,QI r trilgan Dally
Seventy-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

AT-LARGE
A Call to Arms With the Littlest Outlaw
Ly NEIL SHISTER

x -- I Z.IM

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MIcH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: NEAL BRUSS
Congratulating the Umversity
For Taking PA 124 to Court

THE UNIVERSITY'S. decision to chal-
lenge the constitutionality of Public
Act 124 and other similar state legisla-
tion which infringes on University au-
tonomy is a long overdue step in the right
direction. For the last two years Univer-
sity administrators have engaged in a
worthless and drawn out polemic with
the state Legislature over the provisions
of PA 124. In the meantime, with the
exception of projects already in progress,
such as the Dental School, and small out-
lays of capital for an expansion of the
heating plant and alterations in the hos-
pital, no state money for new buildings
has been appropriated.
Why the University did not initiate the
suit earlier and thus end the stalemate
is not clear. If they hoped a change in
leadership in the state House or Senate
would effect a change in the law, they
were wrong. Whether the Legislature is
Democratic or Republican, both are in-
sistent on greater control of University
construction and planning. Even the gov-
ernor's office has been generally favor-
able to PA 124.
PA 124 is a capital outlay bill for 1965
which gave the state controller's office
new powers to supervise planning and
selection of state financed buildings. The
provisions of the act have been renewed
for each of the successive years. Tradi-
tionally, the school has done planning
and selection entirely on its own.
MANY ARE SKEPTICAL pf the Univer-
sity's attitude toward PA 124 and see
reasons other than concern over autono-
my behind their belligerent stand. As one
observer put it, "The University has its
own contractors and architects who it
likes to play ball with." Many question
the University's competence to pick arch-
itects, pointing to the old and new ad-
ministration buildings as structural mon-
strosities. However, the University's con-
tention that PA 124 is only the begin-
ning of further legislative intrusion into

areas where it has no competence is legi-
timate.
The University will also challenge cer-
tain sections of SPA 240 of 1967, the state
higher education appropriation bill. The
most controversial part of PA 240 says
that schools which have more than 20
per cent out-of-state enrollment cannot
increase that percentage.
This would mean that a school such as
the University which has 25 per cent out-
of-state enrollment cannot go above that
figure. The bill stipulates that the state
will reduce its appropriation by $600 per
non-resident student enrolled over the
limit. It also prevents the establishment
of further branch institutions, such as
the University Flint College or Dearborn
Center.
Any erosion of the constitutionally
guaranteed autonomy of the University
is dangerous. Although the University has
not protected its autonomy as religiously
when it comes to the federal government,
in areas such as last year's HUAC sub-
poena or scientific research contracts, it
rightfully will not compromise with the
state Legislature. The record of the Leg-
islature on matters of higher education
has been, through the years, deplorable.
Witch-hunting for Communists has been
the recurring theme. And a reenactment
of past activities is a not-to-be-excluded
possibility for the future. Only two years
ago, Senate Minority Leader Raymond
Dzendzel (D-Detroit) attempted to pre-
vent Communist historian Herbert Ap-
theker from speaking at Rackham Audi-
torium.
THE HIGHLY POLITICAL and often cor-
rupt nature of the Legislature is not a
place where any decisions on higher edu-
cation should be made. In the one area,
where they do have authority, appropria-
tions, their record has been disastrous.
Hopefully, the court will quickly deliver
its decision, so University construction
can proceed.
-MARK LEVIN

BRUCE KAHN is an unlikely choice for a revolutionary.
The junior-year Phi Beta Kappa, a member of one
of the campus' most lavish fraternities, looks a little
uncomfortable in his blue work-shirts, as if in his closet
lurks the ghost of a forgotten cashmere sweater that
haunts him nightly.
And yet he is working harder than perhaps anyone
else here to rekindlle the student power revolution that
thrust the University into a short-lived fury last fall.
THE PRESIDENT OF SGC has taken an office which
has traditionally been a stepping-stone into the world
of establishment tea-parties and is trying, quite dil-
ligently, to make it, and its student constituents, some-
thing worthwhile.
Student government here, as at most other places,
exists in an state of limbo. On one hand it hears the
hollow middle-aged pep-talk that pats it on the back and
gives it office space, yet on the other it is absolutely
aware of its impotence to decide anything of genuine
import.
So long as this contradiction went unnoticed life pro-
ceeded peacefully. Student governments were staffed by
"hard-talking" liberals delighting more in the possession
of office than the exercise of power; accepting rhetoric
for substance and subservience as a natural state of
affairs.
But the traditional contradiction, so much a part of
the American scene, has become more glaring and pain-
ful to bear than it once was. To be sure,mostystudents
around are so irretrievably plugged into the system-so
obsessive about getting on the tread-mill as quickly as
possible-that the campus is hardly on the threshold of
anarchy.
Yet there are those, increasingly more vocal, who are
unwilling to accept subservience as the natural state
of affairs.
Last year's SGC President Ed Robinson was the first
to break through the succession of rep-tied bureaucrats
who had passed down the gavel from one to the other
and could "talk-um like-urn" Indians in Michigamua
meetings. Robinson, however, was more of an intellectual
than an activist.
THE MOMENT OF OPEN dissent, when Hill Audi-
torium was bathed in the lights of NBC's television
cameras, passed too quickly for Robinson to seize it and
do anything long-lasting. An outgrowth of the "rebellion"
is the curently meeting Commission on Decision Making

Policy in the University, and although rumor is that
their report may be upsetting to the present status quo,
the tradition is that the student is tossed a symbolic bond
by such committees.
Kahn, however, seems more intent than was Robinson
in perpetrating the crisis that will mobilize the student
body and lead to what he hopes will be the wide-spread
recognition that "nobody should have power over students
here unless we give it to them and approve of its use."
But it's a hard, up-hill fight and the question is how
long Kahn will be able to maintain interest in waging it.
For, as one girl elected last spring to Council says.
"Everything seems to have stagnated." And unless Kahn
personally wants something to happen and can infuse
others with this interest, it simply won't.
Kahn's principal tactic for fomenting revolt is the
willful violation of University rules concerning student
conduct. He has been busy talking to different dormitory
groups, urging them to set their own standards and not
comply with University rules unless they too approve.
The recent South Quad Council decision to abolish
dress regulations is the kind of thing he is hoping for,
although its potential effect was minimized, in Kahn's
eyes, by the fact that South Quad director Thomas Fox
previously "approved" the move.
What he is looking for is a kind of grand test case
that will synthesize dissident students into a grand body,
volatile to seize power that he maintains is theirs for the
demanding.
UNFORTUNATELY, THOUGH, the principal issues
which he can contest with some degree of legitimacy ap-
ply primarily to dormitory restrictions. While challenging
the forbiddance of alcohol consumption for 21-year olds
or pushing for a more lenient "open-open" policy in the
dorm may be a good issue for freshmen they are not the
kind of things that most of the student body living out-
side of the dormitories are much concerned with.
Still Kahn is hoping that in certain "ripe" dormitories
-East Quad is one-there can be a mass refusal to com-
ply with rules. In part this is aimed at not only chal-
lenging the administration's right to rule but also the
manner in which disciplinary action is undertaken.
Last year SGC appointed members to Joint Judiciary
Council, including chairman Peter Steinberger, who de-
clared openly they would not penalize students for
violating rules that were not passed by students.
There is some feeling now that if there is a "mass dis-
obedience," violators will be disciplined directly by dor-

mitory officials and the Office of Student Affairs, by-
passing the student judiciary councils. Director of Hous-
ing John Feldkamp, however, says that there are no
new plans for disciplinary action and thus any violations
of dormitory regulations will be handled through the
traditional judiciary structure.
But the question of dormitory restrictions still isn't
the right one to catalyze the student body since it affects
so few students..
THUS WHAT KAHN must find is a problem that can
arouse.
Breaking the 12 month lease stenglehold the Ann
Arbor landlords have is just such a rallying cry. Although
not directly a University problem, it is one that hurts
almost everybody here. It is an unfair practice since most
occupancies are used only in the eight months of the
fall and winter term but one which will never be curtailed
unless there is a concerted student effort undertaken to
do so.
This should be SGC's major goal. Organizing just
such a "student power" show. For this is a real area
where almost all elements around agree in the legitimacy
of the case.
And, perhaps most importanly, it is the kind of prob-
lem which could serve to mobilize students into a real
body that could then deal with the less emotional but
equally real problems of the University which directly
impinge on them.
Robinson was the first leader here to grasp the idea
of student power and to make a clumsy effort at attain-
ing it. He himself now admits that he "wished he had
done things differently."
Kahn is the next step up. He believes in student power
and is consciously trying to attain it. His problem, though,
is that his tactics are not of wide-enough appeal, and at
best is looks like he might come up with a "Coxey's
Army" of outraged freshmen.
The impotence of the student at the University and
the citizen in the society, and the corresponding sense
of alienation and passivity both engender, are directly
related. Student power is not an idle rallying cry of
a few chronic malcontents, but is symptomatic of the
wider sense of social malaise breeding in the "outside,
real world."
The question is how can students best make them-
selves heard? As yet they aren't, or when they are it is
only with great condescension and "polite appreciation."

I

a

d

I

Letters:South Quad Council Wasn't the First

To the Editor:
ON SEPT. 11, 1967, Kevin Lynch,
director of Oxford Housing,
informed the girls of Emanuel
House that they were free to
make their own rules. That same
evening, a motion abolishing all
dress regulations was passed.
Congratulations to South Quad
and its removal of dress stand-
ards: Those who preceded you sa-
lute you.
--Jo Hollingsworth, '69
Secretary-treasurer of
Emanuel House-Oxford
Reviewing
To the Editor:
YOUR REVIEW of t~he "Ann
Arbor Review" was patroniz-
ing in its attitude and less than
adequate in its perception. It is

pretentious for the reviewer to
assume, on the basis of her own
taste and institutional training,
that little magazines run a sort
of elimination contest along the
lines of the publishing hierarchy
she knows best. There are better
lhiistoriical and sociological rea-
sons for little magazines, though
such explanations employ, more
absolute standards than those of
taste and tradition.
In general, little magazines do
not try to be literary (i.e., accept-
able to literary people), critical
in the manner of on-going hier-
archies of criticism), or selective.
Most often they are outcroppings
of the energy of one or a few
people; they are dominated by
either a local need or a specific
spirit of philosophy. The people

Johnson Must Move Now,
The Hawks Aren't Waiting

[NFORTUNATELY for Mr. Johnson -
unfortunately also for the people of
the United States and the people of both
Vietnams--public relations stunts do not
solve the problems of peace and war.
With the echoes of this particular Wash-
ington cum Madison Avenue operation
dying away, what is Mr. Johnson's next
move? For move he must: the 1968 U.S.
election campaign is less than a year
away.
The election on Vietnam could afford
Mr. Johnson temporary shelter, as he
views this black squall rapidly approach-
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Editorial Staff
ROGER RAPOPORT, Editor
MEREDITH EIKER, Managing Editor
MICHAEL HEFTER ROBERT KLIVANS
City Editor Editorial Director
SUSAN ELAN........... Associate Managing Editor
STEPHEN FIRSHEIN ...... Associate Managing Editor
LAURENCE MEDOW ...... Associate Managing Editor
JOHN LOTTIER ........ Associate Editorial Director
RONALD KLEMPNER .... Associate Editorial Director
SUSAN SCHNEPP.............. Personnel Director
NEIL SHISTER ..................Magazine Editor
CAROLE KAPLAN ........ Associate Magazine Editor
LISSA MATTROSS....................Arts Editor
ANDY SACKS ........................ Photo Editor
ROBERT SHEFFIELD .................... Lab Chief
NIGHT EDITORS: W. Rexford Benoit, Neal Bruss,
Wallace Immen, David Knoke, Mark Levin, Patricia
O'Donohue, Daniel Okrent, Steve Wldstrom.
Sports Staff
CLARK NORTON...................Sports Editor
BOB McFARLAND.........Executive Sports Editor
GRAYLE HOWLETT.........Associate Sports Editor

ing. Having won the Vietnamese election,
he could without loss of face order a halt
in the bombing of North Vietnam..Not
just a pause with a time limit, for that
would be an ultimatum and the North
Vietnamese have already shown how
they deal with such stop-and-go maneuv-
ers. If the North Vietnamese did not re-
spond to a halt without conditions, Mr.
Johnson's second option would be to take
the case to the United Nations.
It is in fact already there and requires
no new initiative. The Nation pointed this
out editorially and sentiment is now
building up in the Senate for reviving
the dormant 1966 U.S. resolution in the
Security Council, calling for a confer-
ence to draw upon the Geneva Accords
of 1954 and 1962 for establishing peace
in Southeast Asia. If the appeal is re-
newed, France or the Soviet Union may
exercise the veto, but what of it? The is-
sue will then go to the General Assem-
bly, where there would be an opportunity
for diplomatic give and take. It is hard to
see how matters could be any worse than
they are now.
SENATOR MORSE is probably right
when he suggests that bilateral nego-
tiations can lead to a true but not to
a settlement. For a settlement, a larger
frame is 'needed. Dumping issues of the
UN is standard operating procedure
which has worked on occasion in the
past. It could work in this case at least
to the extent of getting the situation off
dead center.
Such a maneuver now holds out some
promise at this juncture because all par-
ties are in trouble. Hanoi is hurting, as
the Pentagon gleefully points out, and
if it decides to wait out the '68 election
it is assuming some real risks. On the
American, or Johnson side, the margins
of escalation are getting very thin. The
Stennis Committee hearings are only one
of a group of storm warnings.

"This Is Better Tban A Real Cure B ecause
It Doesn't Cost Any Money"
{k

whose work appears are not try-
ing to attain acceptability in
other circles or practicing imper-
fections. They are simply writing
to the perfection of other stand-
ards. ,
If little magazines were merely
the receptacle of incomplete and
imperfect work, they would be
useless and inert. They are, how-
ever, the beginning vibrations of
a new tradition and a new stand-
ard. The "Ann Arbor Review" is
acceptable to the reviewer because
it seems to employ some of her
standards. But no one, even the
editors, would be so uninformed
as to call it one of the best little
magazines in the country.
There are hundreds of these
tendrils that have carried the
weight of different branches of
new American writing, beginning
with William (W.C.) and emerg-
ing now in a proliferation and
dilution of mystical occult and
upper class art. My own essay in
the "Ann Arbor Review" was
about this proliferation of sym-
bolism, and opposed the present
movement of mass salvation in the
disguise of obscure symbols.
THE FACT that I was moved
to write this letter is a function
of the reviewer's superficial read-
ing of my own piece. With no
more than a shadowy notion of
o t h e r traditions, she simply
grouped opposites and credited me
with an exaltation of this prolifer-
ation. With no other standards
than those of identifying and
naming styles, she virtually in-
sisted on a superficial judgment.
In truth, her opening remarks of
high praise and commendation
are nothing more than condescen-
sion and stylistic flourish.
-Richard Grossinger
Social Awareness
To the Editor:
MR. KING'S recent letter to The
Daily is a gem of applied
sophistry. Not only does he obscure
the basic issue of collective bar-
gaining as a legitimate ;device of
organized labor, but he confuses
the University's educational pro-
gram with its business practices.

The University may not be an in-
dustry, but it is a fairly large cor-
poration employing many people
who have little control over the
conditions and terms of their em-
ployment.
Since both the right to join
unions and to bargain collectively
have been sanctioned since 1935
by Section 7 of the National La-
bor Relations Act, not to men-
tion P.A. 379, the union's posi-
tion on this matter is quite un-
derstandable. Collective bargain-
ing is an elementary but highly
important element of labor orga-
nization.
Secondly, the social advances
made by labor, that he mentions
in passing, were achieved in the
face of opposition very similar to
that offered by Mr. King. It
doesn't require "deplorable labor
conditions" to justify a strike; a
refusal on the part of the corpora-
tion to bargain collectively is
enough.
MR. KING'S contention that the
strikers were trying to hinder the
educational process is irrespon-
sible, to say the least. What does
he conceive education to be - an
ingrown accumulation of academ-
ic goods at the expense of, and
ignoring, those who are not di-
rectly its beneficiaries?
It seems to me that education
is far better served by the exercise
of that social awareness result-
ing from contact with current is-
sues, rather than by the smug
and short-sighted exclusion of
matters outside one's immediate
academic and personal concerns.
-Linda Phillips, Grad
Letters
To the Editor:
I QUOTE from Senator J. William
Fulbright's book, "The Ar-
rogance of Power."
"With due respect for the hon-
esty and patriotism of the student
demonstrations, I would offer a
word of caution to the young peo-
ple who have organized and par-
ticipated in them. As most politi-
cians discover sooner or later, the
most dramatic expression of griev-
ances is not necessarily the most
effective. That would seem to be

especially true in the United
States, a country easily and ex-
cessively alarmed by expressions
of dissent.
"We are, for better or worse, an
essentially conservative society; in
such a society soft words are likely
to carry more weight than harsh
words and the most effective, dis-
sent is dissent expressed in an or-
derly, which is to say conservative
manner.
For these reasons such direct
action as the burning of draft
cards probably does more to re-
tard than to advance the views
of those who take such action.
The burning of a draft card is a
symbolic act, really a form of ex-
pression rather than of action, and
it is stupid and vindictive to pun-
ish it as a crime.
,.But it is also an unwise act, un-
wise because it is shocking rather
than persuasive to most Amer-
icans and because it exposes the
individual to personal risk without
political reward.
"THE STUDENT, like the politi-
cian, must consider not only how
to say what he means but also how
to say it persuasively. The answer,
I think, is that to speak persua-
sively one must speak in the idiom
of the society in which one lives:
The form of protest that might
be rewarding in Paris or Rome,
to say nothing of Saigon or Santo
Domingo, would be absolutely dis-
astrous in Washington. Frustrating
though it may be to some Amer-
icans, it is, nonetheless, a fact that
in America the messages that get
through are those that are sent
through channels, through the
slow, cumbersome institutional
cannels devised by the founding
fathers in 1787"
This last paragraph suggests to
me the following: Student govern-
ments throughout the nation
should organize a campaign of
letter-writing to Senators. If each
of 500,000 students were to send
one letter to one of his Senators
in protest of the war, each Senator
would receive an average of 5000
letters of protest from residents of
his state.
-Jeffrey B. Sidney, Grad.

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The Extinction of the Indigenous American ;wob

By DAN HOFFMAN
ONE OF THE foremost charac-
teristics of the present era of
political activity is the widespread
concern which is demonstrated
for the welfare of minority groups
within the United States. While
traditional political establishments
seek to educate, integrate, venti-
late and homogenate the disad-
vantaged minority groups, the
hippies have evidenced their con-
cern by attempting to "drop out"
of a social system which has cal-
Inil lAC QIA nhlmnnfXYh..9 i-

slobs into the hippie movement,
and to the fact that many native
slobs, not wanting to become
identified with the hippie move-
ment, have simply gone straight.
In an attempt to understand the
plight of the indigenous American
slob, I talked recently with Steve
X, a graduate at the University
and a slob for 24 of his 25 years.
My friend was most eager to
discourse at length about the na-
ture of hissocial plight, and in-
vited me up to his apartment for
an af,,nnn A T, ipesfn af intn

time that we used to be regarded
as a national disgrace. Not any
longer though. We just have no
identity.
"People think we're hippies or
beatniks or something and look
at us pensively, trying to under-
stand us. Why I even had this one
sociologist tell me that he thought
that my kind of people are good
for this country because we help
make for heterogeneity and plu-
ralism. Heck, in the old days, we
never would have been tolerated
like that. Do you know that it's

ing us," Steve shot back. "You
know that initiation that they
have with the 'wet' blue jeans?
Heck, that's kid stuff.
"I first started that sort of
thing in the fourth grade. By the
time a guy gets out of high school
he should learn that being a slob
is neither a positive or a negative
protest. It's not a kick or a prank.
It's just a life-style. Sloppiness as
a life-style is disappearing from
the American scene. It's been
made a part of this movement or

and he feels the same way that
I do. A few of us are applying
for a grant from the Ford Foun-
dation to study the ethnic tradi-
tion of the true American slob.
People have practically forgotten
that the indigenous American
slob has had a great hand in
building this country. You never
read about that sort of thing in
the history books. What we've got
to do from here on in is to study
and to continue developing our
own culture and heritage. We have
too proud a tradition to allow a