.... Seventy-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS ROGER RAPOPORT: Why the Eonomics Bldg. I1111 Years Old ,. ..-.., r....,,- 4 r _ Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MiCH. Truth Will Prevail NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. ..........,, :::.:.....::: ....... ...,....,........ .. ":.:"..., ,. '..t.{}.w...i.}..:..1"{":: ^..}.4NL .".1T.}:1: .1V."1: ::}:Si:.ti . S+ :,^ 1,,..;ti:.;;;,, ;:: .Y,^ , ;w,;:?, ;.;,;.; . ~ , ' ;;; : :fi r s: Y'ifi . ':, ' ' ".z' '+., ^ st '," ' , WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: LUCY KENNEDY Public Broadcasting Corp.: An Oasis in the Wasteland THOSE WHO BEMOAN the low level of entertainment on American television may soon see a ray of light streaking through the darkness over our "vast wasteland." The source of this hope is the new Corporation for Public Broad- casting, a non-profit organization, fund- ed by government and private capital whose purpose is to raise the general level of television culture. Approval of the corporation will go be- fore the House of Representatives in the next few weeks where it is bound to face a major roadblock over its funding. A penny-conscious Congress has already cut the suggested $100 million for the cor- poration to a mere $9 million for the first year. But this is not the end of the CPB's problems. All proponents agree that they do not want the corporation to rely on annual congressional appropriations that will make it dependent on the whims of politicians. The alternative plans for funding, which would provide CBP with a steady source of funds, as well as putting the cost for the corporation on the shoulders of those who benefit most, will certainly meet stiff opposition from strong Wash- ington lobbies. The first proposal is put forth by the Carnegie Institute, which has previously funded Educational Television experi- merts. This plan calls for a five per cent sales tax on TV sets, which would yield $100 million annually and also raise the money from the consumer benefiting from the improved viewing material. Another proposal would place a fee on commercial broadcasting stations bas- ed on their advertising revenues. Com- mercial stations are obviously against this because of the financial drain on their current operations and their fear that making CPB too strong will raise un- wanted competition. The networks, however, can gain a great deal from a strong CPB. Not only will the competition press them to im- prove the quality of their programs, but The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and Collegiate Press Service. Fall and winter subscription rate: $4.50 per term by carrier ($5 by mail); $8.00 for entire year ($9 by mail). Daily except Monday during regular academic scbool year. Dally except Sunday and Monday during regular summer sessinn. Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor. Michigan. 420'Maynard St. Arn Arbor. Michigan, 48104. Editorial Staff ROGER RAPOPORT, Editor MEREDITH EIKER, Managing Editor MICHAEL HEFFER ROBERT KLIVANS City Editor Editorial Director SUSAN ELAN .. ...... Associate Managing Editor STEPHEN FIRSHEIN....Associate Managing Editor. LAURENCE MEDOW .. . Associate Managing Editor RONALD KLEMPNER ..., Associate Editorial Director JOHN LOTTIER ... Associate Editorial Director it will serve as a testing and spawning ground for new talent and ideas, which can then be instituted to benefit the whole industry. Creative talent and ideas often find it hard-going in the high pric- ed, profit oriented world of commercial broadcasting. THE FINAL PROPOSAL-and the one that will probably be the best for both ETV and commercial broadcasting com- bined-would be to initiate a domestic satellite system and finance the CPB through money saved by broadcasters us- ing the satellite system instead of current cables of the common-carriers. Broad- casters presently spend $200 million an- nually for using common-carriers' cables. A satellite system would only cost aroundI $40 million for present levels of use, and it thus represents an 80 per cent saving. Presently, however, the only corpora- tion that is licensed to establish such a system is COMSAT Corp., and the com- mon-carriers hold a controlling interest in its voting stock. The lobbyists for com- mon-carriers like AT&T and IT&T seem too strong to be overridden by the CPB or the public interest. Until Congress can break the roadblock established by powerful communications interests, the public will have to stick with its current fare of moronic come- dies and old Ronald, Reagan reruns. -RONALD KLEMPNER Associate Editorial Director No Comment Department "T HE IDEA of an electronic cletectioni barrier across the neck of Vietnam will probably never get beyond the talk- ing stage. Top army officials privately ex- press their coolness to a proposed barrier to run 43 miles across the Demilitarized Zone and perhaps another 100 miles across neighboring Laos. Their main ob- jection: it would take an estimated $3 billion to install the minefields, laser, sesmic, acoustic and other anti-infil- tration devices-and some 250,000 troops to patrol the barrier. Even then, the generals say, "The barrier could be breached and spoofed. The Viet Cong would have the alarm bells ringing all the time." -NEWSWEEK Magazine, Sept. 4, '67 In issue dated Sept.-11 "Secretary of Defense Robert S. Mc- Namara announced yesterday that an! anti-infitration barrier, equipped with barbed wire and electronic eyes and ears, will be stretched across South Vietnam: ." -ASSOCIATED PRESS, Sept. 6, '67 IF YOU'VE SEEN the back of the Ann Arbor phone directory recently, you may have noticed that there is a Sesquicentennial display which features a number of landmark buildings in University history including the Chemical Laboratory, "one of the first of its kind in the country." It was built in 1856. The caption does not point out, however, that today the facility is the 111-year-old Economics Building, which is one of the worst of its kind in the country. I'm not particularly worried that the fire marshall con- demned the building in 1943, but when I have class there every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, from 11 a.m. to noon I usually wind up with a knee in my back. The benches are less than half a foot apart and the tall guy behind me has no leg room. LIKE THE REST of the students and faculty here I'm making an involuntary sacrifice for the administration's current effort to preserve its autonomy. Part of the rea- son why my class is cramped is that the University has refused to take state money to begin construction on $28 million worth of new buildings. The University argues that it doesn't want to let the state supervise building construction as required in Public Act 124. And the ad- ministration is in court trying to get exemption from Public Act 379, which requires it to bargain collectively with unions. However laudable autonomy may be it is hard to get excited about either fight, for both these struggles appear to be only in the narrow interest of the administration. And in both cases, the administration itself is not bear- ing the burden of the struggle. While I'm still waiting for a new classroom building to get off the drawing board, a brand new six-story ad- ministration building is nearing completion, financed by $2.9 million in student fees. It replaces the old admin- istration building that was built in 1948. In other words, the sacrifice for autonomy is not being made by the administration but by the rest of us. After all, there aren't any administrators taking eco- nomics this fall. Turning to the more immediate autonomy-related confrontation, it is even more difficult to be sympathetic with the administration. According to Executive Vice-President Marvin Nie- huss, Public Act 379 is being challenged (in the state courts) because "it is part of a pattern of erosion of the University's autonomy." And he adds, "The constitutional autonomy of the University goes back a century, has been reiterated in two constitutions and confirmed in court decisions. Ero- sion of autonomy means undermining the position of the University as an educational institution." ALL THIS BEGS the question. Autonomy is simply a political rallying cry designed to' obscure the fact that the University doesn't want to bargain collectively with unions because it could be expensive and cause strikes. This is the only university in the state that won't bargain collectively with unions. The school is even ignoring the advice of Governor Romney's labor fact- finding panel which recommended that the school should bargain. (The panel's chairman was Prof. Russell Smith of the University Law School.) The ironic thing about this stand is that the admin- istration is clamoring to maintain its autonomy in two areas where it has failed miserably on its own. A simple look out the back door of the administration building reveals half a dozen styles of architecture. As a Wash- ington Post reporter put it this summer, "The campus is so ugly. All the buildings look like old, post offices." Maybe, it wouldn't be such a bad idea to have the state supervise selection of architects and supervise building planning as stipulated in P.A. 124. As for the non-union plant department, it is notor- iously inefficient. The journalism department tells of a bid of $500 to simply relocate a portable partition and a phone conduit. The plant department wanted over $30 to place a night lock on a campus office when an out- side contractor was willing to do it for half the price. Certainly unionization won't hurt anything and it might improve morale. THEORETICALLY, AUTONOMY for a major univer sity is a sound idea. The campus should be a place sheltered from the political winds (and hot air') that jeopardize academic freedom. But in practice, autonomy has become simply a con- venient device for challenging some laws that the con- servative administration doesn't like. When the Uni- versity's autonomy is really at stake in the crucial area of academic freedom, the University never tries to chal- lenge the law. For example, when the House Un-American'Activities Committee came to the University in August, 1966, and subpoenaed the names of 65 student and faculty leaders of left wing groups, the administration did not refuse on the grounds that it would be "an infringement on the University's constitutional autonomy." Instead, Vice-Presidents Richard Cutler and Allen Smith turned in the names (without getting permission from the students or faculty) explaining "Compliance with lawful subpoenas is the normal operating procedure of the University." The University bowed to the same kind of pressure in 1954 when it fired two leftist professors who declined to answer HUAC questions. Most recently the University has made no effort to help protect the rights of an English instructor and three students who were arrested In January, 1967, for showing an "obscene motion picture" at Cinema Guild. Perhaps this is why no one is listening when the administration cries that the current "illegal work stop- page" of University employes is an effort to force the University to sacrifice autonomy and knuckle under. For it is now clear that the old autonomy claim is more of a facade than a stand. I I Letters:* SGC Speaks With Acid Tongue To the Editor: S A FRESHMAN with two weeks at the University, I view Student Government Coun- cil as an organization with a dour, jaundiced attitude toward every faction' of adversity with which it must deal. I might compare it to an old man with a stodgy, sour outlook on life, or with a person suffering from chronic indiges- tion, bubbling constantly with a cer'tain acidity. A young lady from SGC, a Vice- President as I recall, spoke to us about the organization during summer orientation. She did a fine job of projecting the attitude I have mentioned above to our entire orientation group. I felt then and there that there was was definitely something wrong with either this great pillar of ed- ucation which I was entering or with SGC. (I now know that there are faults in each.) I realize that this attitude must stem from a certain discourage- ment in dealing with a bureau- cracy, but I also have come to the conclusion that it has fostered a like retaliatory disposition on the part of the administration, Vice- President Cutler coming to mind immediately as a prime example. I realize that SGC has line ideals, and fine projects with which it plans to implement these ideals, but I think that in the im- age it sets forward, in the brash yet sour attitude it takes, or at least exudes, in its dealings, it alienates the people it hopes to influence, and therefore is com- pelled to seek its ends through force (demonstrations, et al), ra- ther than through logical commu- nication. I think too that SGO, in its dealings, fails to consider that the people on the other side must have certain limits on their ability to "g i v e" certain obligations which may not be compromised at the time, and I do not refer to any obligations to the Selective Serv- ice System, to the Federal Gov- ernment as a research financier, or to any other wielder of such powers, but merely to conscience and to obvious decisions which it feels are in the best interests of the students. FINALLY, I THINK SGC en- joys its inherent power to act as a rabble rouser, and glories in this technique, manifested in various ways. I also think SGC basks in a martyr complex, as a persecuted but gallantly fighting warrior for the "rights of men". There may be nothing wrong with this, but I feel SGC uses it as good reason (i.e. an excuse) for brashness in dealing with the administration and loud cries of foul whenever its demands are not met. I think it feels that, as the stu- dents' martyr, their long-suffer- ing mediator with the administra- tion, it is obliged to cry out loudly at the least little injustice. It pre- sents to me an example of both bad taste and bad judgment in these outcries, when it purports to be a calm, adult body. In closing, may I say that I feel no hostility, no disaffection to- wards SGC, but rather concern for the way it goes about executing its plans and its ultimate chances for success. --George J. Rusch '71 Boycott Boycott To the Editor: T HE INTER-HOUSE Assembly took a giant step backward in their Sept. 11 meeting, They ask- ed the students, in diormitories "not to aid in breaking the sym- pathy walkout against the Uni- versity residence halls. Under the guise of student power or some other vague concept, the IHA is actually asking the residents of East Quadrangle to eat on paper plates. Under the guise of student belief in human rights, they had this writer come to class late be- cause of the long lunch lines, which were in turn caused by the strike. Now the residence halls are try- ing to employ students to do some of these jobs to alleviate these problems. The negative response of the IHA is very disappointing to say the least. Lee us hope, for the sake of the students living in residence balls, if not for the sake of the IHA, that the IHA boycott is ignored. -Robet Agree '71 Windows To the Editor: JHAVE SOLVED a mystery. The strange windows in the, ugly new Administration Building are in reality gun slits, reminiscent of those found in certain stout for- tresses. Perhaps our administra- tors are better prepared for the Revolution than we think . 0', to abandonmy facetious tone, maybe they are just afraid of light. --Ron Pratt All letters must be typed, double-spaced and should be no longer than 300 words. All let- ters are subject to , editing; those qver 300 words will gen- erally be shortened. No unsign- ed letters will be printed. I ........:. !ll ................................................. ..........:::.......: .......r. . :.'.';:lA .V.".'l:: l::.Vf: V::l.: . :t {:1;::.:.....'.:........t'".: .:'.'1::....... ...r ........1..... r.. . .......f:"r.^: f!!:!!!!.".'N:fN:i.:1::. !!. !' :'.::"tiY::N::,;l.}}"!!f!: """" ....: 5M1".: r"Y ""!'rNYN .............J!!!:l:.:: f:..:.'.'f::l::::l:. .":. :::::::1.'l:l:::l.:::::f::l:::..5: !!.^...............f::f i.::: .............. ..................... .l ...................... ............... .i f.... ..." ... .l:Jf. {"}:": . . ... . . f J::! :"rJf ...... ... ..."...... ........", "... .... ..........J ...... ................vJ...":: n::: }'.tfl: a :r:,{,..vmx.: :."; riiA Y" ere 'ro .". ' i A ?'.". pr} ':'vt', ,M1''} :.'':'.. t yJ"r'i' :vJ 'r: r',,hdf Y}'''?;i'r . ..rM, +i9t .'7. ............. r::.n.... ,..S.afP>.R"::}}.,:{e.< :%iA.. ...f: '"vv.:.. . .r:v':. $:fwro . n r .. .}" u bou trotot s ""t"i*n'd l i I i i E i I #i I i i 4 t 7 f By AVIVA KEMPNER A RAID on a blind pig in De- troit's 12th Street area prov- ed to be the shot heard 'round the world in the summer of 1967. But to the residents of that troubled district, the .much - publicized nightspot represented more than its shabby surroundings suggest. Bill Scott, an inhabitant of that now famous area, has strong opinions and important insights on the subject. And he should know, because his father was responsible for running that after hours drinking spot, where Scott work- ed as a doorman this past summer. "Blind pig is a horrible name, because it indicates something fil- thy to the general public. I would appreciate if you used the word speakeasy instead," he asked. Scott traced the history of the establishment back to election time in 1965 when an organization, United Community for Civic Ac- tion, was formed, mostly by Ne- groes in an effort to back candi- dates. The politicians running for office, especially judges, supported the office, paying for the litera- ture, rent and other expenses. The headquarters were situated over the Economy Printing Co. on 12th Street, where UCCA could work closely with the Negro pop- ulation. "My dad was told by the politi- cians," explained Scott, "to hold onto this good location when poli- tical activity was slow, even if it meant running a speakeasy." SPEAKING FONDLY of the speakeasy, Scott tried to convey his personal feelings and discredit newspaper accounts about it. "It was a swinging place for fun! People from all walks of life came there. No soliciting or mari- juana-pushing was done there. Louis Lomax was wrong when he wrote that the speakeasy con- sisted of a corrupt society." He also criticized Lomax for "writing about a city he did not even live in or know anything about." to the hospital. I was treated hor- ribly. My legs and hands were handcuffed, though I was in much pain. When I asked the guard to remove them he replied 'sorry, but regulations'. "My lawyer could not find out where I was taken. I spent three weeks at the Belle Isle bathhouse where I was treated pretty well," Scott admitted. His case was final- ly dismissed because of insufficient evidence. SCOTT HAS HIS OWN theories about the riots. He suggests that they were completely reactionary, not organized. The raid on his father's speakeasy touched off an event which would have happened sooner or later. "Mayor Cavanagh made promises but could not keep them, so the people became dis- couraged," he said. "Not only do we have the poor- est housing but also the worse op- portunities for jobs. The people who hustle-the pushers, pimps, and whores-are the ones making the living in this area. A working job for a white man would not bring in as much money nor allow the Negro to move up." "The police crackdown of such establishments as the speakeasy ind illegeal practices like prosti- tution and gambling hit at' the e vey existence of the Negro. And with these hustlers being arrested more often, they are losing their' only source of income." TO SCOTT, VIOLENCE and the separation of the black and white communities are not the answers. He admitted that he did not gain this insight until after he saw the destruction and waste produced by the riot. The burning of his house especially affected him. His immediate concern is raising money for a constructive program, the Ann Arbor tutorial project, which he is coordinating in De- troit Scott feels his own experi- ~4 in the newspapers were wrong," called. "I even threw a bottle at "The next day we lived on the Scott insisted, one, and then went looting." buses in the parking lot of pre- He contradicted police reports "I did crazy things like giving cinct headquarters. We were treat- that the occupants of the speak- away the beer left in the speak- ed like dirt. We were not 4dlowed easy were taken out peacefully. easy to anyone I saw on the to go to the bathroom, and instead "Some people refused to leave and street, while reminding them used the area around the bus. But were dragged out after the occur- where it came from," he continued what really angered me is that rence of a few fights." to boast. "I also 'stood up on a the 'peckerwoods' would not let Scott returned to close up the litter box and directed traffic." the one woman on the bus use establishment after the raid. He "Finally I went home during the bathroom. I still can't forget said that the police had done the day to sleep. I was awakened that lack of decency." 4 some wrecking of their own, like crashing the jukebox. He denied that looters could have done the damage, since the place was for them. because the house was on fire. The firemen tried at first to put it out, but then just let it burn. And I didn't see people stoning the fire denartment" AT THE CITY JAIL Scott was not allowed to make a telephone call because he was told that the city was under marshal tlw which =1 , I