Seventy-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
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TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1967

NIGHT EDITOR: MARK LEVIN

God Is Alive and Entering,
The New Hap shire Primary

VIEWING GEORGE ROMNEY perform
under questioning is like listening to
your kid brother at his first piano re-
cital. You know he won't hit the right
notes, but you hope he at least won't
embarrass you.
Gov. Romney is running for the Presi-
dency and his audience is squeamish
already. On Sunday's Face The Nation
show he babbled incoherently on the war
in Vietnam, while reporters vainly at-
tempted to force him to speak English.
He lapsed into another verbal fumbling
spell on Monday's Today show.
Let's face it, for sheer verbal insecurity
George Romney ranks with Jose Jimenez.
THE SHAME OF it' is that George Rom-
ney is neither a bad nor an ineffec-
tual politician. And any man who put
twin beds in the Rambler can't be totally
devoid of intelligence and sensitivity.
Judging by his past success with
American Motors he is a 'capable admin-
istrator and innovator. As governor he
has managed some tax reform and ex-
panded the state educational system. He
appears to have the liberal's commitment'
to integration, and probably has a rea-
sonable fear of potential Negro guerrilla
warfare led by embittered veterans of
Vietnam.
Historians will probably point to Rom-.
ney's brainwashing statement as his
greatest moment in" American politics. It,

was a remarkably candid and guileless
admission. People laughed at him be-
cause he had said the "unspeakable."
ROMNEY HAS PAID the price of hon-
esty because the cynics snickered at
him. To his credit he refuses to play dead.
Sadly, his whole show looks like a cha-
rade because of his ineptness in com-
munication.
Romney is stale now. He has been run-
ning for the nomination for three years.
When he opens his mouth you just know
that what he says will be unintelligible.
Romney appears to be suspended. be-
tween the pros and the amateurs. The
pros want him to spout the conventional-
political cliches while the amateurs ad-
vise him to sincerely speak his mind. It
was Romney, the amateur, who Iouthed-
off -about being brainwashed. It was
Romney, the tool of the pros, who back-
tracked later about the need for an
"honorable settlement" in Vietnam.
Romney, the amateur, has appeal as a
Presidential candidate. But Romney, the
equivocating dupe, is a pathetic politi-
cian. Romney's greatest asset is his im-
age of honesty and good will. His flaw is
his incomparable ability to blabber when
he tries to play the role of the politician.
If George would stop playing games,
maybe his fans would not be so embar-
rassed when he appears on the tube.
-LLOYD GRAFF

"I was brainwashed by Romney ..!

Letters to the Ed itor
Why She Won,t Sign 'U' Security Clouse

Student Events: Spitball Tactics

VICE-PRESIDENT and Chief Financial
Office Wilbur K. Pierpoint and Ath-
letic Director H. 0. Crisler have used
spitball tactics to ram through an in-
equitable fee schedule for the new Uni-
versity Events Building.
Friday the Regents approved a rate of
$1,500 or 10 per cent of the gross (which-
ever is higher) for rental of the new 15,-
000 seat arena by student organizations.
Although the building is being entirely
financed out of student fees (which will
repay a bond issue) Pierpont and Crisler
have totally ignored the student interest
in setting fees.
Don Tucker, president of the Univer-
sity Activities Center, who sat on the
Presidential commission that formulated
the rates, did not endorse them at an
Oct. 16 meeting. He and other student'
leaders feel the "fee for using the build-
ing is just too much for a student organ-'
ization to spend."
CRISLER AGREED at a Nov. 3 Athletic
Board meeting to have Maurice
Rinkel, auditor of student organizations,
look Into the ability of student groups to
afford the new fee schedule. But at the
same meeting the excessive fee schedule
was approved and sent to the Regents.
At the Regents' meeting Pierpoint did
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not let the facts stand in the way of his
presentation. He told the Regents that
Tucker had joined in determining the
fee schedule. (Tucker actually opposed
the rates). He indicated that Rinkel had
checked to see that student groups could
afford the rates. (Rinkel's study is only
beginning).
Arid then he attempted to prove that
the rates were equitable. He said they
were on a par with comparable buildings.
Then he conceded that the rates were
higher than Hill Auditorium on a per-
seat basis. The rates are at least 55 per
cent higher per seat than at Hill Aud.
He attempted to justify this inequity
by saying that Hip's rates ($265 plus la-
bor) are "far too low" and should be
revised upward. The Regents then per-
functorily passed the rates for a "trial
period" of a year and a half.
PIERPONT AND CRISLER have essen-
tially forced student organizations to
pay excessive rates for a building stu-
dents are paying for in the first place.
Worse yet the excessive rates for the
Events Building are being used as a
lever to raise rates at Hill Aud., even
though the structure was paid for long
ago (primarily from a gift).
Only a student organization boycott
will succeed in forcing the administra-
tion to scale down its rate structure. All
student organizations should refuse to
rent space in the new structure until the
rates are adjusted downward.
-ROGER RAPOPORT
Editor

Y FIRST REACTION to the
security statement in the
University employment applica-
tion was one of amazement and
disapproval. It is one more ex-
ample of the widespread military
penetration into American society.
In light of this clause the ad-
ministration's claim that classi-
fied research does not affect the
nature of the University is shown
to be false and hollow.
The presence of classified war
research on campus alters the
nature of the University in ways
not immediately obvious. The se-
curity statement is one case of
this: it is a direct attempt at
control and intimidation of the
individual.
The statement holds that the
prospective employe may be as-
signed arbitrarily and without
notification by the University to
a government-supported project.
Whether or not the project in-
volves classified research, the
employe may be dismissed if he
fails to meet "military agency"
clearance standards, regardless
of his qualifications for the posi-
tion as defined by the University.
It does not even allow for the
worker involved to request and be
granted a transfer (although in
fact, transfers probably do occur>.
IN MY CASE it is particularly
paradoxical. Public health re-
ceives a good portion of its money
from the federal government.
From the wording of the state-
ment, it appears that the mili-
tary, whose function as it is car-
ried out in American society is
the systematic destruction of life,
and will impose its standards as
"conditions for employment" be-
fore allowing me to work on re-
search directed at the well-being
of all.
I do not want to work on classi-
fied military projects. I do not be-
lieve that they have any right to
investigate me if I am not doing
military work; and, therefore,
would not cooperate with any
such investigation. Above all, I
do not accept the military's
values and standards and refuse
to be coerced into living by them.
THE IDEA that personnel are
liable for dismissal because their
outside activities to do meet up
to "military agency" clearance

standards is totally contrary to
the concept of a free university
in a free society. It is a direct
denial of civil liberties-of free
speech, thought and action. It
represents discrimination in hir-
ing on the basis of creed and the
corruption of the University as
dedicated to free and open in-
quiry.
-Alice Fialkin
Assistant in Research
School of Public Health
Soviet Jews
THE DAILY (Nov. 16) published
an advertisement about the
status of Jews in the Soviet Union.
The questions which will be dis-
cussed contain false items. The
government of the Soviet Union
is the only government which has
organized an autonomous Jewish
region. According to the Constitu-
tion of the USSR, courts; news-
papers, broadcasting, and educa-
tion are provided in the Jewish
language,
the autonomous region, located
in the southeastern Soviet Union,
has representatives in the Su-
preme Soviet of the USSR as do
other nationalities in the USSR.
Antisemitic articles, as well as
articles which attack other minor-
ities, are prohibited by law from
being published in the press of the
USSR.
The church in the USSR, as in
the United States, is separated
from the government and the
number of synagogues existing de-
pends only on the interest of the
USSR's Jewish population in re-
ligion.
The announcement, which was
published by the Israel Students
Organization and the Student
Zionist Organization, is contra-
dictory to the Constitution of the
USSR.
All questions of this discussion
are artificial and are of no interest
for discussion.
-Nicolay Khvostov
-Vladimir Sadovsky
Post-doctoral students from
the Soviet Union.
A Cog
AS 4 MEMBER of Voice who
attended the Microbiology
Seminar given by Dr. Fish of the
-Army Biological Labs at Ft. De-
trick, Md., I feel that The Daily

(Nov. 14) missed
portant aspect of
swers.

the most im-
Dr. Fish's an-

Like other specialists; in the
industrial as well as the military
"complex", Dr. Fish occupies an
essential but small place in a
research and development system.,
He is ordinarily not allowed to
even understand, much less con-
trol, many of the goals and priori-
ties of this system.
In his own words, he is a "small
cog" in a huge apparatus. The
work he is given to do is quite
narrowly defined, and he concen-
trates on it because he has a real
interest and talent in this work-
in this case the pathophysiology
of anthrax. His team has, over
several years, found a cure for the
toxin, one of the most vicious bac-
terial agents and a ,major hazard
in the livestock, wool, and tanning
industries. This is certainly basic'
medical research for humane
goals.
THE WAY THE SYSTEM works,
however, is this: The work of Dr.
Fish and his team on toxic effects
of anthrax and protection against
it is passed on by higher authority
not only to the medical profession,
both civilian and military, but
when it has reached the right
stage, to another section of Fort
Detrick or some other armed
forces center for its usefulness in
designing a means for aerosol dis-
persion of the toxin, and a means
for protecting the user of the
weapon. Or the informatign might
have gone to the Institute for Co-
operative Studies of the University
of Pennsylvania, whose Director
for Army Projects Spicerack and
Summit told the Daily Pennsyl-
vanian in October, 1965 that ICR's
work included research into the
inducement and epidemic spread-
ing of wheat rust, influenza, an-
thrax, and rice blast. (See Viet
Report, 6-7/66).
But for the individual researcher
whose work can have both bene-
ficial and destructive applications,
it is clearly easier to believe that
his work goes only toward pro-
tection and healing. This belief is
provided for by both formal and
informal censorship within the
total research and development
system in which he participates.
-Randy Jacob

Institutional Politics:
How I Won The War
By RON LANDSMAN
T IS A BLUNT fact that institutions are the relevant decision-
making bodies in this country today. To be effective politically
we must act through them."
Institutional leverage can be used effectively to oppose the war
in Vietnam, according to Prof.,Joseph Sax of the Law School, who
made the above comment at a recent debate on "The University, the
American Corporation and the War."
The best means for opposing the war is a quest which radicals and
liberals alike have had small success. Sax's views probe the limits of
clearly legal actions and thus are probably the strongest measures
available for those unwilling to step outside the bounds of legality.
The rise of institutions - such as the universities and corpora-
tions - as major powers in American social and political structure
has not gone unnoticed., However,
there is a serious lag between
structural changes and recognit-
ion of their reality in relevant
social action.
There is a myth - an ethic
actually - acquired from a pre-
vious time which says it is.wrong
for an individual to impose his
personal views upon the policy of h,.
the institution where he works
and spends most of his adult life.
Precisely this outmoded ethic has
resulted in the political impotence>
of the vast majority of Americans.
Sax explained, "People feel Im-
potent because they have not
seen that institutions in which
they play decision-making roles
have a great impact on govern-
ment policy.
"Instead of simply fretting
about thines they cannot control,
they ought to start thinking
about how they can affect de-
cisions in the institutions they Joseph Sax
do control."
SAX'S "PLAN" to oppose the war through institutions goes like this:
* Convince the members of the University of the propriety of
using the University for moral purposes, e.g., opposing the war. Then
get the University to take a stand against the war by selectively
refusingnto cooperate with government agencies and corporations In-
volved in the war.
" This ,will affect both' other universities indirectly and corpor-
ations diretcl'y.
0 The combined effort will undoubtedly have an effect on Wash-
ington - not only because of very real limitations on ability to im-
plement policy, but by "the most powerful political message you could
get across - that decent, upstanding citizens oppose the war."
Sax goes on to point out that such a form of .opposition - the
"classic form of non-violent resistance" - is both legal and extremely
effective.
THE ENTIRE QUESTION of the University's co-operation in the
war effort - as it is for any institution -I Is the basic one of "the
goals toward which our society ought to be working." When individuals
refuse to apply personal morals to influence institutional policy, they
in effect deny for all practical purposes the validity of those morals.
Sax feels, perhaps too optimistically, that if every person at the
University against the war would say so publicly, war foes would' be a
majority.
But if a faculty vote were called to eliminate classified research,
no such majority would materialize: Too many people either do not
see or do not accept the connection between the University's coopera-
tion with the government and the government's ability to fight better
in Vietnam. Making this connection evident is a top priority.
Up to now, it seems, the University administration has gone quite
contrary to faculty opinion. It represents the Regents' interests rather
than the faculty or students. Sax disagreed with this view: "If the
faculty senate were to vote to abolish classified research, the admin-
istration would see that it was done."
If the University took a stand opposing the war, no doubt, mas-
sive repercussions would be felt at least in the academic world and
possibly elsewhere. However, there are major impediments to taking
such a stand, bothas to implementation and effect.
THE ESSENTIAL PROBLEM no doubt lies in drawing together an
individual's personal and institutional roles. Even if that hurdle were
cleared, inherently time-consuming tasks remain which will blunt the
impact of institutional anti-war activity.
Sax suggested that issues be attacked which have a substantial
impact on American life and which stand as symbols of a broader
type of policy.
Both these criteria,. however, require that the issue be "pop-
ularized." Issues do not have an effect on society and do not acquire
a symbolism until they have become the common object of attention
by the press. By that time the government's position has usually os-
sified; any abrupt governmental change, which is most often an urgent
necessity, is ruled out on politically expedient grounds.
The University community would thus tend always to react to
government policy only when the policy has become entrenched and
intractable. A reactive policy of non-cooperation is thus limited because
it can never assume a constructive role in policy-formation. In the

long run,-non-cooperation with the present war, can make the govern-
ment ,more cautious the next time it formulates policy without con-
sidering academic reaction.
ANOTHER RISK of academic non-cooperation in the war effort
is possible provocation of an anti-intellectual reaction against the
University. Especially for a state-supported school,'the reaction would
be strong, immediate and financial. "That is the risk we must be
willing to take, commented Sax.
In sum, Sax's proposal requires the radicalization of the Univer-
sity, although within legal limits. But he recognizes that will not
'happen until the community can be convinced of the appropriateness
of "institutional action."
It is now up to the liberals and radicals on campus to put their
case across convincingly.

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INTER VIE W
EDITOR'S NOTE: When anti- j
war leader Dr. Benjamin Spock
' ~was in Ann Arbor last Friday, Daily a
reporter Walter Shapiro interviewed n
him. The 65-year-old pediatri- C
cian, recently elected co-chairman 1
of the National Conference for a
New Politics (Ni~NP), commented 9
on many issues facing the Ameri-
can left.-
D AILY: Politics seems to have o
replaced medicine as the fo- co
cus of your life; if you were a
beginning again today woulda
you still find medicine relevant? r
SPOCK: I retired a year early A
from Western Reserve University no
to devote my full attention to o
politics, but I still would find on
medicine relevant as a career in ba

Spock

Prescribes

DAILY: What has been the re-.
action to the recent announce-
ment by the Senate Internal
Security Sub-Committee that -
they were planning an investi-
gation of NCNP and the groups
which participated in the New
Politics Convention?
SPOCK: We have heard nothing
dficially from the Senate sub-
ommittee or from HUAC. I was
t a meeting last week with rep-
esenatives of many groups which
were at the Convention and the
CLU and other lawyers. While
o final strategy has been worked
it, the sentiment is unanimous
n total non-cooperation. And
ased on previous decisions we

SPOCK: It's silly to talk of
revolution when 90 per cent of
the people are contented and mod-
erately happy. However, if the
s it u a t i o n becomes desperate
enough and the legal -means to
change are exhausted, this could
theoretically justify revolt. But let
met stress I haven't anything per-
sonally which could conceivably
cause me to revolt.
DAILY: What about black vio-
lence and urban uprisings?
SPOCK: I don't believe any
white should blame the blacks for
getting violent. They have been
betrayed-brutally treated by the
police both psychologically and

this support would depend on his
being sharply dedicated to ending
the war and at least moderately
liberal at home.
DAILY: Then you still believe
you can work through the Dem-
ocratic Party?
SPOCK: This has never been a
question to me. It's been a stated
NCNP policy that one of our op-
tions is working through the es-
tablished parties. I keep telling
people NCNP is not a new party,
but a new movement. Remember
it is far from impossible for par-
ties to change direction.
DAILY: In the two months
since the Chicago convention

Newi
SPOCK: The Board represents
24 individual views. Only when it
came to the election of the co-
chairman did the blacks vote as a
block. And it seems to me the
election of James Rollins, a St.
Louis community organizer, rather
than Carlos Russell, the leader of
the Black Caucus at the Conven-
tion, was designed to put a milder
face on the movement.
DAILY: Wasn't increased mili-
tance of the anti-war movement
the cause of the recent split in
the Committee for a SANE Nu-
clear Policy?
SPOCK: The dispute in SANE
was papered over for years. Na-
tional SANE was founded by es-

olitics





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