overim- pressed w i t h his own importance and powers and is attempting to use the Ray trial to go further than anyone has gone before. In any case, the restrictions imposed by Battle are inimical not only to the First Amendment rights of the press but to the Sixth Amendment right of the defendant to a public trial.' BALANCING THE RIGHTS of defend- ants to free trials against the right of the public to know raises complex issuesa which can only be resolved by a careful' concern for the interests of all. That bal- ancing is under consideration now in ev- ery courthouse and city room in America. Judge Battle's contributions seem to add little to the efforts at reaching a fairand wise reconciliation. I' Pr obing the school mth By ANN MUNSTER and WALTER SHAPIRO WHENEVER challenged by crit- ics on the left, the architects of our foreign aid program point with pride to all the schoolhouses that American money is building throughout the underdeveloped world. And while the critics may dis- missthe aid officials' statistics as propaganda, they never question the ultimate desirability of build- ing U.S.-styled schools all over Latin America. This failure to even question the humanitarian value of plant- ing school houses like a modern Johnny Appleseed is highly symp- tomatic of the prevailing tendency not to questioncertain basic as- sumptions which underlie our foreign policy. This stubborn refusal to deal with underlying premises is the focus of the visit to campus this week by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Ivan Illich, radical Catholic leader and expert on Latin America. MSGR. ILLICH'S main purpose is to force us to re-examine our facile presuppositions about the role of schooling and its educa- tional value. He particularly ques- tions the validity of transplanting the institutions of a "schooled" society to a non-schooled culture. The brunt of his attack on America's role in the underde- veloped world is born by the at- tempt to transplant our school system, a perhaps superfluous by- product of 100 years of capitalist development to Latin American nations "which are just beginning to acquire the rudiments of tech- nological innovation and which are burdened by a large indigent population. In discussing education, Msgr. Illich keeps harking back to the distinction between schooling and education. ALTHOUGH he admits that "it sounds nutty," the crux of Msgr. Illich's concern is the question, "how can education be institution- alized without recourse to what we now call schools." Msgr. Illich feels that the root of the evil in the school system lies in the non-critical acceptance of schools, ostensibly the mere ve- hicles of education, which has left us without even the vocabu- lary to discuss education outside the context of schools. In 1961, Msgr. Illich helped found the Centro Intercultural de Documentacion in Guernavaca, Mexico, which he considers to be the only "free university" in the western hemisphere. The school, which serves as a language training center for for- eign missionaries assigned to Latin America, is primarily an activist organization seeking to foster rapid social change by offering courses and sponsoring research on Latin America. While Msgr. Illich explains that he is "objecting to the religion of schooling," it should not be con- strued to mean that he holds any perverse vendetta against either schools or educators. In talking about Latin America he says "the most generous, the best, the most socially conscious people join the school system." HE MAKES it abundantly clear that some schooling is worse than none at all. "One thing that everyone learns in school is the superiority of one who is schooled over one who isn't," he explains. Since the myth is prevalent that schooling i available to all who want it, the idea quickly gains currency "that anyone who has been excluded from schooling is guilty of having dropped out." And, as Msgr. Illich points out, "It is extremely skillful if an elite succeeds in propagating a belief system that makes anyone excluded from the elite guilty of his own exclusion." MSGR. ILLICH'S answer to this dilemma is an attempt to de- mythologize education. The start- ing point, must 'b'e to "ask our- selves how the hell we got hung up on schooling." What Msgr. Illich has to offer is a thorough-going skepticism that is willing to examine under- lying principles, rather than a master plan for the future. He candidly admits, "I'm not a dreamer in that I know what I want to do." Rather he is deeply concerned at present in elaborating "a lan- guage in which we can speak about education without contin- uous references to schooling." He goes on to say that "we can do nothing that is radical enough to bring us near to universal edu- cation until we develop categor- ies of discussion.". While talking with Msgr. Illich convinces one of the need to de- velop a vocabulary to discuss edu- cation separate 'from schooling, the absence of just this language lends an understandable vague-, ness to exactly what this educa- tional skeptic wants. AT ONE JUNCTURE he speaks of education as meaning "grow- ing independence, freedom and aliveness while also gaining ac- cess to stored social memories without one process hurting the other." It is hard to go from these rather abstract concepts to an understanding of exactly what educational approaches would be best for the underdeveloped world. Yet while Msgr. Illich declines to outline solutions, he does1 give some hints as to which ways his thinking is currently going. One suggestion is that we rid ourselves of the timetables which we have currently decreed for the educa- tional process. Another idea which he throws out is the notion that industry mightebe restructured to educate as well gas to produce goods as cheaply as possible. And he sug- gests that perhaps industry's ef- ficiency should be measured ac- cording to these goals. BUT ANSWERS are not what Msgr. Ivan Illich is bringing to Ann Arbor this week. He sees his role as raising the underlying, iconoclastic questions. And the' implications of Msgr. Illich's ques- tions far transend the problems of education in a Latin American context. Msgr. Illich has shown that if exportation of our educational system, one of the most univer- sal, innocuous and best-inten- tioned aspects of our culture, is so fraught with unintentional so- cial consequences, the danger of our attempting to impose other Western values on underdeveloped cultures is even graver. He demonstrates to us how deeply important it is to gear aid and charity to the vastly different social structures of the under- developed world. It is obvious that much of what Msgr. Illich is saying about trans- porting our school system to the less developed nations has impli- cations for the problems of edu- cation in our own urban ghettoes. MOREOVER, he reminds us how much we too are caught up in the liberal scholastic myths. And it is at least therapeutic for us, huddled in our academic eii- blaves, to ask ourselves how much of our educational structure is devoted to the rites ofhthis aca- demic priesthood and how, much of our actions are really moti- vated toward education. Though no answers may be in sight, we may at least hope the question-raising and de-mythol- ogization might of itself be a creative process. -NEAL BRUSS- The Movement: Shell O purit THE HERBERT MARCUSE HORROR SHOW drives the young crazy,. Imagine: Humphrey and Nixon, with that style of shouting sin- cerity only they can get away with, testify on the same day to separate audiences of varicose ladies and their husbands that they, Nixon and Humphrey, are "doing their own thing." No doubt Nixon, in his Inaug- ural Address will tell America how he plans "to make a revolution." The young have jitters. The pigs are stealing their best lines. Poli- ticians use and thereby contaminate their rhetoric. Advertising clowns use good, heavy, surly, bad rock & roll music to sell toothpaste. Andy Williams will have a freak-out light show. In comes the mass media, to mull over and then make verbal ham- burger out of the ideas, styles and aspirations o youth. No wonder youth gets migraine headache from watching its heroes get contracted and packaged for K Mart or the political arena. So the final anathema youth has is: You have copped out, You have sold out. Disillusionment is more painful than deliberatebetrayal. Youth is sucker to its own faith. THE HERBERT MARCUSE HORROR SHOW of co-optation and adoption is real enough. So real any kid in the Movement may find to his horror that he gets a job offer from his most banal enemy. Or some rock roll star may hear his music deloused for department store Muzak. In the Marcuse Horror Show one loses whatever identity one thought one had, and becomes most similar to that which one most despised. Youth will have to live with this, if not find good ways of fighting it Youth will have to learn some tricks. For example, suggests Ann Arbor poet Al Silverman, youth might develop a cult of the lopotomy, sugggsting lobotomies are better trips than LSD. The cult would eagerly be co-opted by establishment devils who would go one better than youth and get themselves lobotomized, thus rendering themselves as placid as play dough. BUT A MORE serious-minded method for fighting the Marcuse Horror Show is for youth to abandon the illusion of purity, which for the purpose of this article will be called the Tim Buckley Phenomenon. One listens to Tin Buckley in song, constantly saying goodbye to that which is old and corrupt and banal and smiling hello to that which is young, universal and, well, pure. Buckley is constantly lighting his purest candle (his purest candle, that's his phrase) for some hobo with whom he wants to talk. The hobo, understandably, never stops at Buck- ley's house. "Turn to stone," Buckley cries in reply. No one should ridicule Buckley's art, for it is surely among the most poignant and powerful experiences of our time. But part of that power and poigancy lives off of the illusion of purity, which youth will have to learn it simply cannot afford. THIS PURITY has nothing to do with sex or swearing or anything like that. It has to do with experience. Youth ishooked on the illusion that his experience is pure. A kid grows up in America. Let's not talk about the exceptions who walk to school barefoot through five miles of snow. Instead let's talk about the upper middle class children, your friends and mine, who, are the youth movement. Further let's not talk about their parents giving them not love, but everything money could buy. Let's also think about the experiences of youth instead of picturing youth as plants which can be watered with Ovaltine or bile to grow accordingly. BRIEFLY, what's important about the experience of Youth in this context is his purity. Youth has been fed and tested and educated and clothed and little leagued and libraried all his life. He has been trained to believe in his own goodness and potential,as if he need only find the right, vocation and the right mate and life would be forever a pre-estab- lished orgasm of sweetness. Youth is not mean. Youth never gets into rumbles, never has to scramble to survive. When Youth does get ar- rested for shoplifting or something, the authorities seek to adjust him; no one swears at him or beats him around. If a kid ever manages to act up his antics are viewed by parents and authorities as extraneous - from his purity. So the kid grows up believing that he is pure, that the world ex- ists to serve his purity. There's no such thing as a bad bow, says the great father image of us all. So there isn't any bad in any boy, we in the youth movement derive for our own case. WHEN YOUTH comes to make his revolution, years after the little league, he still believes in purity. He believes his cause is perfect, so he is shocked when he has trouble organizing for the Movement. Even more, he is shocked when he gets clubbed or beaten up by police or counter-demonstrators. He talks of revolution, but at no time will he allow the thought to cross his mind that revolution will have much to do with controlling the army. He talks of disruption, of taking to the streets, in short of actively confronting the state. But when some state officials take his threat seriously, he backs off into talk of love, as if angry thoughts never crossed his mind. Youth likes to think of itself as fighter, but he can, never imagine himself thought of by anyone as the enemy. That is because Youth believes in the illusion of his own purity. FURTHER: Youth spends hours and hours in meetings, brain- storming for Movement activities. He gets great ideas, but the ideas never come to anything. One reason for this is that Youth doesn't recognize how incredibly difficult it would be to do what he things up. Youth also wants a pure Movement, he doesn't want to make mistakes of the Old Left or anyone else. So Youth is often so careful about his choices that he never gets around to doing anything. No wonder then some Youths walk away from the youth Move- ment reeling and disillusioned after months of marathon meetings and little accomplishment. Youth expects it to come easy. The illusion of purity leads to the politics of the long rap. RELATED IS YOUTH'S attitude toward experience. Youth talks only of the pleasures of various kinds of dope, of the orgasmic con- sciousness of the trip. In doing so, Youth misses the other half of the experience: the cost. Youth never really thinks about the amounts of energy he must bring to his trips. When he finds himself depressed and weak-kneed at some quiet time after ecstacy, he knows. not why. The illusion of purity makes youth blind to the costs of pleasure. Further related: Youth does not know about discipline. He thinks of it only in terms of the totalitarianism of others. Rarely does he as- pire to discipline himself. So youth hovers over scenes, picking out the morsels, living with a vague feeling that he isn't accomplishing any- thing. The illusion of purity leads to a false and dangerous motto; "What's best comes to the mind automatically." Youth finds that his mind is as big as all outdoors. He- has, how- ever, some unsettling doubts about his body. Actually, youth doesn't know much about his body. He probably hasn't used it much so he can't quite imagine it working or dancing or fighting or dying. He abuses his body with nighters and never gets around to exercising it; Youth finds he has problems appreciating sex. So he buys the most interesting Grove paperback he can find on oriental varieties of inter- course. What he wants to know of his body he thinks he can know through his mind. The illusion of purity provides a false aesthetic: if it sweats it is not very nice. UNFORTUNATELY this all sounds like the foul mutterings of some mindless old jerk who would never spare the rod and spoil the !M 4 4 4' 4 --STEVE WILDSTROM Managing Editor ANOTHER OPINION Support for a student regent IT SEEMS the governing board of Van- derbilt University has made room for a student, a senior, who will take his place. at all meetings and presumably have a say in the formulation of policy. Said Vandy's clancellor: "It will bring t h e trustees +close to the contemporary life of the campus." When the news broke, one coed sug- gested that student dissenters no longer would be able to "keep the governing board as a 'pure hate object.' This takes a lot of wind out of our sails." We think the Vanderbilt plan has a lot, going for it, though not for the reason the coed suggested. What is student power if it isn't represented on the governing board? We doubt if University President Robben Fleming would object to a stu- dent regent here, and what better way to show good faith with the student com- munity. Whether this individual is chosen by. the campus-wide election or appointed or picked by some other appropriate means we leave to some 1 a t e r consensus. As things stand now, a student has no chance of being elected to the board of regents. TE IMPORTANT THING is that a stu- dent sit on the board of regents. The Important thing is that the regents bene- fit from his advice and complaints. Again, We leave to a later consensus whether he should be given a full vote on matters to come before the board. We realize the difficulty of one student, or even five, seeking to represent a some- times sharply divided university com- i munity. Obviously the student regent could not please all student groups all of the time. But that's better than having no representation on the board at all, which is the case today, And if it's ascer- tained that a majority of students don't care for the idea of a student regent, the plan can be quietly dropped and the Uni- versity is no worse off for having made the proposal. -THE ANN ARBOR NEWS Nov, I1, 1968 SGC eections TODAY IS THE SECOND and final day of elections. Students are voting for four at-large members to Student Government Council. The Daily Senior Editors have en- dorsed Larry Deitch, Mary Livings- ton, Howard Miller and Bruce Wil- son. All four are excellent candidates with -thoughtful and concrete sug- gestions for SGC's future direction. The Senior Editors rated Mike Farrell a n d Mark Rosenbaum ac- ceptable. Rated unacceptable were Jack ' Brand, William Eldridge, Dale Jur- cisi, Roger Keats, Michael Modelski and Douglas Morris. SGC is at a crossroads. The issues coming before Council in the next few months will affect the interests of every student. We urge you to vote in this election. Squishy soft' on Greek fascism By STEVE KOPPMAN REECE'S MILITARY rulers have gotten some more healthy pats on the back from Uncle Sam. In addition to electing Spiro Agnew vice-president, the United States has resumed heavy arms shipments to Greece. The resumption was implement- ed as part of our responsibility to NATO, which was founded by the U.S. and itst allies 19 years ago to defend "the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law." It brought an end to the United States' barely detectable resistance to the dictatorship which seized control of Greece 18 months ago. The coup which brought the junta to power took place shortly before a scheduled election ' in which the Center Union party, led by George Papandreou and his son, Andreas, was expected to win decisively. The party had angered the Greek "establishment" by call- ing for the removal of rightist army officers, reduction in royal power, and sweeping social re- forms. IT HAD ALSO distressed Amer- ican representatives by demanding an end to flagrant American inter- ferene in Greek government, and a more independent foreign policy. Now it is widely believed that the fascistic nature of the regime. Freedom and speech, press and assembly are nonexistent. Soldiers dominate every ministry of gov- ernment. Independent organiza- tions have been brought under state domination or disbanded. One junta member said that elections would take place "over my dead body." A MANCHESTER Guardian reporter early this year claimed he couldn't find anyone uncon- nected with the government who approved of the new regime. Yet, it is likely that some Greeks do support it. It has brought greater economic stability, balanced the budget, curbed inflation somewhat and ended the strikes which plagued Greece also. But opposition to the govern- ment has -become visible. Along the funeral route of George Pa- pandreou (who died last week at the age of 80 after an ulcer opera- tion) thousands of Greeks voiced their opposition to the military regime, shouting slogans of de- fiance and democracy. The police used remarkable restraint, arrest- ing only a few especially noisy demonstrators. One who has not been restrain- ed is A. Panaghoulis,convicted last week of attempting to as- sassinate George Papadapolous leader of the regime. States support for the dictatorship is likely to lead to another Viet- nam in Greece." In this sense the case of Greece is not an isolated one. It serves to point out the sanction given by our government to repressive regimes around the world. The trend toward military ' dic- tatorships is gaining, especially in Latin America. Three-quarters of that area now lives under such governments. The latest victim, was Peru, Our tolerance and aid toward these regimes can only serve to further this trend. The results of last Tuesday's election give no comfort to those looking for a change in this poli- cy. Nixon's stance has been to favor anti-communist govern- ments of any type. Agnew is re- portedly a strong supporter of the Greek junta. IT SEEMS our policy has be- come so perverted that we are now considered the champions of a fascistic regime in Europe. In 1947, the Truman Doctrine, which gave the reasons for Amer- ican involvement in Greece, con- trasted two ways of life. One was "based on the will of the majority, free elections and freedom from political oppression. The other "re- lies upon terror and oppression and suppression of personal free- 4 e j Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, MVihigan, 420 Maynard St Ann Arbor, Michigan. 48104 Daily except Monday~ during regulaIr academi^. schoolr WALLACE IMMEN ................... News Editor CAROLYN MIEGEL Associate Managing Editor DANIEL OKRENT................... Feature Editor PAT O'DONOHUE ................... News Editor WALTER SHAPIRO ......Associate Editorial Director HOWARD KOHN......... Associate Editorial Director I