Seventy-nine years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan NA: From the CIA to Wall Street Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. DNESDAY!, JANUARY 28, 1970 NIGHT EDITOR: MARTIN A. HIRSCHMAN Nixon vetoes national priorities PRESIDENT NIXON'S veto of the $19.7 billion dollar HEW appropriation bill, which he called the "wrong amount for the wrong purpose .. . at the wrong time," poses a crucial test today for a Congress supposedly committed to solv- ing the nation's problems.f For while the President indulges in heavy rhetoric when lie talks about im- proving the "quality of our lives," he seems uninterested in spending any great sums of money to achieve these 1o f t y goals. Nixon based his objection to the HEW appropriation - which is $1.3 billion more than he requested - on the grounds that the increase would be inflationary. He claims that his veto will serve the best interests of our economy. Just how inflationary that $l.3 billion wold have been must be taken with a grain of salt when one realises that the President is willing to commit $11 billion on an ABM system and $30 billion a year on the Vietnam War without questioning their effects on the economy. AT A TIME when many people in the country are asking for a re-ordering of national priorities, Nixon's, objections to the H2W appropriation seem even more absurd. And his attempt to explain the reasons for his objections to Americans Monday night was a clear exercise in mis- leading doublespeak. He warned that putting $19.7 into the economy -which would be spent by Jupe 30, the en~d of the fiscal year for which the money was appropriated -t wbuld add more fuel to an already over- heated economy. What he did not tell the people is this: Federal programs dependent on the money in the bill have been operating in a void since last July, "spending" the money they assumed they would receive but which hadn't yet been appropriated. THUS, A LARGE portion of the money in the bill has already been "spent", and will not be fed into the economy in the next five months. What the Presi- dent has actually done is to choose not to spend an extra $1.3 billion for the edu- cation of American children. The strange thing is, Nixon may be able to get away with that sort of action, because the economic pinch is indeed real. The inflation he is worried about does exist, and is putting the average American wage earner in a financial bind. Nixon can never stop this inflation without cutting military spending dras- tically and ending tax credits for the oil and manufacturing industries. However, he can create the impression that the government is doing something about it. by lashing out at the HEW bill. Which way Congress will go this after- noon is not clear: votes might still be swayed before the final action is taken. For this reason, a telegram this morning to Rep. Marvin Esch or Sens. Philip Hart and Robert Griffin asking them to vote to override the veto might not be com- pletely fruitless. IF THE VETO is not overridden today, Nixon stands to come out ahead, by creating an image of an administration trying to do something about inflation which will justify, in the minds of his constituents, the faint memory of $1.3 billion in health, education and welfare aid they did not get. -JAMES T. NEUBACHER By FRANK BROWNING R EMEMBER the National Student As- sociation? That's the one that used to work for the CIA in a conspiracy with Gary Powers, Walt Rostow, and Richard J. Daley to s n u f f out the Idealism of Young America. Everybody thought it was curtains when President Johnson finally ordered the CIA to cut it out, settle accounts, and let the damned students pay their own bills. Even then NSA President Gene Groves dropped his jaw and confided that the revelation would "make the work of NSA difficult if not impossible." NSA has had a hard time. First student governments at big campuses like this one, Chicago, a n d Wisconsin cleansed them- selves of membership post haste. T h e n with the rise of more militant confronta- tion-style student politics, the liberal gov- ernment agencies and the foundations de- cided to step out. By April 1 last year, things had gotten so bad at the old townhouse b e t w e e n Georgetown and the Washington ghetto that bankruptcy seemed imminent. "On April 1, NSA's bank account was $7500 overdrawn, we had not paid payroll tax for the first quarter of the year (which was $20,000). our $10,000 phone bill was 60 days overdue, and our total debt equaled $318,000," one of last year's administra- tive staff members recalls. Add to that a 60-man staff drawing $11,- 000 every two weeks and some evidence to suggest t h a t one employe was playing checkers with the ledgers in a minor em- bezzlement scheme. Bankruptcy for a struggling student or- ganization means far more than it does for private corporations which, like Ram- parts, can disappear and re-emerge al- most in the same day. For NSA it would have meant certain extinction. THE END OF NSA, as simple as it may seem, has always been a question fraught with a magnificent complex of unexpected consequences. At first glance the death of NSA might appear only as the end to standard student representation programs: student rights and anti-draft suits, con- gressional lobbying, seminars and confer- ences on education innovation, tutorial as- sistance projects, and the annual grand catharsis: the National Congress. Critics on the other hand have 1 o n g claimed that the main thing that keeps NSA going is the platform it offers stu- dent politicos f o r entering graduate schools, the government, and academic as- sociations like the American Council on Education. Not the least of those charges keting company - perhaps most recently remembered on this campus for a Red and White Envelope labeled NSA PAK distrib- uted in late October. An explanatory note on the outside of the envelope reads, "The U.S. National Student Association, in co- operation with student governments across the country, including your own, have em- barked on a new and exciting program. Student designed, it is intended to provide you with high quality products and ser- vices in tune with your interest and needs . " NATIONAL ACADEMIC Services Corp. is nowhere mentioned, and since Student Government Council does not cooperate with NSA, its placement on campus" was handled by NAS field representative Charles Kao. Inside the PAK are adsfor "Official Strike S h i r t (as pictured in LIFE. Giant RED FISTS with B L A C K LETTERS," "Music Scene" (a TV show), NSA Record Club, NSA Publications, Re- . Con Computerized Job Placement - and many, many more. Up until last summer most of NAS' ser- vices - book clubs, record c 1 u b s, job placement, and a few others =- were han- Security for whom ? NSA has had a hard time. First student governments at big campuses like this one, Chicago, and Wisconsin cleansed themselves of membership post haste. Then with the rise of more militant confrontation-style student politics, the liberal government agencies and the foundations decided to step out. The insurance program works like this. Local student governments do some of the selling along with materials provided by the national office. In addition Academic Underwriters uses NSA mailing lists. As Clark says, "Its easier for us because stu- dents trust their own organization." From each $20 premium, NSA gets about two dollars in dividends - which last year amounted to some $51,000. Should you call up - the NSA (really Academic Underwriters) Insurance office in Baltimore, the receptionist will however deny that any money goes to the Associa- tion in the deal, that the only connection with the National Student Association is "just sort of an endorsement." Students' checks are deposited in a trust fund at the Boatmen's National Bank of St. Louis. (Dividends can't go directly to NSA since as a non-profit or- ganization NSA c a n n o t operate a profitable business; thus the trust fund, makes "donations" to NSA). Carriers for the policy are American Health and Life Insurance Co., which, except for small policies with the Army, Navy, and Air Forc academies has no other subscrib- ers. SO, WHEN IT SEEMED that the death of NSA - and consequently its insurance program - was imminent, Clark opened his heart. "It became apparent that they were having trouble with their effort to fund activities from other sources and they were struggling valiantly to keep their organization alive," he recalled re- cently. "When it became apparent they couldn't do it alone, we set about to raise the capital for a new corporation." Until its registration is approved by the Securities Exchange Commission,dNAS remains a private corporation. Stockhold- ers' lists are carefully guarded. However, Sutton (who until two weeks ago was pri- marily concerned with NSA finances) says Clark and Ben King each hold 80,000 shares in the company. And among those businessmen present at the April 1 meet- ing to finalize the contract were repre- sentatives of Commercial Credit Caor - poration, itself a recently acquired sub- sidiary of Control Data and the parent organization of American Health and Life Insurance Co. Other investors were Arnold Frumin, president of Re-Con Corp (with whom NSA had the job placement contract now taken over by NAS), and a representative of the Raymond C. Tung Foundation, another Maryland insurance company. Originally negotiations were to have been completed by late November I'1968 for initial investment in the new corpora- tion, but by April 1 meeting with NSA of- ficers there was still nothing firm. Clark and his potential investors asked for more time; Powell claimed to have other bid- ders for NSA Services (although one of his closest staff members maintains there were no other offers). He told them that it would cost $150,000 - the first third the "official strike shirts" as products they didn't approve. Theoretically NSA's own supervisory board retains ultimate control over all decisions made by NAS. Were it not for certain contractural technicalities in the insurance program, Sutton believes NSA might never have had to sell its services to NAS. The more he learned of the insurance set-up, the more suspicious he became until he finally hired a private insurance investigator to check the whole arrangement out. "Finally I went to the bank (Boatmen's National in St. Louis) where the insur- ance trust is held, and when I showed up and asked to see the records, the shock waves went all the way back to New York. They claimd I was irpertinent," Sutton says. HIRING ITS COMMODITY SERVICES out has hardly been able to solve all or even most of NSA's major problem. Even the association's friends frequently re- marked last Spring that officers seemed to be continually immobilized and t hat entering the office resembled stepping into a hung-over T-group. -When a new director came in to run the Ford Foundation-funded Center for Educational Change he discovered almost $40,000 had been spent but explained only by terms like "consulting" or "travel." Sutton had known NSA's general con- ditions before he became vice president at it's August Congress, where he issued a caustic critique of existing operations in which he argued "Existing NSA services, being largely exploitive, ought to be phas- ed out in behalf of similar services whih are locally managed and controlled." .By autumn, at any rate, the NSA had secured a $200,000 loan to meet operating expenses from one of NAS' investors- Commercial Credit Corp. Stipulated in the loan agreement was a requirement that it be used only for back bills and operating expenses-not for payment of the $50,000 in reparations demanded by black stu- dents at the El Paso Congress. Should NSA fail on the loan, NAS was to be held responsible for repayment. However, even as late as Dec. 29 the association was still far from secure. A letter from an NSA lawyer stated that $170,000 in bills then remained to be paid although available organizational resources came to only $90,000. If NSA survives, it will almost certain- ly be because NAS is too heavily committed to cease providing financial support. Without the association and its more than 500 member schools, National Academic Services Corp. would lose the key to its marketing strategy. And besides the loan Commercial Credit made to NSA, Its sub- sidiary, American Health and Life, loaned NAS $700,000, holding warrants f o r 200,000 shares of NAS stock as collatoral. Overall the investments were not bad deals for Clark and King or for the grand- daddy conglomerate C o n t r o 1 Data. At present, their only major competitor, National Student Marketing Service, has also been fantastically successful in re- cent years. Last 'year's NSA President Bob Powell (who is now an NAS board director) says that "right now the college market for goods and services - about $40 - 60 mi- ion a year - is enormous and largely un- tapped. If TIWA wants to sell youth cards to students r Time magazine wants to sell subscriptions, there are not too many places for them to go. Many people have been exploiting students. We hope to do business a little bit differently. What you need is a different image, a different ap- proach, a different sensitivity. And that's something which NAS can, provide." Powell says the experiment with NAS is "a new kind of idea in the field of student economic independence." He en- visions NAS providing management and financial help as ,well as purchasing op- portunitieshin an effort to get student- run cooperative off the ground and com- peting with well established local com- panies. Local representative Charles Kao has had preliminary talks with D e n n i s Webster, manager of the University Dis- count Store, for handling the store's re- cord line. Al Handell, whose first goal, old NSA friends say, is to be a- millionaire before he's 45, looks into the future and sees the campus filled with commerce: "There'll be a big domestic services card eventually for check cashing, credit, and discounts. One card would entitle you to a whole range of things-youth fare, trav- el abroad, records . . . It's like 'taking .4' i ALMSOT EXACTLY 90 per cent of the contracts let by the Department of Defense are non-bid, negotiated c o n- tracts which guarantee the contractor a profit over and above costs. The var- ious contractors follow various methods of calculating their costs and, since there is no uniform accounting procedure, there is no effective governmental audit of these contracts. igt on, Lenore HE NEW YORK TIMES announced Monday that "There is. no starring role for Mrs. Nixon," but the same things cannot be said about the engaging wife of Michigan's former governor George Romney. Lenore Romney has long been rumored to be the brains behind her brainwashed husband and it came as no surprise when Republicans began circulating reports late last year that she might be called back to the home front to do battle with incumbent Sen. Phil Hart. For several years Mrs. Romney gained fame throughout this state while giving speeches to citizens concerned about what her husband was doing in Lanlsing. That she could answer with a straight face gained her notoriety and a reputation for being able to tell good stories. One recalls a little-know speech deliv- ered at the National Music Camp in Inter- loched when Mrs. Romney proclaimed, "Culture is being in a covered wagon and having the courage to go on." UJNFORTUNATELY FOR Mrs. Romney covered wagons are at a premium, but belted into a shiny new Rambler, she may have the courage to go on with the senate race. Good luck Lenore and don't forget to have the oil checked every 1,000 miles. -MAYNARD Editorial Staff Some contractors have been detected padding expenses in order to further in- crease their profits. Is it any wonder that defense costs have risen all out of pro- portion to the nation's security require- ments-from only $13 billion before the Korean War, to $50 billion before the Vietnam war and to $80 billion today? THE RECOMMENDATION of the Gen- eral Accounting Office that all de- fense contractors follow uniform ac- counting procedures should be translated into law. To bring some reason into an irrational, runaway defense budget, Con- gress will .have to arm itself with the expert knowledge required to weigh, to question and to challenge the proposals of the military-industrial complex f o r launching new weapons systems. As it is, Congress is almost wholly defenseless against the assertions by interested part- ies that any new weapon is essential to American survival. The relationship between the weapons manufacturer and the military establish- ment has been, as some critics h a v e charged, an unhealthily cozy one. T h e military may dream up the need for a weapon and then the manufacturer tools up to supply the need-at a profit. Or the manufacturer may dream up the idea for a weapon, suggest the need to the military and then tool up to supply it- at a profit. This mutually beneficial, back- scratching arrangement excludes any ef- fective check on the arms race. SEVERAL POSSIBLE checks have been suggested: expansion of the House Appropriations Committee to include staff experts on military matters; setting up a separate research think-tank opera- tion, along the lines of the legislative re- ference service, which would be available to any member of Congress; establishing a new wing of the General Accounting Office to conduct effectiveness studies of weapons systems and make expert an- alyses of military proposals. The subcommittee of the Joint Econ- omic Committee now looking into defense spending, with Senator Proxmire serving ably as chairman, can be counted on to come up with its own recommendation. comes from Jim Sutton, just resigned Ex- ecutive Vice President: Not only does he think NSA fails to do much for students, but he believes it ought to fold so that smaller legitimate associations might grow up in its place, adding that "when I start- ed (in September) I wanted NSA to fold so we could start new things out in the field." Sutton says he was brought to NSA as a "foundation man" i.e., someone to trans- late program ideas into proposals for foun- dation funding and to develop connec- tions between foundation and association officers. But, he says, he never got around to doing that because he had to spend all his time figuring out and clearing up the Association's sloppy business operations. It is from that maze of business ties that the less obvious reasons emerge for keeping NSA alive. There are of course the old bills which creditors would never col- lect should the organization die. There are the political hopes of people like Al Lowen- stein and the Robert Kennedy Fellowship directors -who look to NSA as the future of a Potent Acceptable Youth Movement. And, now, most important are a number of businessmen who have long been NSA friends who standto grow wealthy if it can only pull through the current trials. ON FEB. 1 those businessmen, the origi- nators of the NSA Life Insurance Program, will register a year old corporation with the Securities Exchange Commission with hopes that stock w ill be available for trading in July. The corporation, called National Academic Services Corp. (don't confuse NAB with NSA) came to life as a private company early in 1969sand it con- ducted its first business venture late on the night of April 1 with a $50,000 check to the National Student Association. Had that check not come then, the organiza- tion would very likely have died the next day. National Academic Services Cdrp. is in effect the new answer to the CIA and the Ford Foundation, or as President Charlie Palmer (ex-of the Berkeley student gov- ernment and Peoples Park) puts it, the way by which NSA can maintain finan- cial solvency without becoming beholden to its donor. dled by the Services Division of NSA. The Services Division had a staff of six - plus its director Al Handell who is now a vice president of the new corporation. Although the Services Division had been envisioned as the future financial base for NSA, it hadn't been fulfilling expectations. In their Congress report presented last August, NSA officers said: "We knew the market was there to greatly expand our Services Division and generate income for local student governments, as well as the national office, and we also knew that we were not tapping that market because of our relatively small investment in the area. "During 1967-68, NSA's Services Division had netted less than $25,000 in income. and the projections for 68-69 showed a net of only about $50,000. What was missing was the professional approach and the in- vestment money needed to transform a sluggish Division into NSA's most impor- tant source of operating income." Although nearly all of the delicate ne- gotiations for transferring NSA services to the prospective corporation were handled by former president Bob Powell, Handell argued hardest for the new arrangement. As far as former vice president Sutton is concerned Handell has also gained more than anyone else at NSA from setting up the new venture - a vice presidency and an alleged 40,000 shares of t h e private company. WHAT NSA NEEDED of course was in- vestment capital. Internal finances were too far gone to gain private bank loans and neither .the government nor philan- thropic foundations normally invest in marketing companies. So the association turned to two old friends from Annapolis, Garnett Clark and Ben King, owners and operators of Academic Underwriters of America, Inc., agents for the NSA Life In- surance program. Clark and King were naturals and it re- mains unclear who first approached whom. They had negotiated the life insurance contract with NSA back in 1964 and in 1965 had offered what Powell t e r m s a three-year $25,000 grant to initiate the Services Division. That grant ran out in Spring 1968. Clark reflects- fondly on the 7-y e a r s I I ...... ......5..S.. ....%A'WV..S5... .. "The problem is that you can't figure out who's running who. In the long run there's never going to be an effective student association until students are willing to pay for it. If you take money from the CIA, then the CIA controls you; if you take it from commercial firms, then they control yoru." ..r" v::." 3.3"i: s. ss "44 ;'+y7 r, ; :. . .v.7 payable the next day - to keep NSA from going elsewhere. If the remainder were paid by June 1, then the new company could have exclusive rights to all NSA services except the insurance program which was already tied up in an old contract. As the final contract was written NSA is guaranteed $200,000 a year plus 35 per cet of NAS' net profits. NAS presi- dent Steve Corker (who was made direct- or of NSA's National Student Travel As- sociation in an unsuccessful effort to keep it from going bankrupt last summer) pre- money away from corporations and giving it to students. Concert promotions and entertainment, speakers bureaus. A stu- dent's shopping place: a book of unusual offers, send in all 21 post ca'rds and get a free year's supply of shaving cream . . We'll set up dealers all over the country. It'll be almost like a Master Charge Card or a student ID card." Before he became the second NSA vice president to resign last semester, Jim Sut- ton envisioned the NSA campus filled with commerce too: "For about the last three weeks at NSA '1