== HOWARD KOHN-- M Erigat Daily Seventy-nine years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan 420 Moynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764 0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, APRIL 16, 1970 NIGHT EDITOR: LYNN WEINER SALT: An opportunity that should not be missed THE SECOND STAGE of the long-de- layedc Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) between the United States and the Soviet Union opens today in Vienna. And despite the extreme urgency in- 'volved in reaching an agreement on the arms control question before vast new weapons systems are constructed on a massive scale, there are disturbing indi- cations t h a t the Nixon Administration plans a "go-slow" approach for the talks. Last week the Senate, by a 72-6 vote, urged the administration to propose to the Soviets an immediate mutual mora- torium on t h e deployment of strategic offensive and defensive weapons. And, reports indicate that the Soviet govern- ment is favorable to such a proposal. Yet it appears that the Nixon Adminis- tration not only is not planning to ini- tiate such a proposal, but has instructed American negotiators to discourage So- viet moves in that direction and rather to merely continue cautious exploration of overall Soviet attitudes. Such an attitude taken by the admin- istration is completely intolerable in light of continuing moves, on both sides, toward deployment of new weapons sys- tems and in light of the seemingly in- terminable delays in the SALT t a k s since their proposed opening two years ago. THE ADMINISTRATION plans to start installing t h e multiple warheads (MIRVs) on American missiles this sum- mer. Plans continue for anti-ballistic missile, (ABM) development, and the So- viets a r e continuing expanded deploy- ment of their SS-9, missiles which are caable of carrying vastly increased pay- It's past pll'out VIETNAM IS NOT the big mistake you thought it was. It's bigger. Communist forces in Laos are on the move, taking the strategic Plain of Jars and threatening the CIA headquarters south ofthere. Cambodia has a new gov- ernment, both the stability and nature of which are uncertain. Qne of Vietnam's neighbors is in trou- ble and another may be soon. In an ironic twist on the old domino theory the Unit- ed 'States is seeing its dirty little war, whether by design or accident, spill over into the countries next door. OFTCOURSE, our involvement in Laos is nothing new. We date back at least as far as 1956 when be began our massive support of Souvanna Phouma, thei new- ly-elected -leader of Laos and the CIA's annointed one. By 1960, we decided Souvanna h a d some decidedly Red blood in him, and we financed ;a rebellion led by the son-in- law of the Prime Minister of Thailand. Thus ensued one of the typical insani- ties of our foreign policy, a civil war with Uncle Sam supplying both sides. That uprising moved the 'American Spit it out Spiro VICE-PRESIDENT Spiro T. Agnew re- surfaced briefly earlier this week at a fund-raising dinner in Des Moines, Iowa - also the site of his much herald- ed remarks on the news media. In keeping with the contemporary Greek government's attitudes toward democracy and openness, Spiro (Zorba the Veep) Agnew assailed the Italian universities for opening their doors to any high school graduate. But before discussing the horrors that could result from such an open admis- sions policy, Agnew frothed over the very idea that a university would change its .policies at the people's request. First is was the "Fat Japs," the "Po- lacks" and the "effete snobs," and now spit it out Spiro, the "Dumb Wops." . rI loads as compared with earlier ICBMs. Administration foreign policy adviser Henry Kissinger has reportedly warned that it would be difficult to terminate an open-ended moratorium if no progress were made in the SALT talks. Stabiliza- tion of the nuclear arms race at its pres- ent stage is apparently more disconcert- ing to Kissinger than the prospect of its indefinite continuation. Now is clearly not the t i m e to "go slow" on the arms limitation question. An unusually good chance now exists - bas- ed on the rough nuclear parity between the two powers - for some agreement which could at least limit the arms race at its present stage, and hopefully even reduce its level substantially. The con- tinuing development and deployment of new weapons systems, especially MRVs, could sabotage this rare opportunity. THE AMERICAN negotiators must be in- structed to propose an iimediate moratorium on strategic a r n s deploy- ment, and to use such a moratorium as a first step toward scaling down the two colossal military establishments, based on a rough nuclear parity between the two powers. Until such an approach becomes the policy of the Nixon Administration, Con- gress must oppose all appropriations for the procurement and development of any new weapons. The clear desire of the American peo- ple that the arms race not move into new, increasingly dangerous and pathetically wasteful stages, must be translated into government policy. -STEVE KOPPMAN time to of Laos cause in Laos several light years back- ward. Thirty thousand people were killed, Souvanna Phouma was forced to turn to Moscow for aid; the Pathet Lao (local communist guerillas) gained popularity with the peo'ple as foes of foreign agres- sors. Things have not changed much since then. The CIA and US Army logistics ex- perts now run the show on the ground, training Meo tribesmen and supplying the Laotian army. American air support is euphemistically termed "armed recon- naisance missions." That means pound- ing the hell out of Pathet Lao positions just like we do in South Vietnam. The present threat to US security, how- ever, comes from the North Vietnamese troops in northern Laos. They could be there to help keep the Ho Chi Minh Trail open so that men and supplies for a new offensive can move to South Vietnam from the North. Or, they could be trying to gain a re- sponse to the question Richard Nixonre- fuses to answer: Is t he United States really leaving Vietnam?. By MOUNTING a threat in neighboring Laos, the Hanoi regime can f o r c e Washington to prove its intentions. It would be outright stupidity to turn around and go back in with guns flaming. Our past record all over Southeast Asia indicates that such a move would only kill more Americans, strengthen the lo- cal opposition, and probably rip t h i s country apart once and for all. To pull out - now - would be to do what we should have done a long time aeo. Anything less than complete with- drawal today, including the CIA, runs the risk of being sucked back into the quag- mire tomorrow. But what about the rest of the tomorrows? As long as this country continues to pursue its imperialistic course under the double banner of capitalist expansion and "self-determination for the peoples of the world," future Vietnams are inev- itable. QELF-DETERMINATION under the Ge- neva accord was fine for Vietnam, un- Thel (EDITOR'S NOTE: The author was associate editorial director of The Daily in 1968-69. This is his farewell article as an editorial page columnist.) A FRESHMAN and a senior are walking to class. "I'm flunk- ing out," wails the freshman. "Oh shit, who cares?" retorts the sen- ior. F o r years graduating seniors have been saying the University doesn't make it, isn't giving us what we want, hasn't become rel- evant. Still the University goes on measuring its success by the num- ber of Woodrow Wilson Fellow- ships its graduates win. Rah - rah - rah - sis - boom - bah - HUMBUG. Let us all stop playing games. Some people are upset because black freshmen might disturb the quality of the University. How is it the University is so qualified to banter about its quality? Why should the University wor- ry about a ghetto kid's apprehen- sion of Machiavelli when it doesn't worry about the application of Machiavelli in its system? The revolution started on cam- pus because universities have be- come more maladroit than other institutions. P r e s i d e n t Spiro Agnew speaks his piece and acts on it. President Rbbben Fleming speaks like he is supposed to and then acts like he didn't. The fac- ulty's actions speak for them- selves. Maybe we should just give up on the university and let it be de- stroyed. But even if the revolu- tion succeeds, we will still need education. So in the interests of everyone (what a grand thought) we might well save the University from it- self. Note: The University is de- )ig 'U,0 CONTRARY TO WHAT Flem- ing would have us believe, a uni- versity can change faster than al- most any other institution. The only question is whether it should move so far ahead it cuts itself off from the rest of society. The an- swer is that the society is in a crisis which demands both mor- ality and leadership, two things the university just might provide. Prof. Frithjof Bergmann of the philosophy department outlines the problem: Imagine a -rscholar reading in a room. That is fine. Now imagine a sick man in the same room crying for help: What should the scholar do? Only a few professors debate that question in class. Why? Be- cause the answer attacks some of academia's basic assumptions. For instance, are scholars and researchers really necessary to a university, and are grades and de- grees really necessary? Who are our scholars and re- searchers? One is Dr. Charles Ov- erberger, chemistry chairman. who twice did research for Edge- wood Arsenal on enzyme config- urations - something which could have chemical and biolo- gical warfare uses. Another is Jerry Johnston in the Institute for Social Research who's doing a feasibility study on a volunteer army. They are also Profs. Peter Gosling, Kenneth Case, Marvin Holter, Seth Bonder, W. J. Nun- gester, Ray Tanner and several others who overtly or covertly serve the Pentagon. And there are a host of engineering profs who "consult" with industry three school days a month for h u g e fees. Et cetera . Sis- boom - bah -humbug fined as all administrators, teachers, all students. all E These people clearly belong in some other institution. If they are, as some say they are, good-thinking liberal men then they can bring humanity to a government bureaucracy some- where. At the University, they are deadwood. Obviously the University h a s other scholars and researchers -- bent on curing cancer -and pur- ifying water or maybe just lap- ping up a Saturnalian sonnet. Ideally we would have the to- bacco industry curing cancer and the auto industry solving pollu- tion and we would have those in- dustries who are subsidized with university graduates paying a special assessment. The Univer- sity, which can crack the whip with industry, should be working for those ideals. THE UNIVERSITY should al- ways have room for those scholars who just want to teach apprecia- tion. At the same time, it must be wary of those who are here at the behest of some publish- ing company. Already we havetoo many PhD's especially dysfunctional PhD's. Andthat brings up the more crucial issue: grades and de- grees. Why abolish them? Why not? Grades are unnatural harnesses on learning. Degrees create a mas- que of mass education. Grades are inexorably on their way out - despite the Univer- sity's effort to pigeonhole the de- cision. But degrees are a different matter. AN OLD READERS .DIGEST joke says that a B.S. stands for bullshit, an M.S. for More of the Same, and a PhD for Piled High- er and Deeper. Degrees have pro- duced an "educated" class indict- ed as effete snobs by the right and as intellectual lamebrains by the left. Much of the criticism is true. Degrees reinforce cultural, eco- nomic and racial barriers. Stu- dents get 2-S deferments. College graduates get jobs and money and status. Why? Because that's the way the out-of-proportion educational system works. Those who need ed- ucation the most - the poor, the minorities, the low-IQ kids, the generally-disadvantaged - don't get any. SO LET'S NOT quibble about minority admissions. Let's talk about open admissions. People should learn what they want, when they want, how they want and for as long as t h e y want. Only rich-white kids can do that now. Open admissions must be the number one priority of the Uni- versity, Pragmatically it's possi- ble since the number of students applying will decrease if the Uni- versity abolishes degrees. But emotionally it freezes academia's bodily fluids. Academia coughs and moans and claims symptoms of coronary seizure. But reason must win out over prejudice. If we permit scholars to remain committed to sophistry, where will we find education to give to students? What all this means is that ad- ministrators must finally open up the 'decision-making, the faculty must conceive new programs and new approaches and the students must help each other instead of competing with one another. I expect a lot of people are go- ing to ridicule this column as the folksy utopian dream. But it could be more than that. This society is in for a series of hard lefts to the gut and right uppercuts to the head. If the Uni- versity quit worrying about main- taining its tight structure it might make the rest of society less up- tight. At least we'd have students in a democratic institution. THE REST OF MY remarks are randomly-culled notes. My con- clusion after five years is that be- ing "in" the University renders you disillusioned but that being "at" the University restores your foolishness and hope - even if some say it is just a foolish hope. A parting glance, at the journ- alism department: I have a lot of mixed feelings about it (I say that unequivocally). It is not an outstanding department, or even a good one, though a few pro- fessors are sensitive to students. Up until Marshall MLuhan de- livered his sermon on the mount, the department was defining me- dia according to Hearst and Pul- itzer. Now it has an identity cris- is about the meaning of media. The department's saving grace is that it requires a minimum of journalism courses and lets you explore other disciplines to a max- imum. An indictment of T h e Daily: Last year The Daily decided to close off its library bysextending the three-quarter walls all the way to the ceiling, thus depriving us of climbing over the walls and using the library as a fort f o r paperball fights.pWe brought in barbed wire to protest the decis- ion. But the walls went up. My symbolism is blunt. T h e Daily has closed itself off from students and student news, except when the news relates to the adminis- tration. As often as The Daily has been a watchdog/ of the adminis- tration, it has been a lackey. The Daily, for example, is at fault for letting Fleming stall two years, from the King assassination to last month, on a verbal agree- ment to the black demands. I've spent more time in The Daily than in the University. as all my professors will attest. But I did so because of the people, and in spite of the word pollution that came out in the paper almost ev- ery morning. Internally The Daily has been racist, hierarchial and chauvenistic. In fact. it has been a mini-university. Some signs in- dicate that it might change. I think it can. But The Daily's overriding bur- den is that it takes itself too ser- iously - and consequently few students take it seriously at all. A PREDICTION for Robben Fleming: He will be gone from here in less than two years. He has become the Lyndon Johnson of university presidents, surround- ing himself with toughminded and closeminded assistants w h o tell him what he wants to hear. Like Johonson, Fleming reacts as if guilt was the only motivation, in student requests. If he can sweet- talk us on one hand and intim- idate us on the other, he appar- ently figures he can absolve our guilt without making a move. I have the feeling Fleming is the most guilty man on campus. A warning for the revolution: Even if outlaws and freaks have to build their political base un- derground, theit culture should stay aboveground. A life culture can stay alive only if it is free and open and willing to experiment. Revolutionaries must make their institutions - their newspapers and their schools - into workable models. They in u s t make their values mean what they say. They must not lapse into tge violence and repression of the death cul- ture. A cultural revolution is more enduring than a political revolu- tion. If you want to help that revolution, The Argus and The Free School need new people and more people. A RETAKE on the political science department: In 1965 Daily Editorial Director Ed Herstein wrote, "Political science is the mostsunexciting of all depart- ments, almost to a man holding nothing but moderate and un- original ideas. Worse it is an ir- relevant discipline. It says almost nothing about what a better world might be and even less about how this world might be changed." Ed said it much better than I could. A QUESTION on the national political syndrome: W h a t hap- pens when a narc busts down a door under the no-knock law and gets his head shot off by some en- terprising junkie? It has to be called self-defense against an armed unknown intruder. Con- gress doesn't think about things like that. Congress doesn't think much at all. Incidentally, while liberals are congratulating them- selves on Haynsworth and Cars- well, they're letting legislation like no-knock pass unanimously. Gen- eral John Mitc7ell doesn't care what the Supreme Court even- tually says about the laws as long as he gets to play with them for a few years. A plea to Mayor Robert Harris: Now that you realize you haven't a praying-mantis chance of get- ting re-elected, why don't you say publicly what you used to say in those off-the-record sessions and then act accordingly? A VIGNETTE on my philosophy: When I was growing up on a farm near Bay City, Mich., my father felt it was dishonest to take money for not growing crops and con- sequently - as he thought - con- tributing to the starvation of peo- ple. I have resolved therefore not to accept my diploma from the University until it moves to meet the needs of the people it should be serving. Letters to the Editor- Another response To the Editor: PROF. HARVEY Brazer's re- sponse to my letter on his shen- anigans with regard to the frater- nity house property at Hill and Onandaga deserves a brief re- sponse. I stand on my report of my conversations with Mrs. Brazer and lawyer Sallade. They used, as I reported, all the racist code words to justify their group's grab of the fraternity house to prevent its purchase by the City Housing Commission. I did not make a "thinly-veiled threat." I did in fact make a promise--to join with others to foil the plans of Brazer, Sallade and their fellow Ubermenschen. -Prof. Max Sham school of public health April 14 BAM amnesty To the Editor: WE BELIEVE that the BAM strike was justified and that am- nesty should be granted to those who have been accused of disrup- tive activities in connection with it. We stand ready to attend any judiciary proceedings a g a i n s t strikes in order to urge our posi- tion. -The Radical College April 12 Explanation To the Editor: IN :A LETTER dated April 13, 1970 Miss Rose Sue Bernstein asks (f "", Pt' "I WARNED you about buying a used Carswell from that man!" 4 ,49 for an explanation of why only $1.00 was returned to students who sacrificed their meals last October while we are discussing the return of $2.70 for meals not served when the BAM activity occurred on March 27, 1970. As Miss Bernstein acknowledges in her letter there is a difference between a complete shutdown and selective non-participation. In a complete shutdown the figure of $2.70 per day is discussed-this amount representing the cost of labor and raw food. In the selec- tive non-participation there is no reduction in labor costs. Only the raw food cost of about $1.00 per day can be legitimately claimed. I hope this answers Miss Bern- stein's concern. -John Feldkamp, director University Housing April 15 Guskin withdraws from VP consideration Ii (EDITOR'S NOTE: The following is the text of a letter sent to President Robben Fleming by Alan E. Guskin.) S YOU MAY know, I would like to withdraw my name from consideration for the position of vice-president of the' Office of Student Services. This decision was made in my own mind a number of weeks ago and I have withheld discussion with you about it primarily as a result of the strike and other campus activities. Before going on, let me be clear that little of what I say relates to you as a person; I have had and continue to have a great deal of respect for you-even though we may disagree on a number of issues related to management style and the necessity for certain educational changes. While one may criticize some of your actions during the strike, your ability to work through some form of resolution without bringing in the police or the Na- tional Guard is a great credit to you. THERE ARE THREE major reasons for my choosing not to be considered for the Vice-Presidency . 1) Considerable disagreement with you on a number of important administrative/ eration and implementation of policies., It is clear, in my judgment, that a policy board enable a vice-president, who agrees with it, to really implement new policies. (If he does not agree with it on key issues then he should reconsider his job or posi- tion.) Besides increasing the likelihood of, implementation, a policy board also offors the possibility °of better decision making as it potentially has greater access to in- formation. A second matter on which we disagree, it seems, is your transfer of the Admissions and Financial Aids office to Vice President Spurr. The only reason for such a move seems to be to make sure that the vice- president of student services does not supervise. these offices. What management justification is there for a dean of the graduate school and vice president' for Dearborn/Flint to also supervise such stu- dent-oriented operations? A third issue of disagreement is the dis- ciplining of students. I understand that under certain circumstances students must be disciplined for their actions. However, this should follow the spirit of civil liberty guidelines-namely dtie process and no predicament you're in. In many ways it is this understanding of your situation and how it conflicts with my personal values and political commitments which causes me the most personal con{ ern. I .Io not want to repress students, for whatever reasons; I do not want to cool students out. Although I might be able to do this, I could not in good conscience do so. For while I sometimes disagree with some of the student activists' strategies and tactics, I basically agree with much of what most of them want. I cannot repress them when I feel they may ultimately be correct and I have no better alternatives. Let other people try to repress them and let me be free to help the students and other faculty members. Some of these reasons may lead you to think that I do not want to take on ad- ministrative responsibility in higher educa- tion. Quite the contrary. I would love to work in such a position if there was an innovative atmosphere, and if there was the possibility of bringing about meaning- ful educational changes. In short, I want to be among those fighting for organiza- tional and educational change at the uni- versity, whether it be as a faculty member A-* mitment to the work and the people in- volved I do not want to leave this project. IN CONCLUSION, I would like to add