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Under the Influence
A Mayor's Race in Cleveland
of Meredith Eiker

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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1967

NIGHT EDITOR: STEPHEN WILDSTROM

The Trials and Tribulations
Of, Joint Judiciary Council

AT 9 P.M. TUESDAY night, election returns indicated
that Cleveland's three-term mayor, Ralph S. Locher,
would score a 2 per cent victory in the Democratic pri-
mary and win that party's nomination for mayor. At
9 p.m. Tuesday night, in spite of what the voting trends
appeared to be, Carl Stokes issued his victory statement.
There 'is really nothing special about Stokes-except
that he's a Negro and is likely to be the first Negro
mayor of a major American city.
He won, defeating Locher by 13,000 votes. The -third
contestant, FrankP. Celeste, former mayor of Lakewood,
Ohio, totalled fewer than 10,000 of the 210,000 votes cast
in the primary.
Democratic candidates for mayor in Cleveland have
generally had little trouble beating their Republican op-
ponents. This year, when Stokes confronts Seth Taft in
the general election Nov. 7, will probably be no different-
Stokes should, barring an unforeseen change in the city's
sympathies, become the next mayor of Cleveland.
ALTHOUGH SETH TAFT is President William How-
ard Taft's grandson, he is new to Cleveland, having estab-
lished residency there mainly in order to run for mayor.
He is also a Republican, and one thing Cleveland doesn't
need is Republican leadership. .

Throughout Locher's term as mayor, administrative
problems in obtaining federal funds for urban renewal
and other projects have plagued Cleveland. Locher, in
spite of his Democratic party alignment, had no influen-
tial friends in Washington. Seth Taft doesn't have any
either.
Stokes, however, is, another story. Narrowly defeated,
two years ago in the mayoral race (at that time Stokes
ran as an independent), he has been courted ever since
by members of the Johnson administration. Among the
first to call in congratulations to Stokes Tuesday night
was Vice-President Hubert Humphrey.
A STOKES VICTORY in November could mean a
great deal to Cleveland and to the rest of the nation as
well. One suburban Cleveland resident-who can not vote,
in the city election-and personal friend of Stokes;char-
acterized the city as having "grave problems" in which
"any change will be an improvement."
The resident went on to say, however, that Stokes
will find himself in "an impossible position" if elected.
"The Negroes will expect him to help them, but he will
have to remember that he is mayor of all the people."
During the primary campaigning, Stokes was accused
of being a puppet of Martin Luther King, who spent sev-
eral weeks in Cleveland this summer as ;one of Stokes"

strongest supporters. A Democratic newsletter-the party
backed Locher during the primary-said that if Stokes is
elected, King willbe dictator.
STOKES ALSO lacked key labor support during the
primary and other minority groups in the city are unlikely
to vote for Stokes at all, even in a choice between Repub-
lican Taft and Negro Stokes. Stokes will, however, prob-
ably win without ethnic group support, since Locher and
Celeste have already promised to back him, as have other
Democratic party leaders.
The overall significance of a Stokes victory reaches
farther than Cleveland's city limits. The Negro com-
munity is willing to give him a chance (Cleveland experi-
enced no skirmishes this summer in a Negro attempt,
some observers feel, to get the white community to back
Stokes). The combination of Negro hope and enthusiasm
plus increased federal financial -interest could put Cleve-
land back on the list of cities which could survive the
revolution, setting an example for the rest of the country.
CLEVELAND'S MOTTO now reads The Best Location
in the Nation. Give Stokes a year or two and maybe the
city will be able to change it to The Best Location for
Integration without Conflagration. Unfortunately, though,
almost anything rhymes with nation.

ADMINISTRATIVE INFLUENCE over
student conduct has been dealt yet
another blow.
Joint Judiciary Council, in its decision
Tuesday night to acquit two students
held that "It would not enforce any rule
that had not been passed by an autono-
mous student body."
The grounds for acquittal are valid-
regulations governing student conduct
should be written by students. JJC rea-
sons that prior to SOC's revision of the
administrative-written University regu-
lations governing student conduct there
were no rules governing student conduct.
Thus the two students who were ap-
pealing two convictions from last semes-
ter were acquitted "on grounds of non-
student influence upon the legislation
creating the rule sought to be enforced."
The decision may mark a vast change
in campus judiciary procedures. Under
existing rules, a student found innocent
by JJC cannot be punished by any other
University agency.

Thus, if JJC acquits a student convict-
ed of violating a University regulation
that was not written by students, the
University is technically unable to re-
verse that decisior.
THE UNIVERSITY could, by revising the
present system; assume complete con-
trol of the judiciary process.,At the pres-
ent time students may appeal a convic-
tion by JJC to the Office of Student
Affairs.
But if the University were to revise the
present structure and assume absolute
control over the maintenance of student
conduct they would force a confronta-
tion between, the administration on one
side. and- Student Government Council
and JJC on the other.
JJC, in Tuesday night's decision, has
shown, its willingness to force such a
confrontation. One can only hope that
SGC and the student body are willing to
do the same.
-PAT O'DONOHUE

4

Letters: The Willful 'Slayin of the Apricot Tree

To the Editor:
IT WOULD be interesting to know
who it was responsible for the
willful slaying of the old and un-
usual apricot tree that stood in
the walled garden of the League.
Such mad vandalism mustn't go
'entirely unnoticed in this little
Athens. Who exactly was the "ex-

pert" mentioned in The Daily's
Saturday article? If Mr. Will
Geer's experienced testimony that
the tree was sound of heart is
true, then what could possibly
have been the criteria for remov-
ing it?
We are all suffering from
enormous aesthetic malnutrition

SACUA: 'I've Got a Secret'

WHEN SOMEONE is secretive, it is a
natural assumption that he has
something to hide.}
And one of the basic causes of Univer-
sity students' deep mistrust of the ad-
ministration is the excessive secrecy with
which the men who run this school go
about their work.
The decision of the University Senate
Committee on Communications Media to
hold closed meetings therefore marks a
sad step backwards. The committee was
formed last spring to investigate all as-
pects of mass communications on cam-
pus. It was hoped at that time that the
group mright explore the lack of com-
munications between students faculty
and the administration and the consist-
ent efforts of administrators to prevent
free access to infirmation on how the
University is run.
But now, the committee itself has de-
cided to meet in secret. Some of the rea-
sons for this decision, presented by the
committee's chairman, Prof. L. Hart
Wright of the Law School, have merit.
WRIGHT CITED the need to ensure pri-
vacy to people who talk to the com-
mittee and the need for members to be
free to speculate without their specula-
tions being subject to public misinterpre-,
tation as factors demanding closed ses-
sions,

In taking this view, however, the com-
mittee members seem to have overlook-
ed the greater public good that could be
served if meetings were open to the pub-
lic.
A number of recent administrative de-
cisions have shaken student confidence
in the administration. Some of these,
such as the submission of student .orga-
nization membership lists to the House
Un-American Activities Committee and
last fall's sit-in ban, have been largely
problems of communications in which
students were never kept informed of
what was happening.
Students will never be satisfied that
the committee has fully explored all as-
pects of communications problems if the
proceedings of the group are kept secret.
If there is to be a full investigation,
there must be a full public disclosure.
THE DAILY ITSELF is to be a major top-
ic of the probe. However, no Daily
staff members or editors have expressed
any hostility to the investigation being
conducted in public view. To a man, it
seems they would prefer it.
Other subjects of the investigation, and
the committee members themselves - if
they have nothing to hide-should feel
the same way.
-STEVE WILDSTROM

in Ann Arbor as daily more "struc-
tures" of the dreariest kind, grow
upon the landscape of our lives.
Things of nature do help to miti-
gate and soften the ugliness
around us which is reason enough
never to fell a tree needlessly. It
is mindless and uncivil to do so
because we are affected by what
we see. The campus is not dis-
tinguished by its gardens, God
knows. In fact, the small one over
at the League is the only one I
know about . . . now it hast lost
its character.
It is an awful indictment upon
us that this can happen. Especial-
ly here. Perhaps we should listen
to our internal "Voices of Civil-
ization."
-Connie Bassil
Review?
To the Editor:
CONGRATULATIONS to Andy
Sacks for his review of Tim
Buckley's Canterbury House ap-
pearance.
Admittedly, Mr. Sacks got his
material under unfavorable cir-
cumstances. He was present dur-
ing the pre-performance warm-up,
a time traditionally devoted to
hunting mike levels (a difficult
task at Canterbury), and report-
edly not able to remain for the
actual performance and ascertain
"the direction he (Buckley) was
headed."
Sacks must also have been mis-.
informed. He apparently did not
expect a live performance by
Buckley, but rather an appearance

by Lee Underwood (lead guitar)
and Carter "C. C." Collins (conga
drums) with Buckley replaced by
a phonograph and the two Buck-
ley albums, with the volume turned
off.
If Andy Sacks really wants to
write reviews, he should first learn
how.
-Cheryl Severn, '70
From A-Z
To the Editor:
LITTLE THINGS disturb me.
Like having to wait at the Ad
Building in the A-F payroll line
for twenty minutes, while it varies
between thirty-five and fifty peo-
ple in length and the other four
lines vary between zero and ten.
Let us pity the girl in the S-Z
window, who must find her work
frightfully gull (and hard on he
elbow-though restful).
--Bruce H. Bowman, Grad
Endorsement
To the Editor:
AtOW ME to .add my endorse-
ment to one of the four land-
lords you cited in your recent art-
icle on the problem of 'student
rents.
Mr. Dennis Dahlmann was my
landlord last year, and how I wish
he were again this year. I found
him fair and, equitable in every
way. The association with him and
his staff was most enjoyable.
What a contrast with my pres-
ent landlord. The two could not
be more different. And the dif-
ference shows: The building last

year was well-kept-up and in gen-
erally excellent condition; my
present premises are fast becoming
a dump.
It's all a matter ,of attitude, I
would say: Mr. Dahlmann believes
in rendering something for the
rental money he is paid; I wish I
could say as much for my present
landlord. He seems far more in-
terested in feathering his political
nest than rendering any sort of
quality premises or services.
--Michael Harrah, Grad.
Dump Johnson
To the Editor:
r E COVER editorial in the 30
September issue of The New
Republic, one of the most distin-
guished of American journals,
urges Democrats and the Demo-
cratic' Party not to renominate
Lyndon Johnson in 1968: "the at-
tempt must be made, not because
his renomination will handicap
the party (it will), but because it
may mean his re-election, and in
view of his gross miscalculation
in Vietnam, that must be pre-
vented."
To prevent his re-nomination,
and to obviate the need for a
third party candidate, interested
citizens must act now, both to urge
local voters and party officials not
to accept Johnson, and to persuade
another Democrat-Robert Ken-
nedy, perhaps-to make his final
break with Johnson and opefily
seek the party's nomination.
-Bert G. Hornback
Assistant Professor

SI

TROUBLE!... You've got TROUBLE ! . .
Right here in ANY CITY.'.. !


:r :::::. TODAY AND TOMORROW ... by WALTER LIPPMANN w
ThePresident and the General--Ilw,'

~WWmAMa

A Hawk in Dove Feathers

SEN, STUART SYMINGTON'S latest pro-
posal to bring an end to the war in
Vietnam suggests right actions for the
wrong reason.
In August the Democrat from the
"Show Me" state insisted that if Defense
Secretary McNamara was correct in his
belief that the bombing of North Viet-
nam did not make peace any more in-
evitable, the United States should pull
'out. Yesterday Symington proposed a
different tact: the U.S. should halt all
offensive military activities in ,Vietnam
until the Communists show that they are
willing - or unwilling -- to negotiate. If
Ho were not then willing to talk "the U.S.
would feel free to pursue this war in any
manner of its own choosing," Symington
explained.
Symington's turn-about casts doubt on
the credibility of his August pull-out
statement. (Actually, as , a former Air
Force secretary, Symington is probably
more committed to the efficacy of bomb-
ing than McNamara.) A subsequent com-
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Editorial Staff
ROGER, RAPOPORT, Editor
MEREDITHEIKER. Managing Editor

ment that the U.S. should be 'prepared
to win the war militarily" if talks do not
materialize, belies the seriousness with
which the senator seems to make his pro-
posal.
THE ALTERNATIVES to the North Viet-
namese-talk or else-amount to a
latter day confrontation with a softly-
spoken big stick. Symington can pro-
pose to the Senate that the U.S. call
Hanoi's bluff, knowingly full-well that
the Johnson administration will at best
give only remote consideration to a uni-
lateral halt in the fighting.
If "winning the war militarily" is in-
deed feasible, as Symington's alternative
suggests he believes, why then offer the
enemy any resting period at all? Human-
itarian concerns certainly do not. enter
on the side of power. The explanation
must lie elsewhere.
In the Senate debate during which the
Missourian's remarks occurred, Sen. Ed-
ward Brooke (R-Mass) iade a reveal-
ing comment about the state, of the
American polity that is increasingly evi-
dent in the confused casting about of the
policy makers for easy solutions. An end
to the bombing, with all its risks, asserted
Brooke, is a decision "more and more
Americans are calling for us to take."
AS THE DISSIDENT wing of the Demo-
cratic party becomes more resolute in
its opposition to the war, the Republicans
move, with less resolution to be sure, to-
wards the posture of a peace party in
1968. Between the morally correct solu-
tinn nf immediate s renavement from

Today's column begins with a
continuance of yesterday's dscus-
sion of why de Gaulle reversed him-
self and threw the weight of France
-into the scales against the United
States, with specif ic reference to
the amazing turnabout during the
recent Middle East conflict.
Last of a Two-Part Series
HlOWEVER MUCH ITMAY be
denied officially, this was a
spectacular reversal of alliances.
It was decided upon personally
and suddenlyand rationalized, it
would seem, by the assumption
that the balance of power in the
rest of the world and in the
Middle East could be changed by
Fr'ench action.
Thedecision has been a failure
in that the weight of France has
been quite insufficient to change
the military situation in Palestine
and is capable of having any ser-
ious effect on the balance of pow-
er between the Soviet Union and
the United States in the Middle
East and in the Mediterranean.
As for Quebec, no one is really
clear about why De Gaulle felt
he could or should meddle in that
delicate and internal question.
The official explanation, which
does not persuade me, is that he
was surprised by a surge of Que-
bec national feeling which he
could not ignore. There are good
reasons for thinking, however,
thatthe adventurous interven-
tion was rather carefully planned
in advance.
The general's recent visit to
Poland is consistent with the poli-
cy of Gaullist France about Euro-
pean solidarity from the Atlantic
to the Urals. For myself, I have
always sympathized with this
Gaullist objective. But the trouble
now, as in the other questions I
have been discussing, is that De
Gaulle is in too much of a hurry.
The task of uniting all of Eur-
ope is one that in the nature of
things must take at least a gen-
eration-must take at least until
the Nazis and the anti-Nazi Ger-
mans have all passed away. The
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rather quickly upon West Ger-
many's acceptance of the new
frontiers of 1945.
But the tangible results of De
Gaulle's highly emotionalized
visit to Poland is that the Polish
government is now aligned with
the Soviet government in de-
manding a recognition of East
Germany as a separate state, thus
putting off indefinitely any pros-
pect of Poland's accepting Ger-
man reunification.
THE MISCALCULATIONS of
the Gaullist government during
the past year have for the first
time made Gaullist foreign policy
seriously controversial in France
and to a large extent even un-
popular, arerbeing aggravated by
being neglected.
There is, it would seem, some-
thing essentially wrong and un-
workable in putting well-meant
and high-sounding foreign obliga-,
tions ahead of the grubby work
of political management at home.
It has not worked well in France,
which does not have great power,
but does have great experience,
and it is not working well here
despite all of our wealth and
power.
IN THE PRECEDING I have
been talking about an unexpected
similarity in the political experi-
ence of two such dissimilar men
as Charles de Gaulle and Lyndon
Johnson. Although they are so
far apart in every way, they have
one thing in common: they have '
put action in foreign affairs
ahead of action at home.
This was a quite plausiblething
to do: the world is a disorderly
and dangerous place, and it has
seemed to both of them that to
do something about the disorder,
be it in Southeast Asia or in Eur-
ope, was more urgent than the
bread - and - butter ,problem at*
home. But the fact of thematter
is that both leaders have been
losing that areat popular support

more only when we start with the
idea that the people everywhere
are very preoccupied with the
problems, with the pains and the
pleasures which confront them be-
cause they are living in the midst
of the most radical revolution" in
the history of mankind.
This revolution is "a transf or-
mation of the.human environ-
ment and of man himself by tech-
nological progress which, begin-
ning about two centuries ago, has
now acquired enortous momen-
tum.
IT IS CHANGING the way men,
live, not only their work and their
houses, their food and their com-
munications and their pleasures,
but it is changing also the struc-
ture of the human family and the
chemistry of thehuman person-
ality. These changes are'bewilder-
ing. They are frighteping, and it
is no wonder that the masses of
mankind are much too absorbed
in their own lives to care very
much about what happens in some
other country.
This experience accounts; I
think, for the unpopularity of
activity abroad. It is also a cause,
perhaps the main cause, for the
ineffectiveness and the failure of
foreign activity. Nations cannot
now be ordered around by coercing
or cajoling or bribing their gov-
ernments. For the masses are too
much preoccupied with the prob-
lems of living in the modern world
to respond to and to think about
the abstractions, about foreign
ideologies and even of distant na-
tional interests.
THE GAME OF power politics
may again become playable some
day if mankind can come to terms
with the technological revolution.
But this will not be in our time,
and what we have to realize-
President Johnson and President
De Gaulle and Chairman Kosygin
and the rest of us-is that the

Come, let us reason together....

power politics, President Johnson
has all the material resources
needed for a successful diplomatic
policy. But, unhappily for us all,
he has landed this country in the
most serious trouble it has had
to face for at least a hundred
years.
And Gen. De Gaulle, the most
prophetic and experienced of liv-
ing statesman, has somehow en-
tangled himself in costly and
dangerous miscalculations both in
Europe and in the Middle East.
mm a 19 EMPTr " on aa -the

Britain is in full retreat from
what remains of its empire and
also from its pretentions and ob-'
ligations as a world power. Yet
Britain has a long travail ahead
of it before it will be able to play
-a satisfying part in Europe.
THE POWERS WHICH feel
that they have duties and am-
bitions to fulfill abroad seem un-
able to prevail abroad. The United
States has to put up with Castro's
Cuba, and it is unable to carve
an independent South Vietnam out
of Tnrinena Ta n nin+ Union