Mt 3fI i DaiI J Seventy-eight years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications "We shall begin the twenty-third General Assembly with a reading of what's left of the U.N. Charter ... There 's aJohn in yourfuture 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Doily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: MARCIA ABRAMSON Big Ten Duckn1 TRUE TO ITS CREED of convenience before conscience, the Big Ten mis- placed its emphasis in the investigation of athletics at Michigan State and Michigan. Last February The Daily listed several special privileges accorded athletes at the two universities.h Big Ten officials dutifully called for a probe, a fine and nxoble gesture. But the content of the investigation, the last part of which was revealed yesterday, turned out to be limited to a systematic run- down on each allegation, and the intent, of Big Ten officials was. apparently to uncleverly whitewash each charge by pretending nothing happened. In this context the investigations, were merely a waste of time. By failing to con-, front the legality of athletic' privileges, the conference gives them tacit approval and thus adds to the growth of inter-, collegiate' professionalism.. It is clear that the conference has sadly abrogated its responsibility. The burgeon- ing business of intercollegiate athletics has birthed a hypocrisy in which sports are held up as wholesome education while the dehumanizing of players and coaches is concealed. IDEALLY THE BIG TEN could have redefined the r6le of college sports by eliminating the Madison Avenue show- manship Eand the Wall Street competi- tion. This would have reduced the signi- ficance of won-lost records and again made sports a recreation. In some perverse sense, there may be redeeming features to the Big Ten find- ing of "not guilty." At least it avoided a hunt for scape- goats. After the publicity of the infamous Illinois.slush fund in 1967 the conference,. had to crucify three coaches to regain respect in intercollegiate circles. Nothing except the dictates of cor- porate economics could excuse the cal- lousness of the Illinois ?case. Because of the dollar-and-cents nature of intercol-' legiate athletics, giving a player extra spending. money (as at Illinois) has be- come just as much a function of a coach as teaching place-kicking. report: the punch O N C E A N ATHLETIC department awards a scholarship to an athlete solely because- of physical ability, all of the other rewards of professionalism are implicit in that bargain. And if the athletic departments do not openly provide those benefits, alumni and merchants will. Athletic scholarships, which were the subject of heated debates in the early 1950's, marked the first juncture at which the Big Ten departed from athletic amateurism. Before 1957 the Big Ten had offered scholarships only on the basis of need. Painfully aware of this tinge of profes- sionalism, the conference has been care- ful to groom an academics-before-ath- letics image since then. But the pressures of bigtime sports have often tempted coaches and players to bend, if not break, those rules. The responsibility for such crass pres- sures rests clearly with intercollegiate athletics in general and the conference in particular. Judging by the crude off- handedness of its investigations, appar- 'ently the conference has not the courage or honesty to accept this. TIE UNIVERSITY'S athletic depart- ment is now faced with an unnerving dilemma.J' Should it continue to ignore the de-. humanizing effects of corporate athletics and justify football as an outlet for real and vicarious aggression? Or should it acknowledge the cruel realities of intercollegiate professionalism and try to engineer a conference-wide 'change? Certainly few, if any of the other Big Ten schools would be willing to follow the second alternative. And the unwrit- ten consequences 'of such an individual rebellion would be a lurid prospect for any University administrator. But soon the issue will by undoubt- edly lost among a pile of $6-tickets and the shouts for the firing of Bump Elliott. And everyone will have missed the point. -HOWARD KO1IN Associate Editorial Director -DAVID WEIR Sports Editor If i 11 a b = ' %" % : -nd a Triu"" * Rcsi to " Sy.dicatt I . T ationale for. disruption MONDAY NIGHT at Rackham. The freak-out scene finally moved off of South 'U' and came onto campus in a bizarre study in cultural confrontation. Inside, straight-laced professors and wives lapped up the drivel in a a ceremony that was a microcosm of everything radical students find disgusting about this University. And, not surprisingly, the stu- dents outside lived up to their reputation as a bunch of do-noth- ing protesters and "freaks" who have nothing better' to do with themselvesithansit around and j'eer at their elders- The scene was confrontation through contrast. Inside, drab grey administrators spewed forth verbal baloney 'as they rewarded drab gray professors for "out- standing achievement." Outside, brightly colored "hippies" with red ribbons in their leair present- sed baloney .sandwis to the crowd, merely for being there. And being people. We need more of it. Fleming, glib and friendly as usual, gave a good analysis of the state of the University. He talked about what the University needs: more money, more facilities. In- anamate objects. His speech showed why our rhe- toric is unnecessary, why we no longer need to talk about the Uni- versity as a factory where hpman needs are subordinated to the de- mands of a technocratic society. The half-bemused, half-disgusted looks on the faces of the faculty davidI duboff as they watched us dancing in the lobby made the point clearly enough. I CAN'T LOOK u p n freeing yourself as silly. When the powers inside turn off the power outside so that harmless students can't groove to their music, this upsets me in the gut. Culturally, it's as brutal as what the University is doing in Thailand. Stopping class- ified research and grooving in the lobby of Rackham are all part of re-humanizing the University, and they must go hand in hand. I have had enough of so-called "constructive" organizing t h a t fails to realize t h a t politics is merely an extension of the way we lead our lives. Liberating the lob- by of Rackham was enjoyable, and therefore meaningful- Because we did it openly and publicly, it was highly political. It was only un- constructive within the constipat- ed, middle-class value system I was there to protest. WHAT HAPPENED at Rackham was merely a forceful example of the way in which the University frustrates every attempt by stu- dents to liberate themselves. Dis- tributing free food on the Diag violates University rules. Chanting at faculty meetings violates Uni- versity rules. Drawing pictures on the walls "of classrooms violates University rules. We don't need to make "issues" out of t h es e absurd rules; we should just violate them because they are so absurd. If our actions seem absurd to those whose de- humanized culture is destroying the world daily, we have begun to make a start toward desanctify- ing that culture. After the Rackham freak-out, I did some "guerrilla leafletting," distributing free Resistance liter- ature and buttons in restaurants around campus. People stopped me and asked if I was part of the Jesse James Gang. Free food, free music and free literature go together, and, the idea turns people on. It reaffirms my faith in, the value of cultural. absurdity, By RON LANDSMAN JOHN LINDSAY has fallen upon bad days. The one-time and possi- ble darling of idealistic college youth, the man once not stigmatized by even the threat of the taunt of "sell-out." is now, if not in disrepute, at least not in glowing favor in these parts. He is regarded as a politician, an American politician to be exact, an epithet not handed out with much kindness. He operates within the system, he meets its demands, he goes by its rules. "Unacceptable" seems to be the feeling now. In a very informal although perfectly random cheek around the Diag to see what the folks thought, a group of clean-cut, blond and for all the world respectable Republican-type students was approached for inquiry. "John Lindsay? Campus hero? Oh, come off it." "Try Che," one blue-eyed fellow mentioned, and another suggested Mao. Not all the students talked to were quite that extreme in their view. The dominant view was "He's ok, but who cares?" The complaint against Lindsay was not aimed at his specific pol- tics or personality but at the American political scene as a whole. It was not a function of Lindsay's failings as an ultraliberal or a leader, but at his membership in a system which is misdirected and uncorrect- able. BUT COMPARED against any other liberal American political leader of any name - from Ted Kennedy to Eugene McCarthy - Lindsay fares well. No one hasthe same breadth of appeal that Lind- say does, Not only does he possess a political philosophy that is agreeable to the left liberals, but he commands respec't as well for his administrative and' practical skills, for his ability to get the work done. Lindsay is knwn and' liked, and when students return to politics- possibly four years from now - Lindsay may well be their man.' The question of what will hap- pen in the meantime is difficult, s.ha to say the least. The path that has brought Lindsay to prominence now is a tortuous one, one that the taker can not always control to his satisfaction. What if New York blows its cool? W h a t if the strikes get worse and Lindsay must become oppressive to save the city? What if he is defeated for re-election as mayor next year, or can't take the New York senato ial seat away from Goodell? All of these factors affect John Lindsay's political future. THE MOST PRESSING issue is the urban crisis,It is there that John Lindsay has shown his 'greatest success and there that he may suffer his worst defeat. "What happens," we must ask, "if New York blows up next year?" The question can not - and never does - get a, straight answer. It is treated for the most part with incredulity. No one who ever had to face a riot had the record Lindsay does before the riot struck, and so it is difficult to assess by analogy what he would do. The general, proportional approach - the more liberal to start with the more liberal to stay, even if there is some kind of swing to the right - seems to apply. Somehow, the political effect of a riot does not seem to be as po- tent* as the heat and violence of the riot itself would imply. Three years - from the time Lindsay may leave City Hall to when he will probably. make his strong bid for a presidential nomination"- will turn events into vague memories and effectively dull the passions that a riot would arouse. THERE IS ANOTHER question apart from urban problems that, in the long run, may be the deciding factor to guarantee Lindsay sup- port in the future. It is here that John Lindsay deserves, if not praise to the sky, at least vigorous support for the most liberaland humane policy of any major political leader. His opposition to military solutions on both fronts is unexcelled. At home, his views on militarism are reflected in his relationship with the New York Police Department. No mayor of any American city has made the attempt - and succeeded so well - at running his own city's police department. It is a strange inconsistency in American politics that while there is a clear mandate in the Constitution that the military be subservient to the civilian authority, no such attitude applies to the domestic forc- es. It is considered an over-extension of a mayor's authority for him to attempt to control his police department. Thus, Lindsay has been' forced into making sounds as though Po- lice. Commissioner Howard Leary were in complete control, while it is clear to those in the know that the mayor has had a strong unofficial affect on the department's conduct. Lindsay's views on Vietnam - as dovish as any senator's - com- bined with his handling of the police department, should be a reliable indicator of what Lindsay would do with the Defense Department if he were President. And it is now he would handle the Defense Depart- ment that may beone of the most' ihportant measures of the man's potentialities as President. THE CONSTANT and increasing role of the military, its growing domination of the national budget and its increasing role in determin- ing American governmental policy, is a threat and a question which must be settled in favor of the American public - and whether the public always realizes it or not, in the long run increasing militarzation is not in its best interest. The precedents Lindsay is setting today both in New York City and in his speeches on U.S. foreign policy are laying a strong ground- work for his role as the peace candidate of 1972. Right now Lindsay's popularity with youth is suffering from their general political alienation; but were this disenchantment to end, the latent enthusiasm of the young could propel the New York mayor all the way to the White House 4 T he By WALTER SHAP ' Associate Editorial Di ? c 'IRO irector UESDAY'S HEADLINES blared, .Wallacecampaign pulls large crowds in Lansing. Flint." There is consensus among the pollsters that Wallace has the sup- port of over 20 per cent of the voters. Yesterday's announcement that "bomb them back to the Stone Age" General Curtis Le ay had agreed to become Wallace's running-mate has added a-'new respectability to the third.party campaign and symbolized its transcendence of its racist origins.' All these portents indicate that it is time to begin to take Wallace seri- ously. Folowing the tepid Republican Convention and the trculent Dem- ocratic rump gathering in Chicago, many resolved to ignore this year's election and leave. Humphrey and Nixon to cavort for the votes of the knaves and fools. But as the Wallace tent show has continued to crisscross the heart- land' of America, 'it has generated an upheaval that cannot be ignored by even those sated. with politics. THE REALLY frightening thing about the former Alabama Governor's campaign is not the,-extremity of hisr views, but our own total inability to gauge or appreciate the appeals of the Wallace movement. For the past several months news- papers and magazines have been filled with accounts by ordinarily good journalists who have gone to Wallace rallies and left totally un- able to comprehend the hidden magic of this unprecedented campaign. It's easy to gauge the niotives and emotions of the growingly pathetic Hubert Humphrey. There are even thQP-wn an mm .thiv e, urit th tilacites. A Many of the concerned in our aca- haphazai demic cloisters and liberal enclaves liefs whi have fallen upon that last refuge of of their the articulate uncomprehending- complex . armchair sociology. For y harbored THERE IS A CERTAIN patron- the rejec izing smugness in attempting tol ex- for bein plain the alleged political deviance moderati of almost a quarter of the electorate. For in But it, seems likely that any theory tent we which attempts to go beyond the "Commu simplistic "Wallace is a racist" many aN equation can only bring us closer to that the understanding this impenetrable po- this omr litical crusade. there an Perhaps the best approach is to re- Asia. gard the Wallace legions as the un- The r informed and the half-informed re- ng our volting against an age of deepening new meas complexity. means Many Wallace supporters, whose SIMIL acquaintance with the news - is convince id a ch a inst eve ears [a l ction g w ion. .stan ords nist veraf re is nipot id w atris boys nint your ARI the symplathetic t best, have political be- gle to stretch his paycheck, that there re merely the summation are important sociological reasons tinctive reactions to the why the residents of the black ghetto nts of the times, are worthy of spescial attention. For these Wallacites have what is often decried as racism is atent resentment against merely 'a, simplistic, but well-moti- of their political beliefs vated, attempt to explain the style ell beyond respectable of life of the ghetto. It is difficult to be sympathetic to ice, the emotionally po- looters when you are 'struggling to "war" "enemy" and keep up the payments on your tele- s" instinctively 1 e a d vision set. It is hard to understand ge Americans to believe the cries of "police brutality" when something wrong when your brother-in-law works 60 hours tent nation can't get in a week on the force. in the war in Southeast In brief, what the Wallace cam- paign representsiisda manifestation otic cant about support- of some of the inadequacies of uni- in Vietnam takes on a versal sufferage in a deeply complex. g when "our boys" really era. Sson." For after years of political com- LY, IT IS difficult to placency, the "little people" under man who has to strug- therWallace banner are trying to en- force their simplistic perceptions on. the nation's policy-makers. BEFORE ONE PLUNGES into a kind of political elitism as a defense against the mushrooming Wallace movement, it is therapeutic to ex- amine the political history of the past generation. Since the Second World War, mili- tary and social policies have been - ' formulated in growing isolation from popular opinion by an emerging army of technocrats who achieved their finest flower during the Pentagon reign of Robert McNamara. The dangers of this dehumanized expertise are illustrated by the Olym- pian prouncement of Defense Secre- tary McNamara a few years back, "By every quantitative measure available, we are winning the war in Vietnam." There is something far more frightening about the calculating coldness of a defense department ortra it kinship remains even when one realizes that the Wallace supporter is prosaic at best and quite likely a thorough-going anti-intellectual. Domestically it is far easier to re- late spiritually to the "little man" who is deeply annoyed by his dis- covery that.the American dream has bypassed him long ago than it is to venerate those high priests of com- placency-be they Hubert'Humphrey, George Meany or Roy Wilkis-who have deluded themselves into be- lieving that the American system with their selfless help is on the verge of creating a utopia. THE WALLACE CRUSADE is vi- tally important because its incredible success in the electoral arena bluntly informs the leaders of government and our key institutions that at least a sizeable segment of the people are deeply disenchanted with the Amer- ica of today. Far more potent than the much- heralded McCarthy Democrats, the Wallace campaign provides a way- although not a particularly palatable avenue-for these people to express their fundamental disgust with the American two party system. Sympathy with 'the aspirations of these members of the Wallace move- ment does not make it possible for anyone with at least a minimal re- spect for intelligence and integrity to be attracted to Wallace himself. In fact few political leaders in recent memory have been as singularly un- appealing as the former Alabama Governor. BUT OUR REPUGNANCE with the man should not blind us to the rec- ognition that Wallace is articulating the fears of average Americans about a world that has grown too complex to accommodate their own common- 4 A.ClA Letters:; Heckling To the Editor: IT WOULD be unfortunate if the heckling of' President Fleming during his report to the faculty is allowed to represent the majority of the students by default. We shall look for the repudiation by responsible student leaders of this insult to President Fleming, the faculty, and the student body. -Bernard A. Galler Professor, Computer and Communication Sciences, and Mathematics Apology to the Editor: S A MEMBER of the demon- strating group who interrupted Pr'iAn. 'T~Lwy~',, State of the students, both as speakers and as audience from this important yearly event. To Prof. Liesenring, who alone of all the guests showed an inteir- est and sympathy for the stu- dent's causes; who alone was will- ing to listen and talk with them, receiving for his trouble immediate judgment, condemnation, and in- sult; and who yet remained calm and beautifully human; I give my deepest respect and apology. Finally, to my fellow demon- strators, a message of only one word. . . THINK! Do not let the momentum of pastel leaflets and red armbands push you beyond the point of reason. The issues of Vietnam, of racism, of capitalism. of factory-style education are all in the final analysis "he same is- Afiamollimallmn : :!)